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JOURNAL OF IGBO SCHOLARS FORUM, NIGERIA
Volume 2 No 1, June, 2014
OF IGBO SCHOLARS FORUM, NIGERIA
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©Igbo Scholars Forum Nigeria
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Editors:
Onukwube Alex Alfred Anedo & Ngozi Thecla Udemmadu
2
CALL FOR PAPERS
IGBOSCHOLARS JOURNAL OF IGBO SCHOLARS
FORUM Nigeria calls for well researched papers from authors
in areas that borders on Igbo in relation to other people’s
cultures. We welcome articles or proposals from all
perspectives and on all subjects pertaining to Igbo,
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Comparative politics, strategy and environment, etc. Submit
manuscripts as e-mail attachment to the Editorial Office at:
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papers to any of the editors. Referencing style is MLA or APA.
The Journal wishes to publish the results of her researches
annually.
Onukwube Alex A. Anedo & Ngozi Thecla Udemmadu
Editors
IGBO SCHOLARS FORUM NIGERIA
Department of African & Asian Studies,
Nnamdi Azikiwe University
Awka, Anambra State – Nigeria
http://www.igboscholarsforum.com.ng
Vol.2 No.1 June, 2014
FROM EDITORIAL DESK
Igboscholars Journal is one of the brain children of Igbo
Scholars Forum born out of the zeal to get the young Igbo
scholars together so as to start thinking like Igbo sons and
daughters through paper publications, meetings and symposia.
As a matter of fact, Igbo Scholars Forum was founded by Dr.
Onukwube Alexander Alfred Anedo and Dr. Mrs. Ngozi
Thecla Udemmadu (Nee Obiora) and born at the launching of a
festschrift in honour of their life patron, Prof. Obed Muojekwu
Anizoba (Ozonwa) on the 15th day of December, 2012. In his
kind gesture, Prof O. M. Anizoba therefore established a
website http://www.igboscholarsforum.com.ng for them to
use in telling the world who the Igbo people are, about their
life and what they believe in. Other journal outlets through
which this Forum wants to let Igbo people and their culture out
to the world are Ideal Journal and Ekwe Jonal which is solely
written only in Igbo language.
Onukwube A. A. Anedo, Ph.D.
Ngozi T. O. Udemmadu, Ph.D.
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Consulting editors:
Prof. Obed M Anizoba Emeritus Professor
Department of African & Asian
Studies
Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka
Nigeria
Prof. Sam Uzochukwu Department of Igbo & Linguistics
Anambra State University, Igbariam,
Nigeria
Prof. Amaoge C. Eme Department of Linguistics
Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka
Nigeria
Dr. B. I. M. Mba Department of Igbo & Linguistics
University of Nigeria, Nsukka –
Nigeria
Prof. Shen Jia Dean of Studies Chinese Culture &
Anthropology, Xiamen University,
Xiamen – Fujian Province, P. R. of
China
Prof. Yuhua Ji Dean, Department of English & Linguistics,
Xiamen University, Xiamen – Fujian
Province, P. R. of China
Dr. Paul Oguguo Department of Philosophy
Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka
Nigeria
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Spirituality in Abosso Apostolic Faith Church of Jesus
Christ Nigeria: A factor for Evangelism
Nmah, P.E.–
Expression of Love for Chinese and Igbo Ancestors: A
Comparative Study
Onukwube Alex Alfred Anedo and Ngozi Edith Anedo…
Igbo Poems: A Calabash of Wisdom
Stella Ogechukwu Agwuna………………………………
Ọzọ Title: A Symbol of Leadership and Authority
Ifeyinwa C. Isidienu
Monetisation of Death and Burial Ceremonials Among the
Igbo of Southeast Nigeria
Mbalisi, Chinedu Nnaemeka, Alumona, Stephen Chukwuma
and Okeke, Chiemela A,
The Use of Igbo Traditional Personal Names for
Propagation of Igbo Heritage
Ihezuonu Goodnews Chinasa
Polysemy in Osina Variety of Igbo Akidi Felista Chidi
Manufacturing and Trade in the Igbo Traditional Society
Evaristus Elechi Emeghara, PhD
Democracy and Development: A Philosophical Reflection
Ogugua Paul i. Ph.D, Oduah, Ifunanya C. & Nwoka Ugo Clara
The Role of Information and Communication
Technology (Ict) In the Teaching and Learning of Religious Studies in Nigeria. Eche, Godwin Aturuchi
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Spirituality in Abosso Apostolic Faith Church of Jesus
Christ Nigeria: A factor for Evangelism
Nmah, P.E.
Department of Religion and Human Relations,
Nnamdi Azikiwe University–Awka, Nigeria
E-mail: [email protected]
GSM: +2348056032439
Abstract
The study sets out to examine the spirituality of Abosso
Apostolic Faith Church of Jesus Christ Nigeria. The study
started with an introductory aspect and clarification of
concepts. The progressive decline in the spirituality of Abosso
Apostolic Faith Church of Jesus Christ Nigeria has caused a
setback to the church. Hence the purpose of the study is to
delineate the importance of the earlier factors that galvanized
the spirituality of this church cum its challenges that made the
church waning in the face of globalization. The method of
approach is historical (diachronic in nature) with the review of
related literature. It was discovered that the church’s
spirituality is based on the inerrancy of the Bible, the sacred
dance, white garment, pneumatology, and the use of star flower
among others. Recommendations were made to ameliorate the
problems confronting the church’s spirituality.
Introduction
Spirituality is central in Nigeria to all forms of human activities
such as culture, medicine, agriculture, anthropology,
engineering and so on. No doubt the Abosso Apostolic Faith
Church of Jesus Christ (AAFCJC) has its own style of
spirituality. It stresses so much on some biblical personalities
such as Elijah, Elisha, Jeremiah; Jesus Christ coupled with
prophecies, visions and dreams. The statement of the problem
is to investigate what made the AAFCJC spirituality strong
through thick and skin in the years past and why its spirituality
is waning in the contemporary Nigerian society. This gap in
knowledge about a significant religious development that has
for upwards of sixty years been affecting and transforming the
life of the population of Amaba and its environs is the problem
that this research proposes to investigate.
The strength of this paper is that it generates information on the
spirituality of AAFCJC that can instil correct academic
religious knowledge as regards AAFCJC spirituality in
contemporary Nigeria. This research work will also arouse
scholars especially, religious scholars and Christians on the
strengths and weaknesses of the AAFCJC spirituality. The
method of approach is historical and descriptive with the
review of related literature.
Conceptual framework
Spirituality enhances individual common good, the ability to
discipline one’s emotions, pressure of individual interests and
power to enforce common rules for the good of all members.
Uche and Agunwa (2011) citing Effiong described spirituality
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as being pregnant with difficult meanings and differ from place
to place and periods. Shorter (1978) is of the view that
spirituality is like force which comes from God illustrates the
Holy Spirit baptized Christian. This meaning seems to suggest
that the characteristic features of spirituality are mortgaged at
baptism. To Fashola-Luke (1978), spirituality is a direct
experience with God in life and action.
According to Nmah (2011), spirituality, in wide variety of
cultural and religious concepts, is itself often seen as
incorporating a spiritual faith, along which one advances to
achieve a given objectives, such as a high state of awareness,
out reach wisdom or communion with God or with creation.
The spiritual journey is a path may be considered a path of
short duration directed at a special target, or a life time.
On spirituality and religion, whilst, the term spirituality and
religion can both refer to the search for the Absolute or God (or
whatever name one wants to use), an increasing number of
people have come to see the two as separate entities, religion
being just one way in which man can experience spirituality.
Religion may not be identical with spirituality; rather it is the
form spirituality takes in civilization. Those who speak of
spirituality outside of religion often define themselves as
“spiritual but not religious” and generally believe in the
existence of many different “spiritual paths”-emphasizing the
importance of finding one’s own individual path to spirituality.
With respect to religion, this implies that spirituality takes on
the following characteristics: faith becomes more personal, less
dogmatic, more open to experimentation, and is based upon
personal religious experience.
Evidence of spirituality abound. Studies done on the impact of
prayer and spirituality often focus on the effect of religious
beliefs and behaviour coupled with the effects of petition,
thanksgiving, adoration or intercessory prayer on health,
survival, and economic quality of life although, some have
found that religious groups with orthodox beliefs and
behaviour have reduced the rate cancer death.
Spirituality should be seen as the active connection to some
force, power, energy and spirit facilitating a sense of a deep
self. It may include introspection, and the development of an
individual’s inner life through practices such as meditation,
prayer and contemplation (Nmah, 2011). Spirituality is not a
static, academic concept, but a living, growing relationship
between ourselves and God. It concerns our pursuit of him and
his of us, a pursuit and encounter in which we, as persons,
relate to a person with when we can have personal dealings. To
Philip (2007), “Spirituality is an inner path enabling a person to
discover the essence of his or her being, or the deepest values
and meaning by which people live.” (pp.1-2), According to
Margaret (2009), spirituality denotes, “Spiritual practices,
including meditation, are intended to develop an individual’s
inner life; such practices often lead to an experience of
connectedness with a large reality; a more comprehensive self;
other individual or the human community; nature or the
cosmos; and/or the divine realm”. (p. xiii).
In respect of evangelism, the Greek word which is translated
‘preach’ in English is the verb Kerussein, which means to
‘proclaim’ or ‘announce’ (Krass, 1982). This verb comes from
the noun Kerux, which means a herald. A herald is one who
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either goes before a king or chief to announce that he is
coming, or goes at the direction of a king or chief, to announce
his will, or give his instructions, or his edict or laws. The
message that we are to announce is the “evangel.” This word
comes from the Greek word evangelion (from angelion,
meaning news, and eu, meaning good) and means the ‘good
news’, which is the good news concerning Jesus Christ (Fuller,
1999; Krass, 1982).
Abosso Apostolic Faith Church of Jesus Christ Nigeria is one
of the religious movements in Nigeria that believes in
pneumatology, faith healing, and it stresses so much on some
biblical personalities such as Elijah, Elisha, Jeremiah; Jesus
Christ coupled with prophecies, visions and dreams. The
special charims and power of anointed leaders of this church to
work miracles and effect faith-healing characterized its
activities.
Brief history of Abosso Apostolic Faith Church of Jesus
Christ Nigeria
The first apostolic faith type of church in Igboland Nigeria
was the Abosso Apostolic Faith Church of Jesus Christ
(AAFCJC). It originated from Apostolic Faith, Light of Hope,
with headquarters in Portland, Oregon, USA. It is an off-shoot
of the Azusa Street revival (Chukwuemeka, 2014). Patrick
Daniel Ezebuiro Ejiofor also called “Okama” was born in
Amaiyi Ndiohia Amaba, Isuikwuato in Abia State Nigeria. His
parents were Olekamma Ejiofor and Odichie Ejiofor. Ezebuiro
was sold into slavery at Calabar through an Arochukwu man
whose name was not disclosed. While in Calabar, he was
trained on maintenance of engine machines, which gave him
the desire to study mechanical engineering. He escaped from
his master and smuggled himself through colonial master’s
ship to America where he later studied mechanical engineering.
While at America, he had a dream of the description of the
church divinely revealed to him, which he spent months
searching for the church. One day, he came in contact with
Bishop W.E. Gray who gave confirmation to his dream and
urged him to return to his people and spread the message of
salvation to them. The calling of Daniel Ejiofor was assumed
to have started by the prophecy of the bishop.
According to Ogbu (2010), “Bishop W.E. Gray prophesied to
him that he should return to witness to his people, but at a risk
that they may kill him.” (p.79). He returned home as he could
not resist the word of prophecy by the bishop on 27th
November, 1940. As Daniel Ejiofor returned to Nigeria, he
identified with his former parents’ Church, Primitive Methodist
Church, and Amaba for a while and later broke away after a
conflict with the Methodist on 24th October, 1941.
Ejiofor was brought up as a Primitive Methodist in Amaba.
When he came back from United States of America after his
encounter with the Bishop W.E. Gray’s prophetic mandate, he
engaged himself in religious activities against his secular
profession-mechanical engineering. Though he hesitated for
sometime, later he obeyed the prophetic utterance, but rejoined
with the Methodist at Amaba village, his countryside, under the
pastoral leadership of Rev Greenwell. For a while he worked
with the Methodist Minister, Rev Greenwell, and was given
permission to hold vigil every Friday as he requested. He
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promised the Church of baptism of Holy Spirit within 24 weeks
as in the day of Pentecost. The introduction of speaking in
tongues (glossolalia or pneumatology) in the church stirred up
contention between Daniel Ejiofor’s group and the Primitive
Methodist Church under the care of Rev Greenwell. The
Methodist priest demanded him to serve under him as his
assistance probably to understudy his speaking in tongues
controversy. Daniel rejected the offer, but decided to be
independent so as to fulfill the prophetic message. His
revivalistic and charismatic evangelical work created much
excitement, but his relationship with the Rev Greenwell soured
and he was forced to obey the original prophesy by founding
the Abosso Apostolic Faith Church of Jesus Christ (AAFCJC)
in 1941. The AAFCJC he founded spread wide in Igboland and
beyond.
Daniel Ejiofor started at the village square in Ndiohoro where
he gained some followers especially among the Methodists. He
was sued to court by the Primitive Methodist Church and he
could not be stopped by such court cases. He later moved to
Nkwohia market square where many women started
prophesying after his prayer and made seal “akara” on the
ground. He then started with prayer meeting at the square in an
open space. Hence, because of his involvement in exorcism, he
raised prophets and prophetesses who joined him in removing
poisons, charms and fetish materials in people’s houses,
families and communities. This action led to handing over evil
forests to him to make use of them. He built his congregations
in these evil forests scattered all over Isuikwuato and its
environs, he developed these places up till date.
He died on 5th February, 1955 at Ndiohia hill. Dimgba (2009)
averred that before his demise, Bishop Ejiofor went to the
Church in Isuikwuato and told them that there is a huge tree
that would fall soon. He ordered that nobody should lament for
it. On the 5th February, 1955, the Almighty God called him into
glory. Ejiofor had revelation of his death before it happened
and he encouraged his members.
Factors of spirituality in AAFCJC
There are certain factors in AAFCJC that enhanced their
spirituality. These include the following elements, under
dynamic worship, prayer and faith healing, theological factor,
white garment, sacred dance among others.
i. Dynamic worship
According to Ndiokwere (1995), the world knows that Africans
love music, they love rhythm, and that they are particularly
endowed with a very rich cultural heritage; with indigenous
lyrics, idioms, and proverbs. Early Christianity did not see
anything good in African music. The Western system of
worship was introduced and it was not appealing to majority of
Africans. That this is entirely alien and unrelated to the African
way of worship is still evident in the uninspiring, boring and
monotonous order of worship in most of the mainline churches.
Concreteness of expression in worship, and regard for group
dynamics-concrete experience in dramatic forms are some of
the spiritual elements which have endeared the AAFCJC in
Igboland and beyond, in the AAFCJC congregation just as in
African milieu, the place of worship is not conceived as a cold,
8
noiseless zone of a town, where only the adult may enter and
children are kept outside. It is not a place where worshippers
worship in silent meditation, with arms folded or worship like
spectators while the ‘dramatists’ perform alone on the stage. To
AAFCJC and similar African instituted churches, the place of
where worships are accessible to everyone from the most
dignified bishop or apostle to the smallest toddler. It is a place
of free movement and total participation by all and sundry in
the acts of worship. The movement especially “prophetic
movement” should be vigorous and often spontaneous, able to
produce some perspiration and leading to spiritual satisfaction
and enjoyment. In such a gathering the singing is loud and is
for all present. There is no place for a careful selected group
called choristers, for no one has a monopoly of this “joyful
noise unto the Lord”. The movement is trying to create
standard choirs in their various churches in the contemporary
society. This will create more spiritual consciousness among
the members.
ii. Prayer and faith-healing
Whatever may be the reasons behind the emphasis on prayer
and faith in AAFCJC-to procure healing or for security
purposes-the truth is that the Christian Churches elsewhere
have no cogent reason to condemn such attitudes. ‘Praying
groups’, ‘prophetic groups’, prayer houses’, Aladura (prayer
church) are names which suggest attachment to the value of
prayer and faith in God. But in spite of what seem to be good
spiritual Christian elements in this movement, critics are quick
to interpret this as ‘a weak and incipient faith, which has its
primary aim turned towards the solution of personal problems
in this world’ (Ndiokwere 1995, p.278). The founder’s religion
is said to be self-centered religion which attracted followers
because they were in need. They wanted their sicknesses cured,
their trades fostered, and of course their security assured.
In spite of their “excesses”, it is hard to see any justifications
for such criticisms or to condemn members of AAFCJC on
account of their turning to God when they are in need. They are
not just doing it for fun when they rise up daily, morning and
night, and pray for hours. The inevitable question is, “How
much do our own Christians in older churches pray?” That the
role of prayer has not been misinterpreted is illustrated by the
words of the founder of the Cherubim and Seraphim in Nigeria,
God always answers prayers. Unfulfilled
intercessions might be due to any of these three
causes: prayer without faith; asking for things
that would bring nothing beneficial to the
supplicant; and praying for God’s grace when
past sins have not been remitted (Ndiokwere,
1995, p.279).
AAFCJC believes that the finite can actually communicate
with the infinite; that prayer is to inculcate certain attitudes in
the one, who prays, rather than to influence the recipient; to
enable a person to gain a direct experience of the recipient, and
the belief that the recipient desires and appreciates prayer
(Nmah, 2008). A variety of body postures may be assumed,
often with specific meaning associated with them: standing,
sitting, kneeling, prostrate on the floor, eyes closed, holding
hands with others, a laying on of hands and others.
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Prayer is indispensable in the ministry of the prophets in this
church. The very reception of the revelatory word from God
involved the prophets in a prayerful relation Jehovah. “Prayer
healing” broadly defined as faith–healing is the attempt to use
spiritual means such as the prayer to prevent illness, cure
disease, or to improve health. It brings about a sudden “miracle
cure” (Nmah, 2008).
Prayer does not mean extortion as some “fake pastors and their
cohorts” are practicing. These “counterfeited pastors, prophets,
prophetesses” and their agents do often demand for certain
vows or money for the fruit of the womb in which many
women have fallen victims, for transport fare to travel to the
purported venue for the “so-called prayer”. They demand also
money from some unsuspected politicians who need prayer in
order to win elections, from businessmen in order for them to
have robust economy, and from some civil servants for them to
get promotion and for other similar dubious activities. These
could also be seen among some members of AAFCJC.
Their prayers are economic–oriented in nature, which are not
targeted towards ameliorating the teething situation of the
victims. Such prayers should be regarded as fake (cf. 1kings
18:25–29, a fake prayer denoting dramatic demonstrating of
Baal’s impotence). Prayer, for all intent and purpose, is free,
because the power to heal, exorcise, perform miracles, prayer
for the fruit of the womb and so on is given freely to the
apostles as the Bible explicitly avers, “Heal the sick, raise the
dead, cleanse lepers, cast out demons. You received without
paying, give without pay” (Matthew 10:8; Romans 3: 24;
Ephesians 1:6 cf. Acts 8:18-20 where Simon the sorcerer
thought that is something money could purchase).
In faith-healing also there is no doubt that the achievements of
the AAFCJC healing have been great. It cannot be disputed
that very many of the orthodox Christians, including some
Catholics, Anglicans, and highly educated individuals, also
flock to this church for refuge from their perceived enemies.
The prophet–healing, quite aware of their predicaments,
provide answers to their existential problems. It is therefore not
only the prophets and their followers who should be accused of
practicing ‘self-centered or self-interested religion’ (if this ever
applies to the situation). Some of us emphasized these worldly
goals, whatever the level of our education and our spiritual
orientation (cf. bishops, priests, adoration ministry, etc.).
The sense of insecurity is perpetuated in the African
environment by fears of evil spirits, the phenomenon of
‘poisoning’, the ‘ogbanje (marine spirit, the ever-recurring
death of children, who are believed to re-enter their mother’s
womb to be born-again), the unlimited anxiety over fruitfulness
in marriage, and so on. It is the urge to have those problems
solved, which drives people to the doors of the AAFCJC and
similar African initiated churches (Aladura prophets). A
problem is not solved by pretending that it is not there, when in
actual fact it is there, which is what the mission churches do.
The AAFCJC prophet is, therefore, a more realistic counsellor,
because he accepts the supplicant as one with genuine spiritual
or existential problems, and tries conscientiously to find
solutions to them. Their activities are part of Christian charity
10
and humanity to recognize the good in others especially when
we may have failed sometimes woefully to be good ourselves.
ii. Theological factor
Another important spiritual element which helped the
rise and growth of the AAFCJC is a phenomenon of
polygamy. The church encourages polygamy. There are
other core beliefs which include:
a. The inerrancy of the Bible;
b. The literal nature of the biblical accounts,
especially regarding Christ’s miracles, and the
creation account in Genesis;
c. The virgin birth of Christ;
d. The bodily resurrection of Christ; and
e. The substitutionary atonement of Christ on the
cross (Nmah, 2011).
iii. White garment
Apart from common garment among the worshippers, it
creates also spiritual consciousness among the adherents
any time they put on the white garment. The basic white
dress has Christian significance. References are made
especially in the book of Revelation to the twenty four
elders clad in white garments and seated round the throne
(4:4); to those in Sardis who shall walk with me in white
for they are worthy (3:4); and to the ‘coat in chequered
work of fine linen and turban of fine linen’ in Exodus
28:39. the white robe is “an indication of white heart,
oneness of heart, and sanctified life. It serves also as a
praying gown.
v. Ecstatic manifestations
Spirit possession is one of the prominent features of the
ecstatic manifestations which a component of the members
spirituality. The phenomenon is often described as ‘divine
seizure’, ‘prophetic frenzy’ or even ‘sacred madness’
(Ndiokwere, 1995). The unmistakable effect of possession
by the spirit or by the grasping hand of Yahweh is a full-
scale ecstatic hysteria to the extent that the possessed is
“turned into another man” (1Sam.10:5-6).
Music and prayer are known to be good stimulants to
ecstasy, and often lead to contagious mass excitement and
activity. This expression could be likened to bands or
troops of prophets in the earliest Israelite prophetism were
known to have dwelt and acted together in groups and in
contagious enthusiasm, induced by the beating of
instruments, dancing, and singing just as in 2 Kings 3:15.
In this passage, Elisha requested a minstrel to play for him.
This put him in the appropriate moods, so that he was able
to deliver his messages. Fasting, prayer and music are no
doubt indispensable elements in worship in the African
instituted churches.
vi. The sacred dance
Heightened by rhythmic, music and wild dancing, this ‘fit’
is said to exhibit two different phases–a short opening
phase of dazed, mute inaccessibility, and a second, longer
phase of excitement with great activity–dancing, singing,
leaping, running, miming, prophesying, healing, exorcism
among others. The sacred dance is rocked with such an
abandon that one feels taken up by an irresistible impulse
11
which dominates and takes possession of man. Men and
women dance in a row. The prayers and glamorous singing
intensify the atmosphere and excite the crowd.
vii. Dispensationalism and premillennialism
To Hunt (2008), one new factor that contributed to the
spiritual fundamentalism of AAFCJC is its inherent in
dispensationalism and premillennialism go together, but
are not synonymous. Dispensational premillennialism is just
one form of premillennial eschatology. Dispensationalism is
also associated with John Nelson Darby, the founder of the
Plymouth Brethren in Plymouth, England about 1830 (Nmah,
2011). He obtained this theology from Margaret McDonald,
who participated in a Scottish charismatic revival about the
same time, received dispensationalism as part of a prophecy.
The return of Christ will be a real future event in space and
time, just as his first coming was real event 2000 years ago
(Matt. 16:27; Acts 1:11). The return of Christ will be the
greatest event in all of human history. For them, the description
of the return of Christ given in the Bible is really beyond
human imagination. In that day every human begin on earth
will be staring at the sky in amazement and fear (Rev. 1:7).
God is building the Church of Jesus Christ with people from
every tribe and nation on earth. At the same time Satan is
fighting to oppose and delay that work by bringing about evil
of many kinds in the world, such as moral corruption, crime,
violence, political upheaval, wars, natural disasters and much
more. To them, this great spiritual war will finally end with the
personal, visible, bodily return of Jesus Christ to this world
(O’Donovan, 1996).
viii. The use of prophecies, visions and dreams
The curiosity nature of man makes him not to know only about
things and other persons, but especially about himself and his
own fate since prophecies, visions, and dreams go beyond
human knowledge, man seems to have confident in such means
rather than inquiry, research and study. The AAFCJC believes
so much on visions, dreams and especially prophecies. They
set aside every Tuesday and Friday for prayer, prophecies,
healing and exorcism and have committee of prophets who
regulate the activities of the church as enshrined in their
constitution. Consequent upon their beliefs and practices of
prophecy, dream, and vision, businessmen and women, barren
couples, spinsters, the sick, mentally deranged as well as evil
or marine spirit possessed come to them for prayers, prophecies
and exorcism in spite of their denominations. When their
problems are met, the tendency of joining the AAFCJC
becomes a way of showing gratitude even with their families
and friends.
ix. The use of star flower
The use of star flower has been a covering to one who does not
have money among the AAFCJC members. They are using star
flower for offering. It is a common flower in Isuikwuato which
incidentally is the headquarters of the church. It has been
obvious that people stop attending church services, because of
lack of money for offering. For the AAFCJC adherents cannot
stop attending church services due to their teething economic
situation.
Some of the members can use the star flower in place of money
for offering. Consequently, the Abosso Apostolic Faith Church
12
of Jesus Christ enhances the spirituality of the poor by
accommodating the poor by the use of the star flower for
offering and hearing of white soutane (cassock) among the
adherents for worship.
Abosso Apostolic Faith Church of Jesus Christ evangelism
paradigms
According to Methodist Church Nigeria, Diocese of Isuikwuato
(2010), the advent of Abosso Apostolic Faith Church of Jesus
Christ into Isuikwuato adversely affected Methodism. The
subtle way AAFCJC made an enroute into Methodism was
what caused the shock. The founder was worshiping with the
Primitive Methodist in Amaba and Otampa respectively with
hidden agenda. His mission was not disclosed until Friday 24th
October, 1941 when he and his followers started speaking in
tongues and performing miracles, wonders, exorcism,
they started identifying witches/wizards, evil men and women;
destroying spells, charms, amulets, mascots and so on.
Members went about destroying also the abode of the various
deities in the Isuikwuato community and beyond. They went
round in the house of suspected evil men and women and
destroying their charms and other objects they claimed such
people used in harming others. The activities of members of
the “religious” mystified the people. (Pp.63-64).
To the Methodist Church Nigeria, Diocese of Isuikwuato
(2010), “After a period of, ‘wait and see and the people did not
see the reaction of the “gods”; they all came in large numbers
to identify with the new movement” (p.64). This chaotic
situation in the community necessitated the excommunication
of Daniel Ejiofor by the Primitive Methodist Church.
The church believes itself to be in the direct line of descent
from the church of the Apostles and therefore that of Christ.
The church welcomes polygamists and was convinced that its
policy towards polygamy had created some sort of a
reformation in Nigerian Christianity. It brought into touch with
the society in a way in which all the mission schemes of
indigenization failed to do. This also enhances the spirituality
of Nigerian polygamists who are members of the church. Its
theological statement is to save those living in spiritual
darkness. In their spirituality, the darkness is disappearing, and
the true light is already shining. It is spirituality against Satan
and antichrist (the man of lawlessness, 2 Thess. 2; Rev. 13;
Dan. 7). It is a spiritual battle against those who attempt to
control the world politically, economically and religiously
coupled with the false prophets. Its approach to the sick, those
possessed by marine spirits, the barren, polygamists, singles,
businessmen, and the like gave it (AAFCJC) an advantage over
the mission churches in respect to making converts. It is a
commonplace that the tremendous success of the AAFCJC in
making converts is largely attributable to their use in divine
services of drums, singing, clapping, dancing and standing. The
AAFCJC believed that its uses of these phenomena is that they
are “the mode of happiness by which the movement was
founded,” when they are used in divine services, the members
are believed to be “endowed with different kinds of blessings
appertaining to each action which are revealed by divine
injunction as follows: clapping for victory, protection, love and
providence; kicking (that is stamping of the ground) for
13
spiritual power, peace and prosperity; singing and dancing for
joy, and happiness”(Omoyajowo, 1982).
Again, there are a number of taboos existing in the AAFCJC.
No member can or is allowed to eat pork, snail, dog and
mushrooms, because they do not help spiritual development
and many Bible passages are quoted to support this. The
taboos, broadly speaking, are neither practically enforced nor
strictly adhered to, except perhaps by a few spiritual leaders.
Conclusion and recommendations
At this juncture, the conclusion reached in this research work is
that AAFCJC spirituality is centered on the inerrancy of the
Bible (that is the Bible is incapable of making mistakes), the
substitutionary atonement of Christ on the cross, fasting, prayer
and faith–healing, dynamic worship, white garment, ecstatic
manifestations, the sacred dance, the use of prophecies, visions
and dreams, use of holy water especially water from the rain
and springs, exorcism and the use of star flower among others.
The adherents apply prayer and faith-healing, exorcism,
prophecies, dreams and visions in making converts as against
the backdrop of revival, outreach and evangelism. Christian
faith is the core of reality that response to human problems
such as sickness, demonic attack, economic, political, cultural
and religious challenges. It is the belief of AAFCJC to tackle
such challenges headlong. In view of the observations made in
this research work, the following recommendations are
therefore made in order to enhance the contemporary AAFCJC
spirituality, outreach and evangelism.
i. In order to strengthen the spirituality of the church
and to combat the insurgency of false spirituality
taught by false prophets and prophetesses; the
church should establish theological college where
the word of God would be systematically and
expository studied. Similarly, their beliefs and
practices would be emphasized. It will also help in
training the personnel needed by the church in the
contemporary society.
ii. They should also establish schools from nursery to
secondary to begin with, so as to cushion the effect
of losing their members to the mission’s schools
and in turn being converted to the mission churches.
iii. Apart from the prophetic dimension of electing one
into office, leadership quality, competence and
academic qualification should also be part of the
criteria for the election especially for the office of
the presiding bishop due to the academic challenges
of 21st century Nigeria. The anointing formula is
okay, but education is needed to enhance the
anointing.
iv. Distinction should be made between AAFCJC and
other white garment churches to avoid the influx of
false prophets and prophetesses as tended to destroy
the church.
v. The established mission churches should be tolerant
and flexible enough to accommodate positive
changes from time to time more especially as
regards doctrine, theology and liturgy, since the
church is dynamic. There should be dialogue with
the members of AAFCJC and similar ones in
14
respect to religious experience, faith-healing,
glossolalia, dreams and visions.
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perspective. Carlisle: Paternoster.
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and traum. Trenton: African World.
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of an African independent church. Lagos: NOK.
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Wiley-Blackwell.
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spirituality. In E. Fashola-Luke etal (Eds.), Christianity
in independent Africa. London: Rex Collings.
Uche, O. O. C. and Agunwa, T. (2011). Nominality, spirituality
and religious commitments among Christians in
Nigeria: problems and prospects. In P.E. Nmah,
and O.O.C. Uche (Eds.), Standing again on the
mount: a reflection on Christian spirituality in
Africa, 33-52. Onitsha: Gucks Systems Int’l.
Expression of Love for Chinese and Igbo Ancestors:
A Comparative Study
Onukwube Alex Alfred Anedo
Department of African & Asian Studies
Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka
&
Ngozi Edith Anedo
P.G.Student of African Culture & Civilization
Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka
Abstract:
This is a comparative study of Chinese and Igbo ancestor
worship. Chinese is an interesting culture in Asia as Igbo is in
West African Sub-region. This study therefore looks on how
both cultures venerate their ancestors. It discusses the
qualifications for ancestors. It also studies the reasons for
ancestor veneration and makes attempt to expose the structure
of ancestral temples in both cultures. There are also analyses
on how the living descendants relate with the ancestors. It finds
out that their relationship is symbiotic in the sense that the
ancestors shower blessings on their living descendants whereas
the livings in return give offerings and celebrate feast in their
honor. The paper goes further to study the major feasts that the
two cultures celebrate in honor of their ancestors. It explains
16
that ancestor worship has been behind the reasons why peoples
from both cultures, strive to obey the taboos of the lands,
which enabled the ancestors to attain their present status. It
observes that by doing that both cultures enjoy peace in their
various environments. The study ends saying that, it is possible
for the two peoples with similar beliefs to cooperate in order to
fostering World peace.
Introduction:
One might conceivably hold a belief dispositional for years or
even for the rest of one’s life without activating it, or on the
other hand, one might find oneself frequently or for continuous
periods in situations to which that belief is relevant.
All our beliefs have a dispositional aspect. Our deliberate
actions are infallible indication of our beliefs. The position that
we believe is by definition, the one on which we act. Assuming
one professes magically immune to fire so that he can walk
unharmed through flames and picks up hot coals, one does
confidently pick up burning coals or walk without hesitation
into a blazing fire because, people should say that one really
does believe that fire cannot hurt one. However, if one
withdraws from flames like anyone else, people know then that
one really believes that fire hurts.
The test of one’s belief is found in ones actions. “A real belief
inevitably makes its appropriate difference to the way we
behave“(Nick, 1983: 82). The Igbo and Chinese of old really
believed in the existence of Ancestors in their Religions and as
such, acted in the way people outside their culture areas
understood that they did. This belief is not peculiar to the Igbo
and Chinese alone. Jacobs (1977:257) says ”The belief that
those who depart from this earth continue in existence
elsewhere and are actively in touch with those who are still
here on earth is seen in certain cults.” These cults are prevalent
in West Africa and Asia, but the belief in the ancestors is much
stronger among some people than among the other. For
example, the Yoruba who concentrate more on the cult of
divinities than ancestral cults are in fact less developed. The
Yoruba have less important ancestral rites than the Igbo or the
Chinese. However, these actions of the Chinese, the Igbo, other
West African and Asian cultures and religious groups of the
world towards their ancestors, prompted a statement from Nick
(1983:82). He says, “…but during the last hundred years or so
we have been making new observations and have realized that
there is deep devotion to God, true sainthood, and deep
spiritual life within these other religions…”
The above statement of Nick was because of the earlier belief
especially of the Christian folk that apart from them, no other
race or religion has a firm belief in God. So as a matter of fact,
this distinction enables people to acknowledge both the one
unlimited transcendent divine and also a plurality of varying
human concepts, images and experiences of and response to
that reality. These different human awareness of and response
to the Real are formed by and reciprocally inform the religious
traditions of the earth. In them are reflected the different ways
of thinking, feeling and experiencing which have developed
within the worldwide human family. Indeed, these cultural
variations amount, on the large scale, to different ways of being
human-for example, the Chinese, the Indian, the African, the
17
Semite, the Greco-Roman, way or ways, and the way of our
contemporary technological Atlantic civilization.
We do not know at all fully, why the life of our species has
taken these various forms, though geographical, climatic and
economic factors have clearly played their parts. However,
given these various cultural ways of being human we can I
think to some extent understand how it is that they constitute
different “lenses” through which the divine Reality is
differently perceived. For we know that all human awareness
involves an-indispensable contribution by the perceiver. The
mind is active in perception, organizing the impacts of the
environment in ways of consciousness and by the particular
sets of concepts embedded in particular consciousness.
Ancestor worship, also known as ancestor veneration is a
religious practice based on the belief that deceased family
members have a continued existence, take an interest in the
affairs of the world, and possess the ability to influence the
fortune of the living. All cultures attach ritual significance to
the passing of loved ones, but this is not equivalent to ancestor
worship. The goal of ancestor worship is to ensure the
ancestors' continued well-being and positive disposition
towards the living and sometimes to ask for special favors or
assistance. The social or non-religious function of ancestor
worship is to cultivate kinship values like filial piety, family
loyalty, and continuity of the family lineage. While far from
universal, ancestor worship or ancestor veneration occurs in
societies with every degree of social, political, and
technological complexity, and it remains an important
component of various religious practices in modern times.
For most of the cultures, ancestor practices are not the same as
the worship of the gods. When a person worships a god at a
local temple, it is to ask for some favors from the powerful
spirit. However, the purpose of ancestor worship is not to ask
for favors but to do one's filial duty. Some people believe that
their ancestors actually need help from their descendants.
Others do not believe that the ancestors are even aware of what
their descendants do for them, but that the expression of filial
piety is what is important. Whether or not the ancestor receives
what their descendants offer to them is not the issue.
Therefore, for people unfamiliar with actual practice of
"ancestor worship" and thought of, the use of the translation
"worship" can be a cause of misunderstanding and is a
misnomer in many ways. In English, the word "worship"
usually refers to the reverent love and devotion accorded a
deity or divine being. However, in other cultures, this act of
"worship" does not confer any belief that the departed
ancestors have become some kind of deity. Rather the act is a
way to respect honor and look after ancestors in their afterlives
as well as possibly seek their guidance for their living
descendants. In this regard, many cultures and religions have
similar practices. Some may visit the grave of their parents or
other ancestors, leave flowers and pray to them in order to
honor and remember them while also asking their deceased
ancestors to continue to look after them. However, he would
not consider himself as "worshipping" them.
It is in that sense that the translation "ancestor veneration" may
convey a more accurate sense of what practitioners, such as the
Chinese and Igbo people see them as doing. When one refers to
ancestors, it is to include all of the following:
18
●subtle bodies of all our known and unknown departed
relations from all the previous generations;
●relatives from all the previous generations from the father and
mother’s side, for a woman from her parent’s side as well as
from her husband’s side;
●and the subtle bodies of departed relatives from previous
births.
However, not everyone that passed away is ancestor among the
Igbo of West Africa. “It was only those, whose lives had
proved to be meaningful to all the members of a given
community” (Nyenyembe, 2005:15). Here one may ask how to
determine meaningful life and this takes this paper to
discussing the qualification for ancestors.
Qualifications for Ancestors:
Ancestors are venerated as fore fathers or fore mothers. This
goes to show that for one to achieve the status of ancestor after
death, one has to attain a ripe age before death. In addition to
this, one has in his lifetime to fulfill life requirements. Those
who died having been married and had children or even
grandchildren are credited for ancestors’ position. “An
unmarried however old, was disqualified from ancestor hood
position because of not having transmitted life to another
person and is therefore considered unworthy” (Nyenyembe,
2005:15). Another important factor is that of having
demonstrated qualities of good character during his or her
earthly life. These qualities gave ancestors a particular honor as
custodians of fraternity in families. Mbiti (1992:83) regards
ancestors “… as guardians of family affairs, traditions, ethics
and activities.” A thief is not qualified and of course, thieves
always carry along with them curses from individuals and
deities that are hard to overcome during and after their life. A
father who had sexual relationship with his daughter, for
example, was a bad omen. A certain ritual of purification has to
be observed. It is a belief that failure to do so could bring
punishment from the ancestors on all the members of the
family. Other conditions are that: one should not suffer bad
death such as falling from a tree, getting drowned or accidental
death. The Igbo believe that a righteous one cannot be involved
in such bad deaths hence they investigate such deaths through
divination. Thus, “… in the circle of life, the diviner is
consulted in time of trouble in order to understand why
misfortune occurred and how to prevent its future occurrence”
(Sieber, 1988:74). Such misfortune comes in form of storm,
unfortunate accident, condition or event. When such issues
became complex to a group of people, people sometimes
consulted diviners. Naturally, “…people want to know why a
relation is sick; why another has died; why a strange thing
happened” (Nwala, 1985:124). Also out of the race are those
who died due to bad sickness such as protruded stomach,
madness, leprosy, smallpox and recently HIV/AIDS and of
course, if the person did not enjoy proper burial as that shows
that he or she has reached his or her destination. One
interesting scenario in Igbo ancestoral practice is that there is
no way to conceal a wrong doer and venerate him or her as
ancestor after death. This is because, even if one did not
confess one’s wrong doings before death, one’s soul will never
rest, as it will be haunting the family members on earth. In the
ensuing problems, the family has to consult a diviner who
prescribes the type of sacrifice to get off the problem and this
19
takes a long time. Therefore, for a death relative to enjoy
veneration, he or she has to be a holy one.
Reasons for Ancestor Veneration:
The goal of ancestor worship is to ensure the ancestors'
continued well-being and positive disposition towards the
living and sometimes to ask for special favors or assistance.
The social function of ancestor worship is "to cultivate kinship
values like filial piety, family loyalty, and continuity of the
family lineage." (Yang 1957:278).As true as this to the Igbo
people is that without the ancestors in whatever they do be it
marriage, naming of a new baby, foundation for a new house
and or title taking, the family is not yet complete. This is
because to them, the ancestors are part of a family.
The term ancestor worship, coined in 1885 by the British
philosopher and sociologist Herbert Spencer, refers to a
ritualized propitiation and invocation of dead kin, based on the
belief that the spirits of the dead continue to dwell in the
natural world and have the power to influence the fortune and
fate of the living. Ancestor worship exists in various parts of
the world and in diverse cultures. It was a minor cult among
the Romans. The practice reached its highest elaboration in
West Africa (especially in Igbo and Igala lands) and in the
ancient Chinese veneration of ancestors. It also existed in the
Japanese Shinto cult. Ancestors whose living relations respect
and remember with elaborate rites include members of the
family, clans, and tribes. Ancestral spirits that enjoy veneration
vary in distance of time from the living. In some societies, only
the spirits of the recently deceased enjoy veneration, while in
others, all ancestors are included.
"The Chinese have always been interested in their past and
worship of Ancestors is worship of origins" (Heinz 1999:225).
One believes this to be the basis of Chinese and Igbo ancestor
worship. Holding an interest in their past and in where they
came from, one believes, led these cultures to place their faith
in their ancestors. Each time a Chinese or an Igbo person
worships an ancestor, one is not only asking for help as a
Christian would with their God, but one is also celebrating
one’s heritage. The foreign rulers of china also imbibed this
heritage, “… as they were meant to be used, for the support and
maintenance of political authority. The Manchu promoted the
study of the classics and veneration of ancestors” (Qizhi,
2004”225).
Ancestor worship does serve a purpose to the Igbo and
Chinese. Although this idea might seem foreign to a Western
civilization, it goes much deeper than simply holding an
interest in their heritages. "The secular functions of ancestor
worship, are to cultivate kinship values like: filial piety, family
loyalty and continuity of the family lineage" (Yang,
1957:278). This ancient practice truly binds a family together
through numerous generations.
In addition to the belief in the continued survival of an
ancestor’s soul after death, the Chinese and the Igbo had a few
other basic beliefs. They believed in "… one supreme deity or
moral force" which dominated the world and held a personal
interest in the matters of humanity (Bary 1960:9). Along with
20
the belief in the spirits of ancestors, the Chinese and the Igbo
also believed in the "… existence and power of a number of
nature spirits" (Bary 1960:9). Although as time passes these
basic beliefs of the Chinese begin to fade, the respect for the
ancestors is still an important element in the Chinese family
system just as it is among the Igbo people of Nigeria.
The strong belief in the life after death has also been a reason
for the worship of ancestors. The psychological need for an
afterlife is very strong amongst the human race. It is often
times too frightening to think that once one dies, that is the end
of one’s existence. Possibly the belief that the ancestor's souls
were still present came from this need. "Fear of the deceased,
as well as piety towards them"(Ching 1993:18) and a desire for
an afterlife probably was the beginning of this ancient tradition
amongst the Chinese and the Igbo.
In many religions, there are stories of Creation. These stories
are explanations of how one culture believed the world came
into existence. For instance, the Christian religion has the story
of Adam and Eve in the Book of Genesis. Many religions have
their stories along these lines that attempt to explain life, death,
suffering, and many other aspects of life. The Igbo had a story
of chameleon and the dog that told how death-visited
humanity. In the Chinese background, however, there is no
such story. There is no attempt to explain death as a "flaw in
the divine plan" (Keightley 1990:33). The fact that the Chinese
were so quiet about these subjects suggests that the Chinese
have the ability to emphasize life over death. Instead of
attempting to explain why death occurs, the Chinese
worshipped their ancestors in order for their lineage to
withstand the test of time as well as to make the loss of the
individual easier to bear. On the part of the Igbo also, their
religion holds that after God (Chukwu), follows (Ala) the Earth
Goddess and then the Ancestors in the spiritual hierarchy.
Apart from extension of their relationship beyond grave, the
Igbo believe that Ancestors having been once on earth were
close to them and as such knew the problems of the living.
They are therefore in better position to present the problems of
the living before the Supreme Being with whom they are
residing.
“The Chinese believe that once a person passes on, they do not
necessarily cease to exist. It is their belief that, the soul of the
person continues to exist” (Soothill 1923:176). The soul to
them exists in three places at once. In other words, according
to the Chinese, a person has three souls. When each person
dies, she goes to the "future world" in order to face judgment
and then sent to heaven or hell. Each person's soul also exists
in the grave as well as the ancestral tablet (LaTourette
1964:537).
To the Igbo people, Jacobs (1977:257) says, “The belief that
those who depart from this earth continue in existence
elsewhere and are actively in touch with those who are still
here on earth is seen in certain cults.” As animals, men are
mortal, made out of the dust of earth and destined to return to
that dust. Men have a normal life span today. In our seventies
or in our eighties or at most our nineties we shall die, and this
living body, then lifeless and cold, will begin to disintegrate
and return to the dust of the earth. This on one hand is true.
Even Anedo (2014:147) supported it by saying that “For the
21
Igbo people, what survives after death, are the spirits. They
regard this as the real person himself, or a mirror of shadow
“Onyinyo” and “Onyinyo” is liable to God alone.”
Structure of Ancestral Temples:
In homes, the shrines can be a shelf on the wall, a table or an
altar like architectural structure, integrated in the structure of
the house or even an entire room, depending on the financial
status of the family.
Some shrines show a tablet with the ancestor's name inscribed
on it, as well as a picture or photograph. Most likely, the
patrilineal ancestors and their wives are honored. Among the
Igbo, all the ancestral symbols of an extended family or a clan
collected are in one hut or ancestral cult house, with the statue
of their first ancestor standing higher than others do. In the
shrines are usually, incense stick holders (in Chinese case) and
burning firewood (among the Igbo), at times with a Golden
Flower, and plates for food offerings. Some might feature
glasses or a set of tea cups (among the Chinese) and cola nut
wooden bowel and calabash cup and or container of palm wine
or water (in case of the Igbo) for quenching the ancestors’
thirst. Some shrines show symbolic objects or objects honored
by the deceased. Some of the objects honored by the ancestors
which are found in Igbo shrines are elephant tusk, skeletons of
goats’ and cows’ heads, hides and skin, ancestral seat, etc.
Flowers offerings, most likely fresh ones or sometimes in form
of a garland, are made as well. Small offerings are placed on
the symbols throughout the year to honor deceased family
members.
On Chinese New Year’s day, it is different for the Chinese.
The head of the family, normally male, leads the family to the
shrine to pay respect to the ancestors. Then they offer food to
the ancestors, consisting of various plates of food, cakes, fruits
and sweets, the amount of food offerings will be rather
overwhelming. They serve their ancestors’ favorite dishes as
well as ‘dishes with a meaning’. They place the offering inside
the house on the ancestors’ shrine.
Incense is lit, and while still holding the incense in ones hand,
one bows three times before placing the incense in the incense
holder. When paying respect, it is even more respectful if one
kneels down in front of the deceased ancestors’ shrine or altar.
After having paid respect to the deceased ancestors, respect is
paid to the ancestral living elders. Various gods, especially
those gods the family wants to stay in good relationship with,
will be paid respect to as well, but at a different location within
the vicinity of the house. Normally a house temple or a place to
put incense will be at the entrance area of the house. Food is
offered as well, though in smaller quantities than above
mentioned and it will be offered outside the house. They also
offered Incense to the gods in the above-mentioned manner.
Only after respect has been paid to the gods and ancestors can
one continue with the New Year’s festivities. What will follow,
in Chinese tradition; will be the biggest feast of the year.
Ancestor Worship: Funerals, the Mourning Period and the
Home Altar
Rituals of ancestor worship most commonly consist of
offerings to the deceased to provide for their welfare in the
22
afterlife, which is envisioned as being similar to the earthly
life. Ancestor worship begins at the deceased kin's funeral, at
which necessities like a toothbrush, comb, towel, shoes, water,
or even a computer are placed in the coffin or burned as a
sacrifice. After the funeral, daily or twice-daily offerings are
made to ensure the family member gets a good start in the
afterlife. Necessities and luxuries, like the deceased's favorite
foods, wine, and small sums of money, are placed on the altar
in bowls or burned in front of the altar. The money is usually
symbolic pieces of paper called "spirit money," not real bills.
Fruits and vegetables are the preferred foods for offerings;
meats are avoided because of their association with killing.
Statues representing servants or other necessities for the
afterlife are also placed on or near the altar. Family members
also bow in respect before the altar. After a family member's
funeral, Chinese families set up a home altar for the purpose of
ancestor worship. The altar normally includes a portrait or
photograph of the ancestor, a commemorative plaque and cups
for offerings. Altars are usually taken down after 49 days, the
period during which the deceased is believed to be undergoing
judgment. This belief is influenced by the Mahayana Buddhist
idea of the Bardo, an intermediate period between death and
rebirth. After the 49-day period, the deceased is worshipped
along with all the other ancestors of the family.
Regular Ancestor Worship:
After the home altar is taken down, the ancestors are believed
to dwell in commemorative tablets. Ancestral tablets are pieces
of wood inscribed with the name and dates of the deceased.
They are kept in a small shrine at home and in the clan
ancestral temple. Incense (in case of Chinese) and burning
firewood (in case of the Igbo) is lit before the tablets daily and
offerings of food and prostrations are presented twice a month.
Chinese and Igbo weddings and funerals often include
elaborate rituals honoring deceased family members. Periodical
rites are also performed at the family cemetery and ancestor
worship is central to the annual Ghost Festival and Tomb
Sweeping Festival.
Offerings to the Ancestors:
Both the Igbo and the Chinese believe that family is a closely
united group of living and dead relatives. Ancestor worship
therefore is a religious practice based on the belief that
deceased family members have a continued existence, that the
spirits of deceased ancestors will look after the family, take an
interest in the affairs of the world, and possess the ability to
influence the fortune of the living.
Unity of the group reinforced through ancestor veneration,
offerings of various kinds help to keep the ancestors happy in
the spiritual world, who, in return, will bless the family.
Ancestor worshipping is not to ask for favours but to fulfill
one’s filial duties. The act is a way to respect honour and look
after ancestors in their afterlives, guaranteeing the ancestors’
well-being and positive disposition towards the living, as well
as possibly seeking the ancestors’ wisdom, guidance or
assistance for their living descendants.
One has to pay respect and homage to the ancestors, honour the
deeds, memories of the deceased, since the ancestors are the
23
ones that brought the descendants into the world, nourished
them, and have prepared the conditions under which the
descendants grew up, hence ancestor veneration is a pay back
of spiritual debts. Among the Igbo, there are dos and don’ts
signifying respect to the Ancestors. The Igbo believe in the
presence of the Ancestors in their mist every time. They
therefore do not back outside while eating. Doing that means
not welcoming the ancestors who suppose to take part in the
food and before one should start eating, one first takes a small
part of the food and throws it out for the ancestors to taste. By
doing that, it shows that the ancestors have blessed the food.
Apart from these, in the night, the Igbo people do not pour
water outside or sweep the house to ensure that they do not soil
or wet the ancestors believed to have come to protect the
family at night
Being an important aspect of the Chinese culture, the social or
non-religious function of ancestor worship is to cultivate
kinship values. Such kinship values are filial piety, family
loyalty, and continuity of the family lineage. Ancestor worship
is a family affair to the Chinese but to the Igbo; it is on family
and clan level, held in homes and temples and consists of
offering joss stick, serving as communication and greetings to
the deceased, prayers and offerings.
In further comments on gifts to ancestors, J.G.Frazer (1968)
explains thus: Ancestor worship in some cultures (such as
Chinese) (拜祖, pinyin: bàizǔ), also ancestor veneration (敬祖,
pinyin: jìngzǔ ), seeks to honor the deeds, memories, and
sacrifice of the deceased. Much of the veneration includes
visiting the deceased at their graves, making offerings to the
deceased to provide for their welfare in the afterlife. For
instance, a toothbrush, comb, towel, slippers, and water are
provided by the coffin or memorial so that the deceased will be
able to have these items after they have died. Often paper
versions of these objects are burnt for the same purpose, even
paper cars and plasma TVs. Spirit money (also called Hell
Notes in Chinese) is sometimes burnt as an offering to
ancestors as well for the afterlife. The living may regard the
ancestors as "guardian angels" to them, perhaps in protecting
them from serious accidents, or guiding their path in life.
In Korea, ancestor worship is referred to by the generic term
jerye (hangul: 제례; hanja: 祭禮) or jesa (제사). Notable
examples of jerye include Munmyo jerye and Jongmyo jerye,
which they perform periodically each year for venerated
Confucian scholars and kings of ancient times, respectively.
The ceremony held on the anniversary of a family member's
death is called charye (차례). J.G. Frazer goes on saying;
ancestor worship is predominant in rural India. In India, if an
elder person passes away, the family remembers then during
festivals and ceremonies, offer food to the deceased first,
before they themselves eat. Everyone makes prayers. Children
on their own ways, wish for something.
He explains that ancestor worship is one of the most unifying
aspects of Vietnamese culture, as practically all Vietnamese
regardless of religious denomination (Buddhist or Christian)
have an ancestor altar in their home or business.
In Vietnam, traditionally people did not celebrate birthdays
(before western influence) but the death anniversary of a loved
one was always an important occasion. Besides an essential
24
gathering of family members for a banquet in memory of the
deceased, they burnt incense sticks along with hell notes, and
great platters of fruit and made food as offerings on the
ancestor altar, which usually has pictures of the deceased. Igbo
(Ọmambala Igbo) and Chinese also observe same above.
Ancestral Feasts:
All over the World, there is one festival or the other in honour
of the Ancestors. The festival cut across cultural and religious
affinities. During such festivals, relatives of the deceased
normally give their offerings either in prayer or as physical
materials to them to show their continued love for them. These
offerings and practices are frequent during important
traditional festivals. The starting of a new business, or even
when a family member needs guidance or counsel, is a
hallmark of the emphasis at Vietnamese culture places on filial
duty.
Among Christendom, November 1 (All Saints Day) is the day
when families go to the cemeteries and light candles for their
dead relatives. In America flowers, wreaths, and grave
decorations and sometimes candles, are put on graves year-
round, as a way to honour the dead. Times like Easter,
Christmas, Candlemas, and All Souls' Day are especially days
when the relatives and friends of the deceased gather to honor
them with flowers and candles. Hispanics, in particular,
celebrate Dia de los Muertos (Day of the Dead) on or around
All Saints Day (Nov. 1), having brought this custom with them
from their countries of origin in Latin America. Ofrendas
(altars) are set up, with calabacitas (sugar skulls), photographs
of departed loved ones, marigold flowers, candles, and more.
Some Americans may even have a shrine in their home
dedicated to loved ones who have died, with pictures of them;
and many roadside shrines may be seen for deceased relatives
who died in car accidents or were killed on that spot.
During Samhain in Ireland, the dead were supposed to return,
and food and light were left for them. Lights were left burning
all night, like was done on Christmas Eve, and food was left
outdoors for them. It was believed that food fallen on the floor
should also be left, as someone needed it.
Among the Igbo, there are two festivals celebrated in honour of
the ancestors. These festivals are Ituaka (literarily meaning
expectation of hands) and Alommuo (feeding the spirits
renamed new yam festival, to allow participation of
Christians).
Ituaka (Expectation of Blessings):
Ituaka comes within four days of the deceased burial. This is
the time, when all the adult children of the deceased, bring gift
items such as: cocks, hens, yams, smoked fish, bottles of palm
oil, salt, cola nut and give to the umuada (daughters of the
kindred). The umuada then use them to sacrifice to the ancestor
and at the same time pray that he or she remembers them and
never to turn his or her back on the family. In this case, they
are asking him or her of the need to reincarnate in the family as
soon as possible. Only the women folk celebrate this festival.
They roast all the items brought except the cola nut and they
make sure that they eat everything, taking none home. If there
are remnants, they either leave them there, burn it or bury it.
This celebration serves as communion between the deceased
and the women folk in the kindred.
25
Alommuo (Feeding the Spirits):
Alommuo is the enlarged ancestral festival among the Igbo.
This festival comes up any time in the month of August that
corresponds to the third Igbo traditional week (12 days, the day
the lunar moon is complete round) of the fifth lunar calendar.
This day is remarkable day in Igbo people’s culture and
religion. Wherever an Igbo is during this time, he tries to get
home otherwise, he feels guilty of abandoning his duties to the
ancestors. The ancestors are given: cows, goats, cocks in
conjunction with big yams, cooked, pounded, and treated with
ofe mkpilive (tinny egusi soup) depending on how wealthy the
children are. This time, the celebration is not at the gravesite
but at the ancestral hut where carved artifacts symbolizes the
ancestors.
It is a kind of thanksgiving to the ancestors for their protection
and blessings to the living relatives. In connection with the
explanation above, one has to say something about the
offerings given to the ancestors. “It was always demanded that
ancestors should be given the best. The most privileged organs
from chicken or goats, like liver and lungs, were reserved to
ancestors. The best alcohol was poured to them” (Jordan
Nyenyembe, 2005:81). On this day, no traditional Igbo person
moves out of the town for work or market even if one does not
have anything for the celebration. Some people, who have
ventured, met ancestors on their way coming for the feast and
of course, the ancestors did not take it kindly with them as it
amounted to neglect of the ancestors welfare.
The Chinese also has feasts in honour of the ancestors. The
feasts are Ghost Festival or Hungry Ghost Festival and Tomb
Sweeping.
Ghost Festival or Hungry Ghost Festival:
Between the Chinese, the 15th day of the seventh moon in the
lunar calendar is called Ghost Day. The seventh moon in
general is regarded as the Ghost Month, in which ghosts,
including those of the deceased ancestors, and spirits come out
from the lower realm: the gates of hell are opened to free the
hungry ghosts who then wander to seek food on Earth.
On Ghost Day, the deceased visits the living. During the Ghost
Festival, the elder ancestors and older generations are
worshipped.
Rituals are preformed to transmute and absolve the sufferings
of the deceased; offerings reaching the ghosts should comfort
the ghost’s life. A satisfied ghost will not harm the living, but
rather protect them, acting as a ‘guardian angel’.Important
during the Ghost Festival is the fulfillment of one’s filial
duties, filial piety and to calm spirits.
Activities during the month include preparing ritualistic food
offerings, giving a feast to the ghosts, burning incense, joss
paper, spirit money and papier-mâché objects of material items.
The burning of the joss paper and papier-mâché objects allows
the object to be transferred to the ancestors and ghosts,
materializing in the afterlife and even increase in value. Joss
paper and objects are used as a symbol of transformation,
increase in reproduction, and are payments of spiritual debts.
26
In some areas, stage performers perform entertainment shows
only for ghosts. Elaborate meals are served in front of empty
seats, each single seat reserved for one of the deceased in the
family, treating the deceased as if they were still living. All
offerings are supposed to please the ghosts and to ward off bad
luck, to gain or enhance good luck as "The Chinese have
always been interested in their past -- worship of ancestors is
worship of origins." (Heinz 1999:225)
Tomb Sweeping Day/ Grave Sweeping Day/ Qing Ming
Festival:
Tomb Sweeping Day is a traditional Chinese festival celebrated
on the 104th day after the winter solstice.It has many names as
Grave Sweeping Day, Qing Ming Festival, All Souls Day or
Clear and Bright Festival. It comes up at the 4th or 5th day of
the fourth moon. The living descendants pay respect and
homage to all ancestors, including same age or younger
generations of ancestors.
It is a day to remember and honour one's ancestors at gravesites
by sweeping the tombs and offering food, tea, and wine,
chopsticks to eat the food with and by praying.
Joss paper accessories are offered to the ancestors as well.
While bland food is placed by the tombs on Tomb Sweeping
Day, the Chinese regularly provide scrumptious offerings to
their ancestors at altar tables in their homes.
Symbiotic Relationships between the Living and the
Ancestors:
Because of this belief in the continued existence of the soul, the
Chinese remember their ancestors through sacrifice (Soothill
1923:23). For the Igbo people and the Chinese, these sacrifices
are a main aspect of worshipping ancestors. For the most part,
"…private families probably sacrificed to their own ancestors"
(Bary 1960:7). Through these sacrifices, both the Chinese and
the Igbo believed their ancestors would bless and protect them.
If the family failed to honor their ancestors by either neglecting
them or incorrectly performing the sacrifices, it was a belief
that the ancestors would bring their living relatives
"misfortunes and calamity" (Bary 1960:7). Therefore, the
welfare of the family was in the hands of the ancestors and
pleasing them through sacrifice. The Igbo people know that
ancestors do not fail in their ability to care for the living. They
serve as eye of the living in the spirit world. They therefore do
not sit down and watch evil spirits torment the members of
their families on earth. Even when the members of their
families erred against spirit beings, the ancestors act as
solicitors of the living. “They do this because they are capable
of understanding both human and spirit languages” (Anizoba,
2002:84-85)
It is interesting to point out that "the ancestors, clearly still
members of the family, required almost as much attention dead
as they did when they were still living" (Heinz 1999:262). The
head of the household regularly checked in on the ancestors.
While doing so, the head of the household wore a special robe
and lit incense (for the Chinese) but among the Igbo, the family
27
head ensures that, there is endless burning firewood (ọnọkọ)
beside the ancestral cult symbols within the ancestral court. It
is a belief that the ancestors regularly stay there and as such
need to warm up their bodies.
On special holidays, a more extravagant offering was made to
the ancestors, such as rice, soup, vegetables, and meat (Heinz
1991:262).The food differs in case of the Igbo. Reason being
that since people’s deity takes pleasure in the food of the
worshipers; an ancestor would not take any thing less than their
original brand of food. That is why among the Igbo, the food
that gladdens the ancestors is pounded yam plus dry mudfish
and or meat such as beef, chicken or goat meat. However, both
the Igbo and the Chinese “… sacrifice liquor to their ancestors”
(Barend J. Tehaar, 1998:448). Both Cultures have dates for
special feasts for their various ancestors. For instances; The
Igbo usually celebrate the ancestors at the fifth lunar month of
every year which falls around July or early August while the
Chinese celebrate theirs called Tomb Sweeping on April 5.
Despite the fact that the ancestors were no longer physically
involved in the lives of the living, the Chinese and the Igbo
believed that the ancestors "continued to take interest in the
affairs of the living" (Soothill 1923:173). The ancestors were
informed of any important decision that was to be made. The
living also asked for approval on these subjects since they
believed that the ancestors heard and could somehow
exemplify their approval or disapproval for the decisions made
by the living relatives (Soothill 1923:173).Among the Igbo
people of Nigeria, ancestral consent is sought in time of
marriage and or naming ceremony of a newborn baby.
Sacrifices were also an important aspect of ancestor worship.
This is because "…the ancestors had the power to aid or punish
their descendants according to their pleasure" (Bary 1960:7).
The well-being of a family, therefore, was in the hands of the
ancestors, or so the Chinese believed. If the ancestors were
appeased, then their descendants felt that they would support
them. On the other hand, if the descendants did not satisfy
their ancestors, then they feared that their ancestors would
punish them severely. Moreover, of course, when they have
any problem, the Igbo consult a diviner to inquire the presence
of the ancestors and their intervention.
The Chinese seek out their ancestors for wisdom. They, in a
sense, pray to their ancestors for guidance (Ching 1993:26).
When a person of the Catholic faith wants help in a particular
area, they often times will pray to a saint for guidance in that
area. These two practices are somewhat similar. To the
Chinese and the Igbo, their ancestors are their spiritual leaders,
much like saints in the Catholic religion. “Ancestors are holy
ones in African Traditional Religion. They therefore should be
given due respect as their counter parts in Christian Religion”
(Anedo, 2009: 93). The main difference though is that the
Catholics do not need to appease the saints before they ask for
guidance, whereas the Chinese and the Igbo satisfy their
ancestors before they ask for any help.
28
Benefits of Ancestor worship:
The practice of ancestorship may sound absurd and waste of
time to some people. This is because of their ignorance of the
fact that ancestor worship or veneration has been a source of
moral attainment of the practitioners. Among the Igbo people
of Nigeria, it is a belief that ancestors are the custodians of
their tradition. The ancestors, knowing what they went through
to attain the status of which they are revered, do not like their
relations on earth, to mess up and thereby forfeiting happy life
afterwards. They therefore frown at any wrongdoing of family
members, visiting such with illness. Then the descendants
anxious of these try as much as they can to observe the taboos
of the land, thereby maintaining peaceful society. Anedo
(2009:1) gives his support on this saying “Among the Igbo
people of Nigeria, there had been need for the citizenry to live
in peace with one another, interact with one another and be
happy among them. This could only be achieved through the
institution and observation of taboos.” To avoid these
problems, an Igbo does all he could to ensure compliance with
the aid of the ancestors. “It is the belief of the Igbo that their
ancestors are always supervising their moral lives. That is why
they always try to live a righteous life by keeping all the
societal norms, values and taboos bequeathed to them’’
(Anizoba, 2001:4).
There are many taboos that the Igbo observe which shape their
moral life. According to Kalu (1978:44),’’ The African
perceived his world as a moral order, one in which his well-
being would be determined by the inscrutable will of the gods.’
The breaking of taboo in the entire Igbo society usually
required the extermination of the offender or some sort of
ceremonial purification. This ceremonial purification was what
Igbo call "njucha". According to Basden, (1966: 224), “Ichu
aja is performed on a few other special occasions. It is
prescribed when a person has succumbed to malignant disease,
such as leprosy or small pox... or when a man dies during the
period of mourning of his wife,"
On the other hand, the Chinese see it as a duty to love their
ancestors as the only way for people to have regard for them as
being obedient to their culture. Therefore, “... ancestor worship
or veneration equally reshapes the Chinese moral behaviour”
(Frazer, 1968) and this attests to high submissiveness of
Chinese and Igbo peoples to their leaders. The continued
communication between the living and the death is maintained.
The livings therefore keep the ancestors near the family to
watch over spiritual and physical fraternity among the people.
As a result, members of a family and or kindred feel obliged to
live in a fraternity relationship without conflicts because the
ancestors wish them peace. “In this way the dead became the
invisible participants in the ongoing life of the human
community” (Jordan Nyenyembe, 2005:81).They continue the
ties of kinship beyoung death, linking together family and clan
members with visible and invisible worlds. Among the Igbo, to
be in fraternal harmony with others was obligatory.
Future of members who cause quarrels and fighting with others
are gloomy. They could not join the communion of ancestors
after death. For such people according to Mbiti John (1992:83),
they admonished with these words: “Va mwana veve yata
walayima pandela malekana.” This to Mbiti means, young man
29
/ woman, you will be left on crossroad. In other words, ‘ you
shall be neglected by ancestors who will never take you in their
communion.’
The family being an institution that nourished fraternity was
modeled according to the prerogatives of ancestry kinship.
Parents, children and other relatives meet at all important
events. They invoke ancestors whenever the family and or clan
members gather. They consult them at the time of sickness,
marriage, title taking, coming of a new baby, etc. Ogbalu
(1981:45) says, “…when a woman is married, what is expected
of her is to bear a child. When this happens, it was the affair of
the entire family.” The naming of new baby involves the whole
family. Sometimes, the name of an ancestor was given to a new
baby. This was in anticipation that the child will grow up with
the same qualities that the ancestor had. Charles Nyamuti
explains this saying, “…the naming of the descendant by the
name his /her ancestor makes it possible for the ancestor to
continue to live in his descendant.” This was why the Igbo
sometimes consult the diviner before the naming ceremony, to
ascertain the name to give the child. They believe that the
ancestor has come back to live with them by reincarnating in
the baby. The ancestor therefore is Chi (guardian angel) to the
baby.
Ancestral feast makes fraternal gatherings among members of
the same family, relatives or friends, which has to be
complemented with common meals and drinks possible.
Members eat ate from the same utensils and drank with the
same cup. Everyone uses one’s own hands to eat, stressing
personal involvement. The communion from a common dish
was also intended to show fraternal unity, not only among the
living, but with the ancestors. Absenting oneself from the
communion signaled a serious omission that could endanger
the sincerity of the fraternity with others. During meals, the
Igbo did not neglect the ancestors. They offered some libations
and sacrifice to honour them. During this time, the privileges,
which the parents, chiefs and others in higher positions
accumulated thereby made it interesting that the citizenry of
the two cultures understudy, to respect their cultures in order to
be part of the gains when due.
Ancestor worship has created a strong family bond throughout
numerous generations. It forces both the Igbo and the Chinese
to remember their ancestors and all they fought, struggled, and
rejoiced. Not only does it preserve family lineage, but it also
creates a powerful sense of family loyalty. Through worship of
their ancestors, the two peoples were able to keep a record of
their ancestry and, in doing so, created strong family ties.
Suggestions and Conclusion:
It is interesting that the two cultures, Igbo and Chinese share
this common belief. One can easily ask if their fore fathers
have ever been in contact before practicing this belief.
Considering the distance between them, one has to understand
that it is only good thing that people can share. Having
observed this, this study is of the view that since the ideas and
beliefs of these two peoples could match without even knowing
each other, it would be easy for them to understand themselves
even in time of problems. Currently, if census of traders and
businesspersons all over Africa promoting made in China
30
goods are to be, I think, majority of them come from Igbo land.
Unfortunately, because Igbo nation is not a separate entity,
some contributions of theirs to Chinese well being are
unnoticed. It will therefore be nice for the Chinese people to
get closer to this people called Igbo, study them and of course,
have better deal with them. In conclusion, therefore, this paper
sees promotion of ancestral worship as worthwhile event
among the two peoples and the world at large. One has to
understand that love, respect and being generous to individuals
and government has root in ancestor worship.
References:
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Kalu, O. U. (1974). “Precarious Vision: The African’s
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32
IGBO POEMS: A CALABASH OF WISDOM
By
Stella Ogechukwu Agwuna
Department of Igbo and Other Nigerian Languages
Nwafor Orizu college of Education, Nsugbe
Abstract
In this work, “ỌNỤ” was selected from “Echiche” a poetry text
by Ezeuko and Anowai, edited in 1989 and analyzed,
identifying the benefits of taming the tongue and the
consequences of not keeping the mouth shut. A folktale was
also used to solidify illustrations. Also, “Ndidi” (Patience) was
selected from Onyekaọwụ’s poetry text “Uche bụ Afa”: edited
in 1989 and analyzed pointing out that the virtue of patience
should be made one of the pillars of one’s life principle. The
survey method of research was used. The researcher after the
analysis found out that waters of wisdom are drawn from the
lines and deep wells of these Igbo poems. In the poem “Ọnụ”,
we understood that one should listen more and talk less,
because there are several benefits derived from zipping the lips.
‘Ndidi’ speaks on patient dog eats the fattest bone, and one
who is patient, is always victorious. The study concludes by
pointing out some Igbo names coined to show the importance
attached in using the tongue wisely in order to avoid strife and
the benefits derived from patience.
Introduction
A Sensitive appreciation in poetry works Increases and adds to
a greater Understanding of the poem. Literature nourishes our
emotional lives. Literature whether oral or written, plays vital
roles in the society. It mirrors life and teaches life’s
fundamental truths and values. Literature sensitizes the people
on what is happening around them in the hope to affect a
desired positive change. Literature helps in calculating in the
populace, the virtues of living moral lives. It can also be an
instrument that serves as a systematic rediscovery of man in
order to realize and sharpen up his potentials. Those values if
assimilated are capable of guiding one in life. Poetry to
Wordsworth is “the spontaneous overflow of powerful feelings
recollected in tranquility”. It can be viewed as man’s charged
utterances when he is emotionally excited (Maduakor, 1991)
many of these expressions from the poets focuses on the issues
affecting the people and the attitudes of the people living in a
given society. Literature, most especially poetry, awakens the
readers’ consciousness through the slow process of appeal and
persuasion to impulses and action. All these are geared towards
a positive re-evaluation and transformation of actions.
Literature broadens our perspectives on the world. Literature
allows us to move beyond the inevitable boundaries of our own
lives. People who read poetry experience more life and have a
good keener sense of a common human identity than those who
do not. It is true of course that many people go through life
without reading imaginative poetry but that is a loss rather than
a gain. In the analysis of the poems “ỌNỤ” and Ndidi we call
attention to those elements that have being overlooked or only
vaguely sensed and brings them lime light and this
significantly, adds to a greater appreciation and understanding
of the work of art. For we all know that “writing teaches” and
readers are sometimes changed by literature. The interpretation
of the poems “ỌNỤ” can make one wisely select words before
speaking and “Ndidi”, to exercise a little patience in our daily
33
living. These are some of the virtue we have since neglected
which can with a greater effect help, one discovery, the
absolute peace we can attain when we are wise with our tongue
and patiently accepting delays without complaint.
Igbo poems
Poems can change, shape and sharpen the consciousness,
thoughts and drives of people. Uche (2009) points that poetry
as an aspect or branch of literature has a functional role of
complimenting the literary and artistic expressions of the
African beauty of native, social reality and philosophy of life.
A poet remains one of the shapers of the whole intellectual
tradition of civilization… he is gifted and must be seen as a
wise man. Poetry has a way of making profound statements in
such simple and emotive language that it can penetrate through
our cynical rationalism and hit us right in our soul. (Grace
community fellowship). Poetry has the power to inspire and
impact the readers not just in the head, but in the heart. Most
Igbo poems are parcels or calabashes filled with wisdom.
Examples are Nwadike’s “Akọọnuche” (2006), Onyekaọnwụ’s
“Uche bụ Afa” (1989), Ezeuko & Anowai’s “Echiche,”
(1989), Anozie’s “Uche bụ Akpa” (2007) and Ekechukwu’s
Akpa Uche, (1975) etc.
Concept of Wisdom
Mairi (1998:1629) indicates that wisdom is the quality of being
wise, the ability to make sensible judgment especially on the
basis of one’s knowledge and experience, prudence and
common sense, learning, knowledge, the weight of informed
opinion are not left out. One can associate wisdom with having
insights, understanding, moral, intellectual virtues and
possessing technical skills. (Hornby 2000:1370) ability to make
explains that wisdom is the sensible decision and gives good
advice because of the experience and knowledge one has
gained over a long period of time. It is a possible attribute for
and individual or a society to possess wisdom. With wise
decisions and planning, people are successfully guided and
established. But the lack of wisdom and vision often generate
failures, backwardness and regrets. Wisdom is supreme and the
bible advices us to seek for wisdom, for whoever finds
wisdom, finds life. (Prov. 8:35)
ỌNỤ
MOUTH
Si m, Si m, Si m
Talk, Talk, Talk
I bụ ajọ Ikuku
You are an evil wind
Ọ dighi onye I kusara ahu dị mma
Nobody is whole whenever you
I dighi mma n’ahụ nwoke
You are not beneficial to a man
ị dighi mma n’ahụ nwaanyị
You are not beneficial to a woman
Ọrụ ọma ka ị badoro aja
You trample on all good
I so egbu sorokwa na-edozi
You destroy and you repair
Nọrọkwa na ya jụ ọgịga
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Upon that, you refuse to step aside
Nke I ji ekweta ọchịcha
And also refuse to give way
Enyi na enyi adighi mma bụ gị butere ya
Friends separate because of you
I naghi ezu ike ebe udo na ihụnaanya dị
You never rest where ever there is peace
Mmadu inwe anụri na-ewe gi iwe
People’s happiness annoys you
Sọọsọ tigbue zogbue na-adị gị mma
Only strife and commotion gives you joy
Ọnụ biko kwụsi iko ka futubọl
Mouth please; stop blowing up like a football
Ka mmadụ nwere onwe ya
So that man can be free
Ezeuko & Anowai, Echiche (1989)
This didactic poem has three stanzas. The mouth utters many
things. In the analysis of the poem, the mouth utters many
things and is seen as an evil wind with atrocious slandering and
gossips which are both true and untrue. The mouth has a
destructive tendency. People who are flippant or loquacious
always find themselves in trouble with one person or the other.
Some words are acidic and as dangerous as bullets. The poet
describes the mouth as a part of the body that can destroy and
repair. Hence, the tongue also is a fire, a world of evil among
the parts of the body. It corrupts the whole person, sets the
whole course of his life on fire and is itself set on fire by hell.
(James 3:6). It is a restless evil, full of deadly poison (James 3,
3-8) concerning the body anatomy, the way God made man,
the ears were made to be opened but the mouth was made to be
closed. Man also has two ears but has one mouth. That means –
Listen more and talk less. The mouth when uncontrolled brings
unnecessary battle likewise, the tongue is a small part of the
body, but it makes great boasts. Consider what a great forest is
set on fire by a small spark 9James 3:5). Just as the poet points
out,
I bụ ajọ Ikuku (You are an evil wind)
Ọ dighi onye I kusara ahụ dị mma (nobody is whole wherever
you are) (stanza1, lines 2, 3)
It is a fool that utters his entire mind but a wise man keeps it in
afterwards. (Prov. 29:11). And words filthy spoken are like
apples of gold in setting of silver. (Prov. 25:11). This explains
that matters which are shared in confidence should be kept
confidential. The tongue is the evil wind that blows nobody
any good. The wise instruction is for one to hold the tongue,
weigh the words in a balance and make a bar for the mouth.
And “Bridle the tongue”: for life and death are in the power of
the tongue. Words have power to hurt, heal or inspire. When
the poet says:-
Enyi na enyi adịghị mma bụ gị butere ya. Friends separate
because of you
I naghị ezu ike ebe udo na ịhụnaanya di. You never rest where
there is peace (Stanza 3, line 1, 2)
He explains that the lash of the tongue, abusive and protective
words, can separate the best of friends and bring enmity and
discord where peace and love used to strive. It is one with a
matured behavior when provoked or hurt by words of the
35
mouth can have the determination to keep cool and never reply
back angrily. A soft answer turns away strife. Gossips, a casual
talk about the affairs of other people, discussing or using the
words like, “They said that they said”, “did you hear what I
heard,” All these can cause strife and distrusts. During gossips,
trusts are betrayed, relationships are broken, physical wounds
are inflicted, people are stabbed at the back, people and
institutions are ruined. People then, should not act on gossips
but should confirm every word before acting on it. Much of the
conflicts in the world are caused by a combination of a narrow
mind and a wide mouth. By hasty angry words, heartaches are
caused, homes broken up, friendships destroyed and wars
incited. One learns more by listening to others than by talking.
Gossips, criticism, exaggerated lies, complaints, fault findings,
negative judgmental remarks are never always beneficial to any
one as the poet notes - ị dịghị mma n’ahụ nwoke
ị dịghị mma n’ahụ nwaanyị
The poet finally beckons on the mouth to stop wagging and
blowing up so that man can be free, for it is in keeping silent
that man can be freed from the severe consequences from the
unwise use of the tongue. Silence heals. There is also a source
of strength in silence. Silence is often communicative and its
appropriate uses must be learned. Among other things, it can
communicate, respect, comfort, support, disagreement or
uncertainty (okpalike & Udemmadu, 2012: 269) when we keep
quiet and talk less, it lowers and reduces stress. It helps the
brain to become more interactive leading to higher cognitive
abilities; it reduces mind chatter, provides confidence,
improves concentration, slows down or stop the negative
scenario creating mechanism that holds one back. “Silence”
regulates the flow of listening and talking, the best leaders are
also the best listeners and the best followers have the ability to
listen, comprehend and act.
In the Igbo oral literature, the folktales are full of wisdom and
knowledge. The stories told, help to inculcate discipline, and
moral values to the child. This particular folktales, illustrate the
benefit or gain in zipping the lips or controlling the tongue –
“Why the hawk carries the chicken as food”. There goes the
story, “Once upon a time, mother hawk sent her child to go in
search of what to eat. On its way, it saw a baby bird with the
mother. It flew as fast as a lightening and took the baby pigeon
by force. The mother bird, kept quiet, unperturbed, but
wondered why the hawk carried her baby. This is because in
those days, animals do not eat their fellow animals. So, the
mother bird maintained her peace and quietness. Sooner, the
hawk brought the baby bird to the mother hawk with great
happiness but the mother hawk asked her child, “What did the
mother bird do when you carried her baby”? “She kept silent”,
said the baby hawk, then the mother replied, “Since she kept
silent, she might plan evil against us and harm us when next
she sees us. I feel uncomfortable with her silence. Please take
back her baby bird to her”. The hawk flew off with fear and
took the baby bird back to the mother. On its way back home,
it saw a hen with four of her chicks. The hawk again, flew
down fast and sharp and carried one of her chicks. When the
hen saw this, she chased, abused and screamed loudly at the
36
baby hawk with intense hatred but her chick was gone. When
the baby hawk brought the chick to the mother, she asked again
“What did the mother do when you carried her chick”? “She
gave me a hot chase, screamed, abused, cursed and would have
torn me into shreds,” replied the baby hawk. “Yes this is the
best she can do; nothing else will happen, for barking dogs
seldom bite. This is going to be a good meal” She rejoiced. So
mother hawk killed and cooked the chick and they ate. Since
then, the hawk still hunt for the chicken and not the birds as
food and the hen still chase and abuse the hawk.
The story teaches us to always remain calm and silent when
angry. Today, birds are not hunted as food by the Hawk
because they were wise and kept silent. When we talk too
much, we expose and say all that we have in mind. Besides,
silence is golden. Wisely, it is better to keep quiet and act
instead of cursing and abusing and end up doing nothing, for
Action they say, speaks louder than voice.
There are very nice quotes on the benefits of keeping the
mouth shut. These quotes are true to the adage that says:
“Silence is golden’. Hence:
The top 10 online quotes on “keep your mouth shut”
Even a fool when he holds his peace, is counted wise and he
that shut his lips is esteemed a man of understanding (proverbs
17:28)
- “It is better to remain silent and be thought a fool than
open ones mouth and remove all doubt – Mark Twain
- “Always keep your mouth closed when a meeting is
going really well or deteriorating into Dante’s inferno
– Unknown
- When you know you are full of bull (likely to be
untrue) keep your mouth shut – Will Rogers.
- “Look at me, never rant on your friends and always
keep your mouth shut” – Jimmy Conway Character
from “Good fellas”
- “If you keep your mouth shut, the flies won’t get in” –
Spanish proverb
- “Don’t take another mouthful before you have
swallowed what is in you mouth”. African Proverb
- “The closed mouth catches no flies” – 1742 B.
Franklin.
- “If A equals success, then the formula is A equals X
plus Y and Z, with X being work, Y play and Z keeping
your mouth shut” – Albert Einstein
- “I like to listen, I have learned a great deal from
listening carefully. Most people never listen”. Earnest
Hemingway.
37
There is power in silence. We must realize that silence can be
as expensive as the words we choose. The result is greater
harmony and effectiveness. There are of course, times when it
is important not to keep our mouth shut – to counter injustice,
to soothe a friend, to straighten an idea.
In the Igbo community life, such names like these are coined in
order to show the importance attached in using the tongue
wisely:-
-Mụọlokwu – (weigh your words)
-Ikegwuọnụ – (Retire thy mouth)
-Ọnụegbunwa – (may thy mouth never bring
destruction)
-Ekwutosi – (slander not)
-Igbojiọnụ - (Igbo’s can boast)
-Ọnụbụọgụ - (Talks brings strife)
-Ọnụwa – (words of the people)
-Ikeokwu – (The power in words)
-Ekwunife – (utter nothing)
-Iredinka – (Use words wisely)
-Okwusogu – (may words never bring strife)
-Ire Erika – (Too many wagging tongues)
-Ọnụkwube – (Let them say)
-Nkiti – (Silence)
Some of the Igbo proverbs like these are coined to also
illustrate the importance of using the tongue wisely:-
1. Okwu dị nrọ, na-eweda ọnụma – (gentle words
drives away wrath)
2. Ire ọma ka ejula ji aga n’ọgwụ – (Sweet words
withers storms)
3. Nwaanyị ire ọma, dị anaghị ajụrụ ya nri – (Men
never rejects food from a wife with a sweet
coated tongue)
4. Okwu e kwuru n’ọnụ bụ obi mmadụ a hụrụ anya
– (words reveals the heart of a man)
Literary artists especially Igbo poets use their imaginative
sensibility to inspire and shape the intellectual and spiritual
attributes of man. These poets as a wise and deep composers,
uses their rich ideas and common sense to convey to us to
bridle the tongue for the psalmist asks “What man is he that
38
desires life and love many days that he may see good? Keep thy
tongue from evil and thy lips from speaking guile. (Psalm 34
vs. 13)
Language
Some of the figurative expressions used by the poets were used
to adorn the work for example- Metaphor
- ị bụ ajọ ikuku
- Enyi na Enyi adịghị mma bụ gị butere ya
Idiom (Akpaalaokwu)
Ọrụ ọma ka I badoro aja
(Ọrụ Ọma ka ị kpuchiri)
Personification
The poet addresses the mouth as if it were a human being. The
entire poem spoke to the mouth Ọnụ. Example
-ị naghi ezu ike ebe udo na ihunaanya di.
-Mmadụ inwe anụrị na-ewe gi iwe. sọọsọ tigbue zogbue
na-adi gi mma. Ọnụ Ọnụ biko kwusi iko ka futu bọl.
Repetition
The continual repetition of “dịghị” makes the poem sound
musical e.g.
Ọ dịghị onye I kusara ahụ dị mma
I dịghị mma n’ahụ nuoke
I dịghị mma n’ahụ nwaanyi
Oxymoron: This is a figure of speech in which two words
with opposing meanings are used together internationally for
effect. A contradiction in terms.
- I so egbu, sorokwa na-edozi
- Norokwa naya, ju ọgịga
- Nke I ji ekweta Ọchịcha
NDIDI
PATIENCE
Ndidi Gini di ka gi?
Patience! What is like you?
ị maka, ị di mkpa
You are good, you are important
Onye nwere gi
Anyone who has you
Mmeri bụ nke ya
39
Victory is hers/his
Ma ị bụ ọ dị nso eru aka
You are near, but difficult to attain.
Iwu gị ebughị ibu
Your law is not numerous
Ma ọ na-ara ahụ na ndebe
But difficult to observe
Ụwa na-aga fịam fịam fịam
World is moving fastly
Ihe Ụwa buru n’ọkụ n’ọkụ
If worldly things are in haste
Ma ndị ịro gị ka ha bụ
Then, for they are your enemies
Bụ ndị na-achọghị ihe nwayọọ
Those who do not want gentle things.
Ndidi! ị dị m mkpa
Patience! You are essential to me
Ana m achọsi gị ike
I earnestly seek you,
Gwa m ka m ga-esi nweta gị
Tell me how I can obtain you
Ma jidesie gị ike,
And grasp you firmly
Kwụsizie ịchọ ihe n’ike
And abandon excessive hurry
Na iso ya n’ọkụ
And pursuing it in haste
Nke njedebe ya bụ ịkwa ụka
The end of it all is battle
Ndidi! Biko bịa za m
Patience! May you beckon to my call…
Onye nwere gị nwe mmeri,
With you as a possession, one is victorious
Ọ bụ ya na-eri azụ ukpoo
He eats the fattest bone.
ONYEKAỌNWỤ’S UCHE BỤ AFA (1989)
Interpretative Analysis
Onyekaọnwụ in this poem “Ndidi”, (patience) sees patience as
indispensible and incomparable tool in ones life. Anyone who
imbibes the virtue of patience will live a victorious life. The
benefits derived from it cannot be over-emphasized. Patience is
the ability to stay calm and accept a delay or something
annoying without complaining. Patience enables one to spend
lots of time, doing something difficult in order to attain a much
more better result. Patience means to tolerate delays; it implies
self control, forbearance, ability or the willingness to suppress
restlessness or annoyance. Patience may be bitter but its fruits
are sweet for whoever that practices will have what he will.
When the poet says,
Onye nwere gị
Anyone who has you
Mmeri bụ nke ya
40
Has victory
Ma ị bụ ọ di nso eru aka
But you are near, but difficult to attain
He realizes the usefulness of this virtue of patience because it
is the companion of wisdom. How can one learn to develop
patience? One can be patient by developing realistic
expectation, realizing that set-backs are only temporally,
employing a problem solving attitude instead of choosing to be
a victim, having faith that one can overcome a difficult
situation.
One can develop patience by practicing delaying gratification,
slowing down, practicing thinking before talking in order to avoid
hurting or offending others, taking deep breathes and trying to relax
when impatient, planning ahead of time to avoid rushing. All these
reduce stress. With the virtue of patience, one cannot easily be
angry or stressed out, haste is avoided, makes better organized
decision, takes ample time to access situations and weighs any pros
and cons. Patience enables one to understand and appreciate the
process of planning, growth, evaluation, all these are time
consuming which is patience. People who are patient, takes time to
process what they go through and are able to determine what it
takes to overcome obstacles. These attributes makes one more
understanding, emphatic and compassionate. A patient person is
always a very nice person to be around with, but he who lacks
patience makes one irritable and unhappy. Impatience has
consequences which can be destructive. It can cost so many pains
and suffering in life. It can cost money. If one is not patient, one
may find it difficult to reach his/her goals in life. So when the poet
says,
Kwụsizie ịchọ ihe n’iKe n’ike
Now abandons excessive hurry
Na iso ya n’ọkụ n’ọkụ
And seeking things with haste
Nke Ajedebe ya bụ ịkwa uka
The end of which is confusion
He beckons on all to avoid unnecessary haste in life because
there is no hurry in life, slow and steady wins the race.
Behaving impatiently often brings one into the situation of
“looking before you leap”. Most mistakes we venture into that
worked out poorly, if we look back, were as a result of the
absence of patience. It is far better to tackle things as they
come along in life with patience. It is a goal worth aiming for.
With patience, we learn how to take time to smell the roses and
notice the little beautiful and wonderful things around us which
we were unable to recognize because we are so busy with the
serious activities that requires continuous energy and time.
This implies that patience keeps one from getting boned. It
controls one from committing wrong verbal or physical acts
when angry, and prepares one to withstand physical or
psychological hardship when it is required. Above all, it keeps
41
one under the protection and care of God. It is a lifelong effort
and like all other skills, it requires practice. In life, usually,
challenges or obstacles may arise after setting important goals.
With patience, one should adopt the motto which says: “If you
try and don’t succeed, try again and leave the next to God”.
Kwakpovwe (2014) writes what Victor Hugo says “there is one
thing stronger than all the armies in the World and that is an
idea whose timing has come”. No matter how long it takes,
when your time has come, no force can stop it. We often say,
“As patient as Job”. That was because in the bible, Job
remained an epitome of patience. Job experienced painful
disease and profound distress. He lamented but never cursed
God. God later blessed and doubled his life with wealth and
more blessings. Job’s faithful endurance also enabled him to
understand God more fully (Job 42:12). When the poet in the
poem finally says,
“Onye nwere gị, nwe mmeri”
One with you is victorious
“Ọ bụ gị na-eri azụ ukpoo”
You eat the fattest bone
When we take a look at the life of Abraham and Sarah, God
promised Abraham that he would be the father of many
nations; finally when Abraham was hundred years and Sarah
was ninety years, God gave them a son, Isaac (Gen. 21:3). And
so after many years of patience, they obtained the promise.
Another picture of patience in the bible is Joseph. Joseph rose
from pit to prison and finally to a palace. His brothers sold him
as a slave. He trusted God to work out his plan in his time. He
waited for God to fulfill his promise that he would be a leader
of his people. Of course God did not lift Joseph up to great
power and responsibility. Not only was he a leader of his
people, He ruled over the people of Egypt too (Gen. 41: 37-44).
With this virtue of patience, God accomplished his purpose in
the life of Joseph.
Another story of people who won through patience is Mandela.
Nelson Mandela arrived on Robben Island (in 1964), where he
spent 27 years in prison. Confined to a small cell, the floor was
his bed, a bucket for his toilet; He was forced to do hard labour
in a quarry. He was allowed one visitor a year for 30 minutes.
He could write and receive one letter every six months. But
Robben Island became the crucible which transformed him.
Through his intelligence, charm and dignified defiance,
Mandela eventually bent even the most brutal prison official to
his will, assumed leadership over his jailed comrades and
became the master of his own prison. He emerged from it the
matured leader who would fight and win great political battles
that would create a new democratic South Africa. With his
patience, endless waiting and determination after these
42
sufferings, Mandela became the first black South African
president (online).
One may not fully understand why God allows one to undergo
a particular trial. Yet, we are sure that his blessings must
follow us if we are faithful and patient. Moreover patience does
not mean sitting back and waiting for things to happen or tasks
to be accomplished for us or putting off doing things. It never
means postponing till tomorrow what we can do today or
allowing idleness.
One day, today, is worth two tomorrows, for any duty dodged
today is a debt one must pay tomorrow. Delays, prolonged
procrastinations and idleness paralyses imitative and steals
ones destiny. One who desires anything and does not act,
breeds stagnation.
In conclusion, the wisdom behind the virtue of patience is that
nothing good happens right away. If we expect things to
happen at the snap of a finger, we will get impatient every
time. Instead, realize that things will take much time and this
realization can help tremendously “for Rome was not built in a
day”.
In the Igbo cultural life, such names like these shows the great
importance attached to having “patience” as a virtue:
‘Ndidiamaka’ (patience is good), “Ọgaadịmma, (it shall be
well),” “Nchekwube/Chekwube (Hope), “Nkiruka” (future is
bright) ‘Ogechukwukamma’ (God’s time is the best),
‘Cherechi’ (wait on God) ‘Ndibe’(be patient), ‘Emenike’
(Don’t be in a haste) ‘Ifekwuniru’ (future is bright)
‘Ọdịniruka’ (future is bright), ‘Tabugboo’ (today is early
enough) Ositadimma (it shall be well from today) etc. Even in
the Igbo adages, the benefits derived from the virtues of
patience cannot be over-emphasized hence,
1. “Nwayọọ nwayọ ka e ji aracha ofe dị ọkụ” (slow
and steady wins the race)
2. “Ụkwa ruo oge ya, ọ daa” (there is
time for everything)
3. Nwayọọ bụ ije (slow but
steady)
4. Chinchi sị ụmụ ya, ha nwee ndidi na ihe dị ọkụ ga-
emecha juo oyi (the bedbug advised her children
to be patient because all shall eventually be well)
5. E jighi ụtụtụ ama njọ ahịa (do not be too
hasty to conclude issues)
6. Chi e jighi n’ụwa mmadụ akarịkwala ubọchị
(tomorrow is unpredictable)
Language: The language is free and easy, and the poet uses
proverbs and personification to add flavor to the work.
Rhetorical Questions
- Ndidi! Gịnị dị ka gị? (line 1)
43
- Nsinụụda (Onomatopoeia)
- Ụwa na-aga fịam fịam (line 8)
-
Proverb (Ilu)
- Onye nwere gị, nwere mmeri (line 20, 21)
- Ọ bụ ya na-eri azụ ukpo
Personification (Mmemmadụ)
The poets is talking to patience as if the virtue of
patience is a living being
- Gwa m ka ga-esi nweta gi (line 14 & 15)
- Ma jidesie gị ike
- Ndidi bịa za m (line 19)
Repetition
- Ma ị bụ ọ nọ nso eru aka (line 5)
- Ma ọ na-ara ahụ na-ndebe (line 7)
- Ma ndi iro gị ka ha bụ (line 10)
- Ma jidesie gị ike (line 15)
Continually, repeating ma ma at the beginning of every line
making its sound musical.
Alliteration
- Ndidi! Gịnị dị ka gị (line 1)
- Ndidi! ị dị m mkpa (line 12)
Assonance
- Ma ndi iro gi ka ha bụ (line 10)
- Na iso ya n’ọkụ n’ọkụ (line 17)
Onomatopoeia
Ụwa na-aga fiam fiam fiam (line 8)
Recommendation:
Considering The pearls of wisdom analyzed and identified in
these Igbo poems, when employed in our lives, would help us
as a people to live and co-exist peacefully amongst our selves
in the society, for poems have the capacity to throw a new and
positive light in peoples line of thought because it awakens in
the reader or listener, emotions and impulses to action. The
poet has no far-ranging powers. He can only reach the willing
reader. After all a poem is an inert object; It leaps to life when
read and only then does the reader’s dialogue with the poet
begins. Only when he is read does the poet’s job begins,
because he can only directly influence those who read it
(Stephen, 2009:83).
44
It is therefore worthy for all Igbo Scholars to show a more
positive concern towards the Igbo poetry studies. This would
help them attain wisdom and discover some hidden truth which
can lead to a better way of life.
References
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Onitsha: Midfield
Agwuna, S.O. & Anidobe, C.J. (2014) Igbo Amaka!. Igbo GS
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Agwuna, S.O. (2008). O ruru otu mgbe Onitsha: Lincel.
Anedo, A. A. O. & Udemmadu, T. N. (Eds.) The Ideal man.
Festschrift in honour of Professor Obed. M. Anizoba.
Awka: Apple books. Pg. 269.
Arnold, B.L (2013). The marvelous benefits of silence
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Ezeuko, R.O & Anọwai; J.I. (1989). Echiche Onitsha: Elites
Hornby, A.S. (2000). Oxford Advanced learner’s Dictionary.
London: Oxford University Press.
http//www.media.pbs.org/ramgen/x.com Benefits of keeping
your mouth shut.
Kwakpovwe , C.(2014). Our Daily Manner. Lagos: Manner
Resource centre.
Mairi, R. & Davidson G. (1998). Chamber 21st century
Dictionary. New Delhi: Allied Chambers.
Okpalike, B.I & Udemmadu, T.N. (2012). “Ethnography of
communication: A study of Akpo and Communities.
Onyekaọnwụ, .G.O. (1989). Uche bụ Afa. Onitsha: University
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Oragwu, A.O & Ikemefuna, O. (2013) Philosophical elements
in some selected poems of Onyekaọwụ, Nwadike and
Ogunjiofor. An unpublished Degree Thesis.Department
of Igbo & other Nigerian Languages NOCEN.
Stephen, J. (2009). “Poetry and social development: A study of
J.P. Clark Bekedermo’s
45
State of the Union”. African Literature & Development
in the 21st Century. In Eyisi, J. Odimegwu, I &
Ezenwa-Ohaeto N. (Eds.) Owerri: Living Flames Pg. 83.
Uche .O. (2009). “The poet as a wise man”. African literature
& Development in the 21st Century. In Eyisi, J.
Odimegwu, I & Ezenwa-Ohaeto N. (Eds.). Owerri: living
flames. Pg. 73. (2010) tweet the top 10 “Keep your
mouth shut quotes” of the time.
ỌZỌ TITLE: A SYMBOL OF LEADERSHIP AND
AUTHORITY
IFEYINWA C. ISIDIENU
DEPT OF IGBO, AFRICAN AND ASIAN STUDIES
NNAMDI AZIKIWE UNIVERSITY, AWKA
Abstract
Ọzọ title is the highest title and the most prestigious title that
exists in Igbo Society. The groups of persons who are “ọzọ”
titled men wield great authority across communities in Igbo
land and aid in providing leadership in the society. The advent
and the role of Christianity is believed to have influenced and
infringed upon this age long office to the extent that it has
made it to lose its value in the society. This study is a
descriptive survey. The researcher reviewed related literature
and applied oral interview of “ọzọ” titled men and elders in
gathering the data which was analyzed to answer the necessary
questions raised in the study. It was found that “ọzọ” title men
actually wield authority and influence in Igboland as they help
in settling disputes such as land matters, inter-village squabbles
and others. It was also found that the advent of Christianity
almost reduced ọzọ title to mere festivity and a state of
impotence. It was recommended that the “ọzọ” be re-juvenated
to assume its proper role again for the protection of our rich
cultural heritage and restoration of the prestige of “ọzọ” title.
46
Introduction
Title taking is an important institution among the Igbo. Ọzọ
title is the highest title in Igbo land. The members wield a lot
of authority and exhibit leadership roles. Ọzọ title has its
inception from the quest of Igbo men to attain religious
authorities and ensure its continuity, respect and sanctity.
According to Idigo (2010:10) ọzọ title in Igbo land is a by-
product of the system of administration introduced in Eri
Kingdom. It was observed that the ability of Eri to infuse
discipline and maintain law and order amongst his children was
due to the strict religious practice in the kingdom. These laws
guided the actions and ways of life of the entire population in
the settlement.
Igbo people are democratic in nature. Leadership starts from
the family to the kindred, village and to the town. The Igbos
cherish moral leadership and this invaluable democracy is
reflected in various political groups by which the Igbo people
were governed in groups. These groups include the King, Age-
grade, Sister’s Union, Women’s Union, Nze na ọzọ etc. Ọzọ
title happened to be the highest and most prestigious title
among the Igbo. They have great authority and perform
political, religious and social functions in the society. There
are a lot of taboos that guide them and hence they help to bring
sanity in the society.
Onunwa (2005:192) states that “Christianity has tremendously
affected the African life. Traditional societies have been
disrupted. A new social order is emerging partly out of the old
and partly as a response to the new contact with powerful
external change –agent Ọzọ title is not an exception in this
tremendous change and for this reason this research work
emanated.
Views on Ọzọ Title
Before the introduction of the idea of title taking, nobody
could assert his superiority over anybody. Everybody was
equal, number of wives, children, yam barns, domestic animals
etc one had were the determinant of people’s wealth, though
that did not give one any remarkable edge over others.
Ekwelaor (1998:56) is of the view that ọzọ title is the greatest
male title of the Igbo land of Nigeria. Although he did not state
the characteristics in his definition but he is able to let one
know the area of people that take the title.
Idigo (2001:110) asserts that Eri instructionalized the ọzọ title
as the highest title of Igbo land. He made ọzọ title as another
title to be taken after Ogbuanyinya title. Some of the titles
which must be taken before ọzọ title according to Idigo are
Ogbuevi /Ogbuanyinya and Odoloma nri
Ogbuevi and Ogbuanyinya
Initiation into the full membership of this title required a lot of
material and spiritual involvement the items which every
individual was required to provide include 100 tubers of yam,
any animal within one reach, 30 gallons of palm wine and other
minor but important items like kolanut, kolanut pepper. These
items were brought to the sacred temples of five deities. Nri
47
who was the high priest among the seven children of Eri
officiated. After many years some social elements were
introduced into the initiation ceremony, each prospective
members is required to provide in addition a cow and a horse
as sacrificial items. Nri was authorized to confer Ogbuevi title
on anyone who was able to offer a cow. Any member who
could offer a horse in addition to cow was given a higher title
of Obuanyinya.
Odoloma Nri
These are like special advisers, the kings cabinet. They must
possess certain qualities which include intelligence sense of
responsibility, obedience and honesty. They must be
ogbuanyinya titled men. Those selected were made to undergo
a long and tedious weeks of purification. Purification lasted
four native weeks and involved “”Isacha ile” literarily
translated to mean washing of tongue. This enables him to be
upright in spoken words and actions. Each selected candidate
was made to go into seclusion in Alusi Idemmili forest
throughout the period of four native weeks. Members remain
isolated from themselves. They broke their daily fast at sunset
and the attendants who brought food to them were masked with
black cloth so that they would not be seen by those in isolation.
The attendants left their food at designated point without
communicating with them. Ubesie (2004:123) also states the
minor title which one must take before ascending to ọzọ title.
Amanwụrụ
In Enugwu-Agidi specifically Amanwuru is done in ‘onwa
Nkwu” when people had finished planting yam seedlings. It is
celebrated any other day apart from Eke market day. The
initiate will inform his kindred with kola nut and wine. That
particular day two sheep (okiri) will be slaughtered, people will
eat and drink, those who have attained the “Amanwuru” title
will wait behind to share the meat and money paid by the
initiate, this stage ends with a dance in the market place.
Abacha Mgbede
The only significant event in this stage is the money which the
initiate will pay for other holders of “Abacha mgbede” to share
Ekwu Ụnọ Na Ekwu Obodo
In “Ekwu uno” the initiate will invite the title holders of “Ekwu
uno” in his kindred and pay the stipulated amount of money
which they will share. In “Ekwu obodo” all the members in the
town will gather at the village square, after drinking wine, they
share their money. Dancing in the market place brings the
Ekwu initiation to an end, if the person is capable he will
prepare for the ọzọ title. Ekwealor commenting on these, states
that apart from the highest title, different communities in Igbo
land had minor titles which must be taken before ọzọ title. In
Mbankwu, the minor titles are “Amanwuru” “chi” and
“Nsunohu”, in Awka “ajaghijia” Nwosu (2010) identified the
minor titles in Nri as
48
i. Nlinwamadu title – It empowers the initiate to speak in
the palace of Eze Nri, take one ọzọ name, be a spokes
man in his community and entitled to carry “Akpa
Nwefi”
ii. The initiate will feast his village and met their
requirements
iii. The aspirant will now move to his ogwe muo unit. He
will be sent to screening committee, the report of the
committee will determine his fate.
These views show that ọzọ title is taken in different areas,
basically the ọzọ title men has a title which is different from
one area to the other. Again, there is other title to be taken
before ọzọ title which is the highest of all the title. Nworah
(2007) states that sometimes title are given and taken to reflect
the character of title bearer or holder. In some other cases the
titles are just symbolic, in typical Igbo communities; people are
not known, called or greeted by their names but rather by their
titles. Onlines: http//thelongarmathanseason,
blogsspot.com/dowuloaded16/8/2012.
In Igbo land therefore, titles could be either assumed without
any ceremony or taken through elaborate feasting and
fulfillment of other conditions. Some titles are also hereditary.
Ene (2005) states that “title taking is not for faint-hearted men
of limited means. It takes a heavy toil on the resources of the
one seeking into the society”
outline:http/www.kwenu.com/moe/2005/titile taking.htm
downloaded 16/8/2012.
The titles were not conferred on just anyone who had
resources. Those who felt that they should be accorded certain
privileges in the community went out and proved it in the
community. Title shows a lot about the person and has
different names by which they are known, in different
communities in Igbo land; in Udi area, it is called “ichi oha”, in
Afikpo “ime Emume” and in Onitsha and Awka area it is
called “ọzọ”.
Concerning women on title taking Nworah affirms that there is
no evidence of discrimination against women with regards to
title taking, women are holding their own and they do have
their class, usually into the much revered and influenced Iyom
society.
Origin of Ọzọ Title
Whatever that is in existence except God Almighty has got its
inception. The ọzọ title institution started sometime in the past.
Ilogu (1974:62) accepts that it is difficult to research into the
origin of ọzọ title institution. However he was of the view that
it grew out of the need for priest who will preside over meeting
of extended families and lineage for worshipping and
supervising of the people’s ancestral cult and keeping the
custody of the family “ọfọ”. This assertion shows that ọzọ title
has been in inception since long time ago. They are the
intermediary between the people and their ancestors. They are
the custodian of the family ọfọ. They venerate and fed the
ancestors during the ancestral feast (Alommuo).
49
Orji (1999: 45) state that the ọzọ title started as a result of the
wealthy men’s taste for distinction in the society, the wealthy
men wanted to distinguish themselves from the poor. Nwosu
(2010), states that “Nri is the originator and bestower” of ọzọ
in Igbo land. Eri the progenitor of Nri, bigoted the ọzọ title to
his son Nri, who in turn bestowed the title to Ndigbo”
http:/nwosureport.b/og.com/2010/ ọzọ-title taking in the
ancient nri-kingdom/downloaded 18/8/2012.
Idigbo (2010:10) declared that ọzọ title in Igbo land is a bi-
product of the system of administration introduced in Eri
kingdom. The ability of Eri to infuse disciple and maintain law
and order amongst his children was due to his strict religious
practice in the kingdom. This paper agrees with Idigo because
an in tending ọzọ title holder is expected to make declaration to
be of good character and be bound to up-hold the ethics and the
tradition of the ọzọ title. They play the role of peace –makers
to the community where they belonged.
Leadership cum authority of ọzọ title
Qzọ titled men perform leadership roles in their villages or
town assemblies or they have the highest political status, their
decisions are final either singly or collectively. Ogbalu (n.d:33)
states
It seems the rituals are intended to clothe the title
with some religious authority and thereby ensure
its continuity, respect and sanctity. Title taking is
approached with some awe and steps are taking
by both the candidates and initiators to see that the
orders are meticulously observed to avoid divine
anger and punishment.
Their leadership and authoritative role cannot be over
emphasized, it places them in the position of honour and
respect, for that, no title holder can be stripped of his title for
any other reason such as late poverty, disease or
quarrelsomeness. Ekwealor (1998:58) analyzing the leadership
role and authority of ọzọ title states that:
i. They are the leaders in the community they provide
rules and regulations by which the community is
governed.
ii. Their house are sacred, thieves cannot go there to steal
therefore other people use to keep their valuables in
their houses.
iii. They have executive and legislative roles in their
communities
iv. In some places, it is from the ọzọ title holders that those
who will act as traditional priest are been selected, they
are the intermediaries between the seen and unseen
From the foregoing it shows that the ọzọ title holders
have religious authority which confers religious sanctity on
them. On leadership role their decision are final, they have
more opinion in traditional matters including traditional
marriage. They have say during land disputes. They protected
the weak by speaking up against injustice and the young ones
were never misled into misdeed.
Christianity has affected the ọzọ title so much that some of the
rituals have been waived for them and more emphatically the
urge by many Christians admonishing others not to join the ọzọ
title; for instance Ogamba (2002:5) states that
50
ọzọ title taking is an initiation to the deity by
which one becomes a member of a traditional
order (Nze na ọzọ) the origin and the visible
founders are not specifically known; but as the
story had it, it was a call from a deity through a
pagans high priest who selected some persons and
consecrated them with oath to administer justice
to the people. These men must be special to the
deity therefore; it is high time Christian told
themselves the truth … Christians should stop
gathering frogs and stones together ... ọzọ title
taking is not for Christians, it is for pagans.
Speaking on this also ojiyi (2005) was of the opinion that ọzọ
is a cult not a tradition and anybody who is initiated into ọzọ
fraternity is initiated into the ọzọ deities.
Taboos Associated With Ọzọ Title
Before taking ọzọ title the aspirant must have joined an age
grade, married, had children and must have performed the
minor titles. Many questions will be asked about his character
and screening done in the line with criminal records, how he
made his wealth. If he is an ex-convict, if he lives in his own
house and if his father or elder brother has not taken an ọzọ
title.
Ogbalu (n.d:37) states that there are a number of
misconducts of which if he is guilt were taboos, and
in minor ones sacrifice … in more serious ones like
theft he is stripped of his title. … he is exempted
from communial labour and it is taboo for him to
carry corpse, to climb a tree or hire himself for
labour.
It is worthy of note that it is also a taboo for an ọzọ titled
holders to eat unclean things, eat in the market place or eat
food cooked by just anybody. It is a taboo for him to lie but
will always speak the truth and never to retreat from his words.
Speaking on this issue Orji (1999:46) affirms that as time went
on some element of questionable character started to join the
titled society. Their yes could not be yes and their No could not
be No as before. The ọzọ- ship was about to lose its respect and
dignity. This paper agrees with this assertion because it was
discovered that in the past those who have the money might not
qualify due to questionable background and character flaws but
now it is no longer the same, whoever can afford it is given the
title.
Summary of Findings
Ọzọ title is a very rigorous exercise; they had to undergo
stringent processes. The oath taking by the title holders is to
ensure that they live good and upright lives in the service of
humanity. The origin of ọzọ title was difficult to trace, it was
however believed that Eri handed it over to Nri his son and
thereafter it spread to other Igbo communities. It was
discovered that ọzọ title holder wield religious authority in
their communities which ensure their continuity, respect and
sanctity, on leadership role, they have executive and legislative
powers. They exhibit these for example during land disputes;
they protect the weak and speak against injustice. Some of the
taboos guiding ọzọ title holders are: not to steal, climb, eat in
51
the dark. It is also a taboo to inflict injury on an ọzọ title
holder.
Finally, it was discovered that some ọzọ title holders are not
living up to expectation, some acquire their resources in
corrupt manner and some do not stand by the truth. Also it was
found that Christianity has had a great influence on the age
long institution by watering it down drastically. This is
evidenced by the fact that most of the rituals traditionally
performed are removed for the Christians who wanted to
become ọzọ title holders, they no longer go through all the
processes to become what is meant to be an ọzọ title holders.
Recommendations and Suggestions
This paper has the following recommendation and suggestions:
Ọzọ title holders should revert to the purpose of establishing
the ọzọ title in Igbo land. They should be truthful, administer
justice without fear or favour and live a life that is not
misleading.
Screening candidates into ọzọ title should be sever, to make
sure that people of questionable character were not initiated
into the ọzọ institution. Christians who want to belong to ọzọ
title will be made to go through all the processes and stages
before being initiated into it. This will make them to be fully
aware of their duties and do’s and don’ts, if it is against their
faith they should restrict themselves to knighthood and
piller/patrons of the church. Male children (diọkpara’s) should
inherit their father’s title when their father dies to ensure
continuity.
Conclusion
Ọzọ title institution in the past was a vehicle to convey moral
values to the people and ensure justice and uprightness in the
society. It also helps to foster development in line with
traditions and norms acceptable to Igbo society. In initiation
the rites/rituals and their various stages were wholesome in
themselves since by them the initiated were taught how to
respect and serve God and humanity. These rituals are fast
disappearing. The new ọzọ members must restore the dignity
of the institution as it was not- so-many year ago.
52
Reference Ekwealor, C. C. (1998). Omenala Na Ewumewu Ndi Igbo,
Onitsha: Palma publishers
Ene, M. O. (2005). Title – taking “The relevance, the reality”
http:/ www.
kwenu.com/moe/2005/title – taking. Htm. Retrieved
16th August, 2012
Idigio, F. C. (2001). Eri Kingdom of an Igbo king from Israel,
Lagos: X-pose com
Idigo, F. C. (2010). The Royal Dynasties of Aguleri Enugu
Niky Publishers
Ilogu, E.C.O. (1974). Christianity and Igbo Culture. London:
Nok Publishers
Nwosu I. (2010). Ozo Title Taking in Igbo Land: The Ancient
Nri Kingdom” http://nwosureport.blog.com. Retrieved
16th August 2012
Nworah, U. (2007). Nke onye chiri ya zaa: “On Igbo Title”
http://the longharmattanseason.blogspot.com/Retrieved
16th August 2012.
Ogamba, B. M. (2002, July, 14) Ozo title taking by Catholics
“A Blessing or course?” Fides. Pp5.
Ogbalu, F. C. (n.d) Igbo Institutions and cultures. Onitsha:
University Press.
Ojiyi, B. U. (2005). “Past Efforts to Unmask Ozo” paper
presented to Catholic Bishop of Awka.
Onuwa R. U. (2005). Studies in Igbo Traditional Religion,
Obosi Pacific Publisher.
Orji, M. O. (1999). The History and Culture of the Igbo people
before the Advent of the White Man, Nkpor: Jet
Publishers.
Ubesie, T. (2004). Odinala Ndi Igbo, Ibadan University Press
Monetisation of Death and Burial Ceremonials Among the
Igbo of Southeast Nigeria
By
MBALISI, Chinedu Nnaemeka,
[email protected], 08035079592
Department of History and International Relations,
Paul University, Awka
&
Alumona, Stephen Chukwuma,
08037374643,
Department of Sociology/Psychology,
Paul University, Awka,
&
Okeke, Chiemela A,
0816099945,
Department of History and International Relations,
Paul University, Awka
Abstract
The Igbo like most Africans have two known facts about the
existence of man -the truism that man has two epochal events
of note; his birth and death. These two events are usually
accompanied by great feasts, moods and preparations. Birth
brings man into existence, while death is the stoppage of all the
physical activities of man. The belief in ancestors and life after
death amongst Africans and indeed, the Igbo, demand that
sacrifices and rituals must be made for easy and peaceful
transition to the ancestral realm. This has been done in
53
consonance with the Igbo belief systems, tradition and
religious obligations owed the dead before Western systems
had sway. Western influence has brought far reaching changes
in several aspects of beliefs and attitude amongst the Igbo.
Presently, death and burial ceremonials are being monetized
and used as medium to showcase riches and wealth, all in the
name of according the dead a ‘befitting’ burial. This current
trend portends enormous socio-cultural, economic, religious
and political implications. This paper attempted to study the
factors implicit in the monetisation of death and burial
ceremonials amongst the Igbo. It argues that the current trend
of monetisation is due to a spectrum of twentieth-century
socio-cultural and technological developments. Also
contributing is the increasing materialism and egoistic
tendencies prevalent in African societies, nay Igboland.
Key words: Igbo World View, Monetization, Death, Burial
ceremonials, Rite of passage, Ancestors, Materialism.
Introduction
One obvious fact of human existence is the duality expressed in
time and space. One emphasizes the beginning and the other
the end. For humans to exist they must be born and for life to
end physically, humans must die. There is joy on the first, for
what is and may be, and sorrow on the second, for what was
and could have been. Nonetheless, memorable ceremonies
attend both occasions. In African society and many non-
African societies, there is the belief in life after death. The
belief is found among Christians and non-Christians or
Traditional Religionists. Hence, life is perceived as a
continuous journey from this world to the next or what is
known among the Africans and indeed the Igbo ands the
ancestral realm. The reactions and ceremonies accorded to
death is usually that of sorrow. But the manner and method of
burial or funeral accorded the dead, varies from one culture
area to another. Death and burial ceremonials are issues
intrinsic in the religious beliefs of a people. Ilogu (1985:47)
observed among the Igbo, that death of young people and
children do not call for religious ceremonies of any magnitude.
The death of elderly women and Ozo titled men on the other
hand entails very expensive and colourful rituals. Such rituals
and honour may not be accorded to non title holders .
Probably, the discrepancy and attitude towards the death of a
particular age and the status of a person, informs among the
Igbo, the form of burial or funeral given the dead. Death in
Igbo is shrouded in beliefs and consequently accompanied by
enormous sacrifices in line with tradition and custom regarding
the status and cause of death. Writing on death, burial rites and
ceremonies in Igboland, Basden (1982:112-126) in the tenth
chapter of his book tiled Among the Ibos of Nigeria, wrote
extensively on the issues concerning death and burial
ceremonies in Igboland. The descriptions of Basden are used in
this paper. Basden described the various ways the Igbo respond
to death, classifying burial into formal and informal. For
instance, Basden writes that burials are governed chiefly by
considerations of birth, rank, and the cause of death. A slave
receives but scant attention, and no unnecessary expense will
be incurred in carrying out the rites of him. For a free-born
man the best possible arrangement must be made- there must
54
be no half-measures, and no stinginess on the part of the
family. In the case of a chief or a rich person, the highest
honour will be offered and no expenses spared to give their
relative a worthy send-off was considered too much (Basden:
114). It is a fact in Igbo belief that there is a relationship
between human and the spirit world. There is also the belief in
life after death which is determined by how a person lived, died
and the ability to accord the dead rites of passage. Sacrifices
were performed in a formal Igbo traditional way according to
custom. The aim of ritual sacrifices was to accord the dead rite
of passage to the spirit world as it were.
However, in recent times, a lot have changed. Death and burial
ceremonials have become monetized. There are enormous
influence on Igbo beliefs and way of life by Western systems.
Consequently, some changes are could be observed in Igbo
attitude towards death and burials due to the penchant to show
off wealth and affluence. Burying the dead among the Igbo has
become dangerously competitive. The aim of most ritual
sacrifices during burials as they were in the pre-colonial times
has changed significantly. Nonetheless, some rituals are still
observed in remote Igbo villages. These aspects of changes
raise some questions as; what factors are responsible for the
current attitudinal change to death and burial ceremonials in
Igbo culture? Why have death and burial ceremonials become
so monetized? What has happened to pre-colonial Igbo belief
and world view about death and life after death? What do
these trends portend for the society and what are the
consequences of these changes on the Igbo? Can these changes
be controlled in the face of continuous technological
advancement and scientific materialism? This work attempts to
examine the factors implicit in the changes observed in culture
and attitude to death and burials.
Conceptual framework and perspectives
Some concepts call for explanation in this inquiry. They inter-
alia includes: Igbo world View, monetization, materialism,
death, burial ceremonials, rite of passage and ancestors.
Igbo world view
Isichei (1976:24-25) asserts “the Igbo were nothing if not
religious and all accounts of their life reflect the fact”. Their
world view is explained in their relationship as humans with
the ultimate Supreme Being and Creator of their universe or
cosmos called “Chukwu”. Hence, the Igbo belief is implicit in
the fact that their world is governed by the gods and ancestors,
the secular and the sacred, the natural and supernatural,
combine to form a continuum. Isichei’s explanations on Igbo
world view is anchored on the fact that Chukwu has created the
world and all that man does is to seek ways to relate with the
creator from his birth to death. Hence, after death, the Igbo
believe that their life on earth would determine their existence
in life after-death. In a similar Vein, (Kalu; 1978) explains,
The functions of world-view are that first they
assist man to explain reality. The insecure feeling
of being lost in an inexplicable, uncontrollable
cosmos is thus taken care of. Secondly, such
intellectual ordering of reality makes it possible to
predict space-time events and finally, men can
exert control over these events.
55
This again hinges on the quest by the Igbo to try to understand
the myth behind the sky above- (Elu Igwe), the solid earth
(Ala), and the underworld (Ala-mmuo). Each of these spheres is
significant to the Igbo as an inhabited region. Hence, all his
efforts are geared towards unraveling the forces behind the
existence of this aspect of his world. The Igbo also believe that
the meaning of the present and future is to be sought in the
past. Kalu (2002:353) in an article expresses this view thus,
The traditional Igbo vision of his world is a
coherent system of ideas and concepts which
explains how things came into being, gives the
rationale for different cultural institutions and
practices, and above all, located the place of a
moral being in the universe. Igbo traditional
world-view is fundamentally a religious one.
Man’s fortune and destiny are conceptualized in
dynamic and delicate relationship with the
activities of numerous spiritual beings and forces
believed to inhabit the various regions of the
cosmic order.
Nonetheless, it is in furtherance to finding fulfillment and
maintaining continuously harmonious relationship with the
Supreme Being and other spirit forces that forms the
foundation of Igbo culture. Within the above framework, the
traditional Igbo perform variety of activities most often in
partnership with the gods, ancestors and well disposed spirit
forces to assume their full meaning and expression. These
expressions are exemplified in the belief that each individual
person among the Igbo is believed to have a chi that guides him
from birth to death. In line with this, all house-holds, village-
communities and towns possess their deities and places of
worship through which they commune with God- Chi ukwu.
Isichei (1976:25) writes, “the chi, a personalized providence,
comes from Chukwu and reverts to him at a man’s death. Each
man has his own ‘chi,’ which may be well or ill disposed. Each
village has its sacred place and particular divinities, which
inhabit a sacred forest, or rock, or cave or stream.” So far, all
explanation on the Igbo world view is embedded firmly in their
belief in the Supreme Being as a vital element of their life.
Hence, from the names the Igbo bear such as, Chinedu,
Chukwuma, Chukwujindu, Chukwuemeke, Chukwualuka etc, to
their culture, myths, folk tales and songs, public acts of
sacrifices and even annual, ritual festivals and sacrifices at
death are most, if not all held in direct honour of the Supreme
Being- here lies the back bone of Igbo world view.
Death
Death and the idea of death vary with different cultures and in
different epochs, especially, among African and Western
societies. In Western societies for instance, death has
traditionally been seen as the departure of the soul from the
body. It is seen as the loss of a soul or souls. Nonetheless, there
is recognition of the difference between the physical person
that is buried and the non-physical person who lives on. Hence,
in Western tradition the essence of being human is dependent
on physical properties. The soul is believed to have no corporal
manifestation, its departure cannot be seen or otherwise
objectively determined; hence the cessation of breathing is
taken as a sign of death. In the western society, one could argue
56
that there is no room for transition to ancestral realm. Hence,
less attention is paid to the dead (Doka: 1989, 234).
However, in most African societies, the case is entirely
different. Life does not end with death, but continues in another
realm. For the African, ‘life’ and ‘death’ has no clear lines
dividing them. Human existence is a dynamic process
involving the increase or decrease of “power” of “life force” of
“living” and ‘dying” and there are different levels of life and
death. Death does not alter or end the life or the personality of
an individual but only causes a change in its conditions. In the
world of the Igbo, death is not the end of life, but is believed to
be a necessary event for transition to the ancestral realm.
According to Idowu (1973:78),
Death, although a dreaded event, is perceived as
the beginning of a person’s deeper relationship
with all of creation, the complementing of life and
the beginning of communication between the
visible and the invisible worlds. The goal of life is
to become an ancestor after death. This is why
every person who dies must be given a ‘correct”
funeral, supported by a number of religious
ceremonies. If this is not done, the dead person
may become ghost, unable to “live” properly
after death and therefore a danger to those who
remain alive.
The belief by most Africans nay the Igbo that life continues
after death, informs their attitude towards the dead. Death in
Igboland is not the destruction “permanently” of a soul or a
life. But, it is a period of transition from the realm of the living
to that of the living-dead.
Burial Ceremonials
Burial primarily is the act or ceremonies of burying a dead
body. From general knowledge, burial could be seen as the
entombment of a corpse or dead body. For the remains of a
dead Igbo person to be put into the grave, ground or into the
sea, certain ceremonies and sacrifices customary to Igbo
religious belief system must be observed. Burial in Igbo
involves a process distinct with each culture area or Igbo
Community. Even in parts of Africa and western countries,
burials take some definite forms according to the people’s
belief about the dead. In the United States burial is a civil
matter and is regulated by laws. The law varies from state to
state; it always provides that burial may not take place without
a certificate attesting to the cause of death from the last
physician who attended the deceased, or an order from an
official, such as a coroner or medical examiner (Encarta:
2009). Hence, once an order is obtained, the dead is buried and
it ends. For the African, sacrifices and rituals are performed
before a body could be put into the grave. The aim of the burial
sacrifices known as rite of passage is to grant the dead easy
passage to the ancestral realm. These processes will be
discussed later in this work.
Rite of passage
According to Kalu (2002: 364), significant stages of biological
growth and development in human life cycle, which in most
cases entail the assumption of specific social statuses and roles,
are in most traditional societies usually marked by sets of
complex ritual performance. Such rituals normally associated
57
with different phases of human life with birth, puberty,
marriage and death, are referred to as life crises rites. There are
also, in most traditional societies, special rituals that celebrate
the passage of time or events such as the New Year, new moon,
the agricultural cycle and initiation into title and other societies
acknowledged in individual areas. All these are generally
referred to as “rite of passage”. The concern here is the “rite of
passage” accorded the dead in Igboland to enable the person’s
spirit have a peaceful passage. These rites are offered because
of the Igbo belief that the journey to the world of the dead is
not easy, it has many interruptions. Therefore, if the correct
burial rites are not observed and offered, the deceased may
come back to disturb the living relatives. The process involved
in burial and rites of passage are in two forms. Firstly, there is
the first rite performed before the body is buried. Secondly,
there is also the rite of second burial. It is after the second
burial that the “spirit” of the dead is believed to depart to their
appointed place and rest in peace till their reincarnation.
Ancestors
The ancestors, in the words of Isichei (1976:25-26) are “those
who lived well-spent lives, died in socially approved ways
and were given correct burial rites, live in one of those worlds
of the dead, which mirror the world of the living. The living
honours them with sacrifices. The ancestors watch over the
living and are periodically reincarnated among them, hence the
name ndichie- the returners. In a similar vein, Lois Fuller
(2001:58-59) writes that “ancestors stems from the belief by
traditional religionists that people who are dead, continue to
exist after death. The dead continue to have a relationship with
their relatives who are left behind. Ancestors are linked to the
very family, clan and tribe that they were born”. Nonetheless,
it is a belief among the Igbo that when a person dies, he enters
the spirit world where he has more powers than before. As a
member of his family, clan or community, he uses his new
powers to help or punish his people. This view suggests that,
two forms of ancestors- the good and bad respectively, exist.
Isichei (1976:26) identifies bad ancestors as “the unhappy
spirits who died bad death, and lacked correct burial rites, and
cannot return to the world of the living, or enter that of the
dead. They wandered homelessly and disposed, expressing
their grief by causing harm among the living”. Fuller (58)
opines that the range of authority or power of ancestors
depends on what his position was while he was still alive,
whether his influence extends to just the family or to the whole
clan. Some ancestors were so powerful in their life time that
they even become divinities after they died (like Sango among
the Yoruba). It is not every person who dies that becomes an
ancestor to be consulted or given offering. Usually, the person
must have lived a good life and have had children. Sometimes,
he must die in old age and have contributed to the progress of
his people. This belief implicit in Igbo traditional religion
provides that sacrifices are continuously offered to the dead to
ensure the protection of the living by the ancestors. It is in
keeping with this traditional religious obligation according to
Igbo custom, that relatives of the dead spend fortunes to satisfy
the ancestors. In recent times, there is a paradigm shift from
performing rites of passage to ancestral realm in burials, as it
would appear, to being an avenue for show of wealth. This has
caused burials to be at best monetized.
58
Monetization
Monetization is a concept associated with efforts made by the
Europeans to change currencies and objects used as legal
tenders in many African societies. By so doing, Western
currencies and values were preferred in place of the African.
Though a daunting task, monetization influenced economic
activities and other cultural values in Africa, especially, in
Igboland. These western values, especially, technological
developments and inventions usurped and greatly influenced
African core values and way of life. Among the Igbo, it
contributed in the changes witnessed in their world view, social
status and increased the quest for materialism and egoistic
tendencies. As a consequence, the possession of attractive
imported items like textiles, and other synthetic items,
development in the communication sectors and other
inventions that served as status symbols for showcasing wealth
and riches, inspired Africans to prefer western way of life to
African ways. Over the years Western systems have influenced
the attitude of the Igbo, especially, in social and religious
aspects. Death and burials in recent times provide the vent for
the exhibition of wealth and other Western values, often
referred to as “Western civilization”.
Death and Burials in pre-colonial Igbo society
Death as has been discussed is an inevitable event in human
life. People must die and as such, must be buried. The belief
expressed in different society, determines how the dead is
buried and the ceremonies that follow burials. In Africa and
indeed Igboland, the belief in life after death or ancestors
implicit in their traditional religion, demands that certain
processes, ritual observations and sacrifices must be
performed. These rituals and sacrifices indeed are to accord the
dead rite of passage and easy transition from human realm to
the spiritual or ancestral realm where he lives on. Therefore, a
burial/ funeral ceremony is performed with certain procedural
objectives. Onochie (1981:4) write on such objectives thus,
- Formal announcement of a death to ensure that all
those who are entitled to know are informed and that all
who have obligations to the dead are suitably warned to
fulfill those obligations.
-To appease the spirit (gods) and prepare the soul for
the journey back home.
-To formally sever the link between the dead and the
living.
-To perform the second burial and ensure the dead
eternal rest.
These objectives are usually carried out with decorum. The
signs of a good or successful burial /funeral include;
- Orderliness,
- All obligations fulfilled. Such obligations as
ceremonies to cut the link with the dead or to bring
back to mind certain episodes in the life of the dead.
- A sizeable crowd of people consisting mainly of blood
relations and acquaintances, who gather to bid farewell
to a loved one to the ancestral realm.
59
It should be stated here that one important aspect of
burial/funeral ceremonies in pre-colonial Igboland was the
rituals & sacrifices. It is believed by the Igbo that if these
burial rites are not properly observed the dead would not enter
the ancestral realm, hence, may come back to trouble the
living relatives. Usually, animals are killed in ritual sacrifices,
personal belongings are often buried with the deceased to
assist in the journey. Ritual sacrifices are performed in line
with the status of the dead in the society. The rituals to the
rich and titled person differ from those of the poor or ordinary
person. For the rich and titled man, sometimes, human
sacrifices were carried out to show the love of the family to
the deceased. For instance Isichei (1976: 26) writes
The desire to offer the most precious possible
sacrifices led to human sacrifices-for what is as
precious as a human life. The belief that the
worlds of the dead mirror the world we know
encouraged the sacrifice of slaves at funerals, to
provide a retinue for the dead man in life to
come.
There are other reasons for human sacrifice or slave
immolation. These slaves were expected to provide services for
the dead in the course of their journey to the land of the dead.
These sacrifices, especially, were more within the West Niger
Igbo area, for instance, it was witnessed within the Asaba in
the pre-colonial times (Isichei: 115). The form of kingship
institution found in the West Niger Igbo area differed from the
form found in the northern Igbo area. Burial processes in pre-
colonial times were not usually extravagant as the aim was
restricted within the Igbo world view, belief system and
environment.
Burials begin by announcing the death, and it was done usually
through signs. These signs include the use of palm fronds –
placed in the home of the dead or his work place as a sign of
his death-, town criers and other methods specific to each
community. In Awka for instance, it is customary to hang strips
of cloth, pennant wise, on long poles, or to hang up a shirt or
other garments belonging to the deceased to announce the fact
that the owner thereof has passed away (Basden: 117). The
point here is that much wealth was not spent on information
dissemination for the death of a dear one as it would appear
today. In pre-colonial times, markets, streams and other
meeting places, constituted information centers for announcing
deaths and burial dates. Nonetheless, the burial of a loved one
remains incomplete, until the second burial was conducted.
Second burial was the most significant aspect of burial in
Igboland. It is a belief among the Igbo that until second burial
is conducted, the spirit of the dead continues to hang and hover
around the physical world. The Igbo belief in spirit and
ancestors influenced people into ensuring their second burial
was guaranteed. Second burial simply mean in Igbo language,
“ikwa ozo” that is, when the spirit of dead one was formally
sent into the world of ancestors or spiritual realm-ala nmou by
performing some rituals and sacrifices according to custom. In
fact, it was more important than the actual burial as Nze
Asimandu (2012) had stated in an interview. Second burial is
the name adopted by European and arises from the fact that, to
all intents and purposes, there are two burials- the first real,
the second by proxy (Basden: 120).
60
To perform a befitting second burial, the relatives of the dead
spare nothing to chance at ensuring they accord the correct rite
of passage, or face the wrath of the dead. As a consequence,
elaborate arrangements were made in respect to second burials.
Basden narrates a personal encounter of his observation in the
process of second burial in Awka. Thus;
These second burials are costly affairs. The very
poorest will spend their all, and often heavy debts
are incurred in the desire to give the best possible
“send off” to a relative… I was passing through
Awka one day and came across a display of
funeral trophies. There were 21 skulls of cows, 11
of pigs, and 10 of goats. The price of cows was $5
apiece, pigs $2, a goat 10s. In additional to these
animals provided for sacrificial feasting, many
cases of gin (then 15s. precise) and an unlimited
supply of palm wine, yams and other provisions
were consumed. That funeral must have cost at
the lowest estimate $150, and it would probably
be nearer the mark to fix the figure at $200. Of
course such expenses could be incurred only by a
rich family, but every family will spend to its
utmost capacity when fulfilling the rites of second
burial.
Burials in contemporary Igbo society have changed
significantly. Emphasis on certain Igbo religious beliefs have
changed and some rituals stopped. In fact, the issue of
ancestors is being down played. The religious motives for huge
ritual sacrifices are de-emphasized, especially, since the
contact with the European systems and globalization. The
contact contributed to monetization of death and burial
ceremonials.
Trends in Altitudes to death and Burial Ceremonials in
Contemporary Igbo Society
The years of early 20th century saw European penetration into
core Igboland. During the period, colonialism was officially
introduced with far reaching changes in Africa and indeed
Igboland. The introduction of Western education, Christianity
and Western systems, challenged the foundation of most
African culture, customs, traditional beliefs and indeed world
view to very great extent. Uchenna Anyanwu (2005: 1) writes
that, colonialism was one of the great events in the course of
African history because of the many and varied changes in its
wake. Anyanwu perceived colonialism as a period of change in
Igboland which he called a period of “transition”. The changes
that occurred in Igbo societies were indeed phenomenal. The
changes were the result of twentieth-century socio-cultural and
technological trends in western society, which were introduced
into Igboland by Europeans. The trends which contributed to
attitudinal change aspects of Igbo life inter-alia include;
urbanization, technicalization, secularization, deritualisation,
increased social mobility, social reorganization,
multiculturalism, escalating violence, wide economic disparity,
medical advances and contemporary political realities (Paul,
2001).
These catalysts of change were imbedded in Western education
and Christianity introduced by Europeans on arrival. The
numerous ritual practices relating to death and burials came
61
under severe attack. Ilogu (1974:67) writes that, the
missionaries rightly frowned against the practice of burying
with slaves, some chiefs and important persons. In the course
of years Christians were taught to refrain from paying the
extended family and village collections levied for various
activities because part of the levy went to sacrifices to local
deities, part went to certain activities associated with burials,
like the masquerades and payment of certain fees to some
functionaries at burials, which were done on the communal
level. Family heads became Christians, and were forbidden by
the teachings of the missionaries to perform the second burial
of their fathers. This situation touched on the very essence of
burial in many Igbo societies. It challenged the belief that
second burial was necessary for smooth and easy transition to
ancestral realm. It posed great challenge between converts and
traditional worshipers concerning the foundation of Igbo belief
and burial culture. Ilogu (67) observed that, for quite some
time, this presented a big problem to many converts who were
ready to obey the teachings of the missionaries and at the same
time felt the compunctions of filial duty to dead parents as well
as respect to community opinion as such converts were also
members of the local non-Christian community.
Consequently, the colonizers and missionaries alike sought
ways of integrating and influencing the Igbo to adopt the
Christian methods and jettison the African ways of “pagan”
burials. Their efforts metamorphosed into meetings aimed at
providing safe landing for Christian and native burial customs
in Igboland. Ilogu (61-68) informs that in a meeting held at
Onitsha in May 1914 under the chairmanship of Archdeacon
T.J. Dennis to discuss the whole question of the “Church and
Native customs” the burial question was one. After several
sessions of “useful”, “near useful” and “not quite so useful”
views had been expressed on the subject-matter of second
burial, it was resolved and adopted “that the government be
asked to make it that Christian heirs inherit the property, pay
the debts of the diseased, (father or brother) and leave out the
second burial”. In the discussions the chairman “held strongly
that it is not right for a Christian to have anything to do with a
second burial”. Despite the out-come of the meeting, one thing
is certain, there was a paradigm shift in the attitude to both first
and second burial. The belief in ancestors was deflected.
Therefore, Igbo attitude to burials changed significantly, ritual
sacrifices reduced while memorial services of the parents were
performed by both Christians and non-Christians. Under
colonial rule attitude to burials continued to assume new
dimensions as Western systems and its materialistic tendencies
permeated the nooks and crannies of Igboland. The European
through institutional developments that it brought parlayed
their system into those of the Igbo. The western systems,
especially, economic ideology, technological development,
political and cultural systems and scientific materialism etc,
soon became parlous for Igbo way of life. The scientific and
technological developments which European brought to
African caused a lot of attitudinal changes through scientific
materialism. Ben Okwu Eboh (1994: 14) writes “Scientific
materialism denies the existence of a spiritual realm or else
maintains that its existence cannot be proved, so that it is of no
importance philosophically.”
The above view underscores the beginning of change of
attitude and thinking of the Igbo on burials. Eboh further
62
contends that materialism reduces man to a biological organism
with highly developed nervous system and with an inherently
social disposition. There is no need to suppose that man’s
cultural achievements are due to a separate entity, known as
mind or soul (1994:14).
Materialism as lived out in the society is the ideology that
places emphasis on the material rather than on the spiritual side
of humans. It is a refusal to face the fact of man’s dual nature
and the truth that our lives must be lived out as a tug-of-war
and a delicate balancing between the forces of body and soul.
Materialism is an attitude, a creed however vaguely articulated.
It is essentially a system of values. But attitudes, creeds and
values have a way of translating itself into action. All the
actions of materialists are infected by the same myopia; there is
no seeing beyond the “here and now”, no transcending the self
(Eboh: 1994; 17). By implication, materialism makes an
individual to reach his ends by setting aside principles, to
disallow laws, to employ all means, to ignore all bonds and
obligations, to immunize himself against all altruism and
dispose of his actions towards the idolatry of the Ego. Eboh
explains that,
Materialism is a religion because of the stead-
fastness, the single-mindedness that
accompanies this creed and the totalitarian
demands it makes on its adherents. It is a
substitute religion. But because the object of its
worship are mere creatures and wares and self;
it is idolatry. (1994:18)
In the similar vein, Karl Marx known for his popular slogan,
that, religion is the “opium of the people” asserts that
materialism “is an anti-religious secularism regarded as the
pre-condition of any thorough-going social reform” (Marx:
1968, 765). Materialism therefore is summed up as a “radical
rejection of religion”. The argument here is that materialism
became a driving force in the change of attitude among the
Igbo towards their culture, custom and indeed religious beliefs
and obligation, especially, to death and burial ceremonies.
Neither Christians nor Traditional worshipers are spared in the
influence of practical materialism as both exhibits materialistic
traits during burials in recent times.
Materialism and technological advancements have caused
burials to be monetized. Almost every thing about burial in
recent times has been translated into monetary value by
individual families. People use the death of their beloved to for
fund raising. It is instructive to mention that burial or funeral
ceremonies are moral and civic obligation owed the dead.
These burial rights exist in the rituals of the church as well as
under native law and custom. But the changed materialistic
world of the present time has so painted, camouflaged and
exaggerated these rights. One recent trend of burial among the
Igbo is the commercialization of the burial ceremonies. Okafor
(1981:12) observed that
As soon as a person dies, his body is taken to the
mortuary and burial arrangements begin. A table
is set, a revenue book or condolence register is
opened and a revenue clerk is appointed and a
record of all payments or donations are kept, a
strict account is demanded later and in many
63
cases the first confrontation between the children
of the deceased is on the account of the money
collected for the funeral. A great number of the
supposed mourners are only concerned with how
much each person gives.
However, announcement of arrival of personalities are made to
attract donations. People are given attention according to their
donations. Okafor (12-13) states that, “this is a simple practice
outside the Igbo custom which has been so grossly abused in
recent times”. He rather maintains that, in Igbo customs,
different degrees of relationships are expected to attend burial
ceremony with certain materials like cloth, palm wine, eagle
father, cap (okpu agbala), cock etc. relations like in-laws come
under this category. Such things were normal and minimal.
Two gallons of palm wine and two yards of cloth where
required, were sufficient. In recent times there are loads of
cartons of beer, whisky and pieces of costly clothes. The idea
of perpetual indebtedness of the children and relatives of the
deceased is not far from this practice as it is commonly
understood that one good turn begets another.
Indeed the above view x-rays some changes prevalent in many
Igbo communities today. But to say the obvious, burials have
been monetized beyond the ordinary, due to the advancement
in technology and changes in the political, economic and social
aspects of human relations. Besides, business partners,
politicians, social clubs, Christian associations, professional
associations etc. use burials to show some solidarity to their
members. These processes would mean that elaborate
preparation must be made to “live up to expectation”. Burials
now provide avenues to show friends and enemies alike, that
the family of the bereaved has made money and that, “they
have arrived” as it is often heard today. This new attitude
obviously is against the Igbo reason of according their dead rite
of passage to the spirit realm. Because of technological
advancements, it has become common place to keep dead
bodies in the morgue to avail relatives enough time to make
adequate arrangements for burial. Onochie (1981:6-7) observed
It is often necessary to preserve the remains, to
stow the body away in a mortuary while friends
and relatives are informed. Some of these
friends and relations may spend some time on
their journey, and a number of other
arrangements may have to be made for the
funeral. Mortuaries have become a necessity in
our present day society. It is how we use or
rather misuse them that we complain about.
Since we no longer bury our dead wrapped in
simple mats or in white shirting material and we
no longer lay them in state on simple bamboo
beds or wooden beds for that matter, we have to
preserve them while arrangements are made for
a decent burial.
The problem may well not be in the use of the mortuary but the
misuse of it and the talk of a decent burial also make people
run into trouble. The reason is that decent or fitting burials are
subject for diverse interpretations. Perhaps, a question of what
the central figure in the whole exercise could afford or is
prepared to spend. Some of the lavish trends witnessed in
64
burials in recent times are neither traditional nor found within
the confines of Christianity. These include,
(i) The financial outlay in furnishing the funeral room,
or even in building new houses either for the
“laying in state” or for entertaining guests.
(ii) The lavish expenditure on food and drinks. The bill
on drinks alone run into hundreds of thousands of
naira and food is wasted. Sometimes refrigerating
equipment is hired just to ensure that cold drinks are
served.
(iii) The degeneration of what is traditional into a
nightmare. Before we talk of simple act of assisting
the bereaved by offering pots of palm wine and
perhaps some money or a goat. But in recent times
several cartons of beer, bottles of whisky or gin of
all kinds, or cows are offered. In a recent burial
somewhere in Igbo land there were no less than a
dozen cows, enough to start a modest ranching
business. Not to talk of literally hundreds of cartons
of beer, enough for the chief mourner to embark on
the beer trade. If it is remembered that some of the
donors are obliged to give week after week because
of their circle of friends and relations then their
predicament could be imagined.
(iv) The presence of those aptly described as “mortuary
clubs” with the “pomposities and insane vanities of
their members”, members whose appetite for
conspicuous consumption of food and drinks are
offensive to our sense of propriety. These clubs may
serve well in a comic opera, but they have no place
in a funeral ceremony.
(v) The large sums of money spent on obituary notices.
One insertion in a newspaper may cost several
thousands of naira, radio and television
announcements costs much because of their
frequency of airing, (Onochie: 7).
The society is changing all the time and standards are rising,
standards of education, of health, of values in general. There is
the use of fast moving cars or buses or aero planes. The cost of
living has risen well beyond what anybody could imagine and
so has the cost of dying and burying the dead.
What is more, burial processes now compete and cost more
than marriage ceremonies and other life-time celebrations.
Invitation cards are now printed and distributed to different
classes of people for burials with such title like “Celebration of
life”, “Rejoice with Us as we celebrate the Life and Time of
Our Beloved Father” etc. The children of the dead during
burials are adorned in costly lace outfits, and the different
associations the dead and his children belong to are usually
represented in separate uniforms or outfits. These of course are
new introductions into Igbo burial system. The printing of
programme of events and obituary posters of different shapes
and sizes cost hundreds of thousands of naira; condolence
registers are opened to record donations from supporters,
friends and relatives etc. The cost of these items run into
several hundreds of thousands and in most cases into millions
of naira, especially, during the death of a renowned personality
like, a politician, Chief or traditional ruler, a knight etc. In fact,
it has become common place, to distribute gifts of all kinds to
invitees during burials. These gift items include cars, cow,
65
wrapper, buckets, perfume, and others too numerous to
mention.
At best, politicians and contract seekers use burials to lobby for
political appointments and positions, contracts and
employment. These acts are indeed not aimed at according the
dead passage to ancestral realm. They simply show the extent
to which burials are monetized in Igbo land due to advance in
technology and increasing quests for materialism and egoism
which offends morals and Igbo religious belief system. For
instance, Ozo Benneth Njoku in an interview recently, stated
that “moderate burials in many Igbo communities cost about
N1.5 million, whereas the burial of a rich and influential
personality costs about N5 - N10 million. Burials are used to
show wealth and those who cannot afford the huge expenses
borrow or sell lands to meet up with current trends. ‘‘Owu ihe
jogburu onwe ya na Ili ozu aghola ihe eji ama aka ego na-ala
Igbo”. (It is regrettable that burials in Igbo land have become
an issue for show-casing wealth). In his view during an
interview recently, Mr. Godson Iwuagwu said thus,
Burials in Igbo land because of technological
advancement have created a lot of changes in
the way the Igbo bury their dead. It has shifted
from the known traditional belief and custom of
send off to the spiritual world into a period to
show affluence and riches. Western civilization
and systems, and materialism among the Igbo
are responsible for these changes. Ndi bekee
mebiri omenala ndigbo nihi uka na agum
akwukwu. Onwu madu buzi ihe eji ama aka ego
na ala Igbo. (The Europeans influenced Igbo
society through the church and Western
education. Death is now an avenue for fund
raising) (Iwuagwu, 2013).
Burial from the above analysis has been largely influenced by
advancement in technology and penchant for materialism in
Igbo attitude. These two factors have contributed immensely to
the monetization of burial ceremonies in Igbo land in recent
times. In this regards B.I. Okafor writes that;
It is considered the duty of people to give a
fitting and rather resounding funeral ceremony
to their deceased relations, even if they go into
debt to do this. From modest expenses at burial
and funeral ceremonies, death expenditure has
today risen to unprecedented height of
squander-mania. At first some people became
Christians to escape expensive non-Christian
burials: but today, a Christian burial ceremony
is often a show of extravagance. Whether it is
Christian or non-Christian, today’s funeral
obsequies must include food and wine for
people to roll in, (Okafor: 16-19).
The level of spending in a burial is largely dependent on the
willingness of the chief mourner to spend in other for him to
impress his numerous friends, associations and contemporaries
etc. For instance, the number of Bishops, clergy men,
Governors, Senators and other political office holders,
traditional rulers and influential personalities that attend
burials, show how popular the burial is. It also determines the
form of arrangement made and money expended. More often
66
questions such as- How much did he spends in his father’s
burial? Who are the dignitaries that attended his wife’s burial?
These questions at least suggest changing attitudes to burials as
well as point to the monetized nature of burials in Igbo land.
Conclusion
From our study so far, it is evident that there has been
enormous changes from the way burials were conducted in pre-
colonial Igbo society, colonial and post colonial times. During
the pre-colonial times, burials were guided by Igbo traditional
belief in ancestors and life after death. The need to accord the
dead rite of passage to the spirit world led to slave immolation
and human sacrifice. The contact with Europeans via
missionaries and Western education influenced the very
foundation of Igbo beliefs and systems. Hence, Igbo culture,
custom, traditional belief and religion has been greatly
influenced by Western system. The attitude and notion towards
death and burials have changed significantly. The changing
nature of the Igbo and their receptivity to change caused them
to embrace western economic, political and social systems.
Through these means, Igbo world view and religious beliefs are
challenged by the increasing quest for materialism. As noted
earlier, materialism which negates religion and the continuous
advancement in technology coupled with capitalist wealth
acquisition process by individuals, are in league with the
influences seen in Igbo attitude to death and burial
ceremonials. This has led to the monetization of death and
burial ceremonials among the Igbo and indeed Africans in
recent times. The impact of monetization and materialism is
continuous. It does appear the situation would persist because
change is constant. Technological advancements go along with
quest for more wealth and desire for scientific materialism. The
solution may be found within every individual mourner.
Churches and associations are institutions that could have
helped to reduce the rate of monetization and spending through
setting standards that must be adhered to by members. But
unfortunately, these institutions seem to be in league with the
trends of materialism in Igbo society. It is in the hands of the
bereaved individual to act according to his/her financial power.
67
Works Cited
Ilogu, E., (1985), Christianity and Igbo Culture: A Study of the
Interaction of Christianity and Igbo
Culture. London, Nok Publishers, Ltd., 47.
Basden, G.T., (1983). Among the Ibos of Nigeria. Lagos,
University Publishing Co., 112-126.
Isichei, E., (1976), A History of the Igbo People. London, The
Macmillan Press Ltd., 24-26.
Kalu, O.U., (1978): “Precarious Vision: The African’s
Perception of His World” in African Cultural
Development. Enugu, Fourth Dimension Publishers, 39.
Kalu, O., (2002) “Igbo Traditional Religious System” in
Ofomata, G.E.K., (2002) ed., A Survey of Igbo
Nation. Onitsha, African First Publishers Ltd., 353.
Honby, A.S., (2001), Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary of
Current English. New York,
Oxford University Press, 464-465.
Idowu, E., (1973), African Traditional Religion. London, SCM
Press, 78.
“Burial” Microsoft (R) (2009) (DVD) Redmond, WA; Microso
ft Corporation, 2008.
Onochie, C.F.A (1981) “Present Trends in Funeral Ceremonies
Among Our People” in The Christian and Today’s,
Burial Ceremonies. Onitsha, Africana Educational
Publishers Nig Ltd., 4.
Anyanwu, U. C., (2005), Igbo Society Transition: The Ezaa
Example 1905-1979. Enugu, Great Ap.,
Express Publisher Limited, 1.
Rosenblatt, P. “A social Constructionist Perspective on
Cultural Differences in Grief” Margaret S., Robert
H., Wolfgang S., and Henk S., eds., (2007), Hand Book
of Bereavement Research: Consequences, Coping and
Care. Washington, Dc, American Psychological
Association.
Okwu, B. E., (1994), Living Beyond Materialism. Enugu, Snap
Press Nig Ltd., 13-19.
Sabine, G.H., (!968), A History of Political Theory. London,
George G. Harrap & Ltd., 3rd Edition, 765.
Okafor, B.I., “Funeral Ceremonies Among Our People- New
Trends” in The Christian and Today’s Burial
Ceremonies (1981), Onitsha, Africana Educationa
l Publishers Nig Ltd., 9-16.
Doka, Kenneth, “Grief” in Robert Kastenbaum & Beatrice
Kastenbaum (1989) eds., Encyclopedia of Death.
Phoenix, Az: The Oryx Press, 234.
Oral Interviews
Asimandu, E, Chijindu, Farmer, 84 years, interviewed at
Umuche Amaukwu Obollo, Isiala Mbano, Imo
State, on December28, 2012.
Ozo Bennett, Njoku, Blacksmith, 84 years, interviewed at
Umudiemeka Isiala Mbano, on February 19, 2013.
Iwuagwu, Godson, Farmer/Council Member of the Traditional
Council Umueze11 Autonomous Community, 78 years,
interviewed at Umueleke Ehime Mbano, on February 19, 2013
68
THE USE OF IGBO TRADITIONAL PERSONAL
NAMES
FOR PROPAGATION OF IGBO HERITAGE
BY
IHEZUONU GOODNEWS CHINASA
COLLEGE OF EDUCATION AGBOR,
DELTA STATE, NIGERIA.
E-MAIL: [email protected]
G.S.M: 07034523126.
Abstract
People without heritage, language and culture are not worthy
to exist. Items, individuals, communities as well as societies
without a name stand the risk of losing their identity. Hitherto
in Pre-Colonia days Igbo people, their world view, religion
and language were promoted, transmitted and portrayed in
their Igbo traditional personal names. In contemporary time
though, some Igbo people show lack of interest in their Igbo
personal names. When asked they say they prefer its equivalent
in other languages like English. Given that Igbo traditional
personal names are seriously threatened, an improvement on
them should be made by restoring these names to their
positions since they are part of Igbo heritage, culture,
language and literature. The position of this study is that
naming; an Igbo culture and heritage should return to its
original position or status as these traditional Igbo personal
names aid in no small measure in identifying, transmitting and
promoting Igbo heritage. The work also suggests that Igbo
people should be encouraged to maintain those names to
transmit to their younger ones the Igbo values, norms and
identities that make Igbo people unique. Igbo people should
endeavour to use their Igbo names as identity so as to make
their younger ones and other ethnic groups and nation use
Igbo names the way Igbo people use others
Introduction
In the Igbo heritage, language, names, literature and religion
are transparently seen. Language is used in giving names,
promoting culture, religion, beliefs and transmitting norms and
values of the Igbo people. Onukawa (2012:1), says “One fact
of language which scholars of linguistics and related fields of
study are in agreement is that it is a uniquely human
characteristic and we cannot do without it”. Language as an
essential human attribute, certainly serves as a means of
identifying people. According to Emenanjo (2006:17), “The
capacity for language is innate attribute for it alone,
distinguishes men from the other animal”. The heritage of Igbo
people can also be extended to food, building, arts, craft,
fashion and values. All these can be properly expressed with
the Igbo language for meaningful understanding.
Acholonu-Olumba (2010:2), says that “Language is as much a
product of culture for both is concerned with expressions,
communication and instruction with a given social structure”.
Language is a vehicle for the transmission of culture and
literature. Ezikeojiaku (2004:18) says that language is the sole
ingredient of transmission for literature and culture and all
69
reveals heritage of a given people. According to Akidi
(2013:50), “Name is one of the markers of identification for
Igbo race. She further stressed that Igbo people attach much
meaning and importance to name”. Maintaining that names on
the whole personify the individual, tell some stories about the
parents or and the family of the bearer and in a more general
sense point to values of the society in which the individual is
born.
Igbo names pass from individuals to families and descendants.
These names differentiate families, villages, towns, kindred,
clans’ e.t.c and names still hold them together as people who
are related. The tribal members take delight in the symbols of
names that identifies them. Igbo names are supposed to be the
major identity for every Igbo person throughout the world. But
it is surprising that some Igbo people shy away from using
Igbo names, thereby disregarding the treasure of their language
and heritage. The heritage of Igbo people reflected on the Igbo
personal names should be propagated by all. Today, most Igbo
people prefer to identify themselves with foreign names,
cultures and language, thereby relegating their own identity to
the background.
This study therefore is a call on the Igbo race to readdress,
rethink and go back to the idea of “Igboness”. Let the Igbo
people realize and maintain the position as people of unique
identity in Nigerian Society and the world at large. Nature has
given uniqueness, and this uniqueness should not be denied.
The usefulness of traditional Igbo names cannot be
overemphasized. These names are used to preserve, identify,
motivate, encourage and transmit moral values and societal
values from generation to generation. The work is categorized
into abstract, introduction, definition of some key concepts, a
look at Igbo people, Igbo language, traditional Igbo personal
names and their gloss, the importance of traditional Igbo
personal names, contemporary naming style of Igbo personal
names, findings, suggestions and conclusion.
Definitions of Some Key Concepts
The key concepts used in this study are names, heritage,
identity and culture.
Names: A word or set of words by which a person or thing is
known, addressed, or referred to.
Identity: The fact of being whom or what a person or thing is
Heritage: Property that is or may be inherited; an inheritance
or a special or individual possession; an allotted portion.
Culture: The arts and other manifestations of human
intellectual achievement regarded collectively.
A look at Igbo People
The Igbo people form one of the major largest ethnic groups in
Nigeria. They are found in the eastern part of Nigeria. They
occupy five states in Nigeria as their own, namely: Imo Abia,
Anambra, Enugu and Ebonyi. They can also be found in some
parts of Delta, Cross River, Rivers, Benue and Akwa-Ibom
States. Nwadike (2002:8), says that “Many researchers have
made researches about the origin of the Igbo people and came
into conclusion in the past about the origin of the Igbo people”,
but the origin of the Igbo people is not the main focus of this
study.
70
The Igbo people are very industrious in all spheres of life. They
measure up in everything they do in education, trade, politics et
cetera. They strive to excel. In Nigerian Context, Igbo people
see anywhere they find themselves as theirs and develop it to
their taste. Sometimes they are associated with individualism
resulting in highly competitive and economically stratified
Igbo Society. According to Nwala (1985), “The Igbo people
have a strong developed commercial sense and romantic
political approach to life”.
The Igbo people believe much in the intimacy of blood
relationship. The philosophy of ‘blood is thicker than water’
means a lot to an Igbo man. That is why some expressions in
Igbo language have deep touch into the spirit of an Igbo person
and moves him to take a positive action. For instance “Iwe
Nwanne adịghị eru n’qkpxkpx (an offence done to one by a
relation doesn’t penetrate into the bone)”. Onye nwanne ya
amaghị egwu agba ọkọ iku anya na-akogbu ya (one whose
relation misbehaves always feel ashamed).
It is worthy of note that the Igbo people have strong feelings
for lineage and family solidarity. They give due right for burial,
marriage, birth etc. to their loved ones and family relations.
They normally give due respect to their names as they try to
avoid anything that will stain their personal names or their
family names. If one deviates from good behaviour, he is
deemed irresponsible.
According to Ejiogu (2000:21) “Igbo people will be educated
not only to love their fatherland, but also to water and nurture
the belief that they should train their children to be
responsible”. So Igbo people value hard work; so and laziness
and evil have to be shunned.
Interestingly, the word “Igbo” is a symbol of unity among Igbo
people (Nwala, 1985:19). The word is a binding wire that binds
the Igbo people, culture, language, names and their heritage as
well. The word ‘Igbo’ is everything about the Igbo people,
traditional Igbo personal names inclusive. Nwadike (2002:15),
states “Igbo is used in three senses today, to refer to the native
speakers called “Ndi Igbo (Igbo people), to the territory
occupied by the Igbo (Igbo Land) and spoken by the people
(Igbo language)”. In a nutshell, the word Igbo stands for the
people (The Igbo) Language (Igbo Language) and Land (Igbo
Land).
The Igbo Language
According to Onwuchekwa (2007:125), “Language is unique to
man, it is a truly symbolic means of communication, identity
and no human society, however simple, lacks the basic human
heritage of a well developed language”. Igbo people are not
exempted; they have a well developed language which forms a
basis for transmission of information, thoughts, ideas, values et
cetera. The Igbo people therefore communicate and speak in
the Igbo language. The language is spoken prominently
throughout Igbo land. Igbo language is among the languages
found in West Africa. The language has many dialects and a
standard variety that is used for instructions in schools,
broadcasting and publications.
71
Discussing the important role of language, Ugwu (2007:105)
says “Language plays a major role in the development of a
nation. It contributes a lot to individuals and societal
development, which is a prerequisite for National
development.” Scientific and Technological development
cannot be achieved without language. Hence, Igbo people use
their language, ‘Igbo’ to achieve those basic needs of human
beings. David (2004:3) opines that Language is our most
important tool in communicating our thoughts and feelings to
one another.
On the other hand, language according to Nwokedi (2008:49)
is equally the instrument of acculturation in the sense that it is
through the use of language that man identifies with his group,
expresses his thoughts, feelings, needs and experiences in life.
The traditional Igbo personal names reflect the above
characteristics of language as seen in the names below;
Table i: Names and their Meanings
Names Meanings
Nwokenihe Man’s inconveniences/worries
Xwadiegwu Life is mysterious
Xcheagwuwa Much thoughts/thinking does not solve
life’s problem
Xwaezuoke Life is not all satisfactory
Ngqz[chukwuka God’s blessing is better
Additionally, the above names are given due to the beliefs, life
experience and expectations in what the future holds, the above
mentioned Igbo names were given, answered or and obtainable
in Igbo society.
Ike (2007:204), sees Language as one out of many markers of
identity. The traditional Igbo name is one of such markers of
identity of Igbo Language. Every tribe of the world preserves
their language by their names, teaching their offspring their
language so as to allow the perpetration of the language from
generation to generation.
Language changes as she borrows from other languages. Igbo
language therefore continues to change as she comes into
contact with other languages hence new words formation and
disappearance of some of hers because they are no more used.
This applies to traditional Igbo personal names. Igbo language
is a living language, for some words are born, for instance,
Mahadum (University) Iduuazi, (Prose) Mmirichukwu
(Baptism) Ụtọasụsụ (Grammar) Nkanụzụ (Technology)
Ọbakwụkwọ (Library) Ekwentị (Phone) Kọmputa (Computer)
et cetera.
The study is of the view that instead of abandoning traditional
Igbo personal names, new names reflecting new advancement
in science and technology should be given, answered and
encouraged following new inventions or modernization such as
Ọbakwụkwọ Ọkanasụsụ, Asụsụ dị mma, Ọkanụzụ, Mahadum
etc. The idea in itself will help the language to be updated and
enrich its vocabulary than losing the vocabularies. Names are
tagged with language and Igbo names are not exempted.
Ordinarily, one cannot deny himself of his name which is
tagged with a given language for differentiation; an individual
name given to each individual make him/her different from
others. Below are some examples of traditional Igbo personal
names and their gloss.
72
Table ii: Traditional Igbo Personal Names and their Gloss
1 Leweke/Lewechi “look unto God
2 Osueke /Osuchi A devotee of God
3 Onyebueke/Onyebuchi Who is a substitute for God
4 Alozieuwa Let one return well to life (let
one’s return to existence be
fruitful)
5 Ejiụwaka One does not hold/control life
6 Ejikeemeuwa Life affairs are never by force
7 Xwad[egwu Life is mysterious
8 Xwaezuoke Life is not all satisfactory
9 Ekeledo/Chiledo God arranges
10 Uwajiekwu/Chijekwu God would decide
11 Ch[qma/Ekeqma Favourable God
12 Ugomma Honour of goodness
13 Okoroqma Young male of goodness
14 Obiqzq Chamber of wealth
15 Igbokwe/Mbakwe If the community agree
16 Ukekwe If my age group agree
17 Madukwe If people agree
18 Qhad[ke The people are powerful
19 Ohabuike The people are strength
20 Ngqzi Blessing
21 Chika God is great
22 Onyinye Gift
23 Muokwe If the Spirit agrees
24 Onyekachukwu No one is greater than
Supreme God
25 Igboka Igbo people are supreme
26 Nwaigwe An associate of sky deity
27 Nwqfq As associate of Ofo
28 Njoku Deity of crop fertility
29 Agwxka Agwu is supreme
30 Okeke/Mgbeke Male or female of Eke
(Market Day Deity)
31 Kalu/Kanu/Kamalu Thunder Deity
32 Xkwxqma Good fortune
33 Onyedikachi Who is like God
34 Qlxebube Miracle
35 Uchechukwu The will of supreme God
36 Duru Great men of utility
37 Ugochi Honor of God
38 Duraku/Osu Aku Duru/Osu of wealth
39 Osuqha/Duruoha Duru/Osu of people
40 Duruagwu/Osuagwu Duru/Osu of agwu deity
41 Igbeaku/Akuigbe Container of wealth
42 Ubaka Wealth is great
43 Xlqaku House of Wealth
44 Adaugo A daughter associated with
honour
45 Qnwxkaikem Death is stronger than my
power
46 Irokwe If enemies agree
47 Onyekaonwu Who surpasses death
48 Ikwuhapum Ikwu should leave me/let me
be
39 Iroekwuzim An enemy does not say well
of me
50 Ikekaqnwx Power does not extend to
73
death
51 Ikwuakolam Let Ikwu not scarce me
52 Uchekwukwu Gods will/wish
53 Eberechi/Eberechukwu Mercy of God
54 Kelechi/Kelechukwu Thank God
55 Oluchi/Oluchukwu Work of God
Importance of traditional Igbo personal names
Igbo traditional personal names go a long way to reflect
individual or family world view, philosophy as well as
ideology. Some Igbo names are given due to the conditions or
life experience of the Igbo people. The table below will help to
analyze the above assertion.
Table iii
1 Uluoaku/Obianuju/Ufuaku A child born in the midst
of plenty
2 Ogadinma/Nkiruka A name showing hope in
what the future holds
3 Oguadinma,Aghaegbulem One born during the war
mostly male
4 Oguebuka A male child name
indicating settlement of a
war or conflict
5 Mgbeafo,Mgbeorie A female names reflecting
the Igbo market day
6 Mgbeeke, Mgbokwu Days or market days in
Igbo
7 Nwankwo, Nweke Male names reflecting
memorable market days
8 Nwafo, Okorie Igbo days or market days
in Igbo
However, many years before the era of Colonial Masters, the
Igbo people had a strong belief in Almighty God and small
gods viewed as messengers of the Supreme God. Hence, the
names below are below used as the instances of the above
claims; Ekemezie, Chukwudi, Chukwuma, Ogechukwu,
Chukwubuikem, Agwunedu, Muoka, Chukwunedu, Njoku et
cetera.
In Igbo traditional world view, the belief of reincarnation is
seen and reflected in names like Alozieuwa, Nneamaka,
Nnanna, Nnenna, Uwaagwu, Uwangabia, Nnabilie, Nneka,
Nnenwa etc. In some Igbo traditional names, people’s names
are attached to some animal names due to the respect or
inspiration these animals possess. For instance Nwaugo,
Nwaegbe, Ogbuagu, Odumegwu, Nwainyinya. These names
are attributed to the quality and respect they have for such
animals. According to Akidi (2013:51) “These names attached
to animals do not mean that Igbo people are answering animal
names or that they answer meaningless names but these
animals are sources of Inspirations”.
However, the Igbo consider it very important to be virtuous.
Sometimes, Igbo peoples’ philosophy of virtue is being
“morally upright and reaching a level of superiority that is
usually high” (Iwendu, 1994:4). Igbo people are unacquainted
with idleness and they have very few beggars. The Igbo believe
74
that there is no shortcut to working hard. They are ambitious
and motivated to be more diligent to acquire wealth and
achieve prosperity that is prestigious as kingship. They bear
names like Ozokwere, Ubakwe, Ubahakwe, Akukwe, Duruji
Duruigwe, Duruoha, Duruaku, Osuji, Osuagwu, Osuoha, and
Osuaku to indicate the virtue of greatness. Other names are
answered to express moral acceptability. For instance Adanma,
Ulumma, Chioma, Okoroma, Ugomma. Igbo people are very
religious and they do not hide the value of religion as they
assign names to individuals. Their firm belief in the divine
powers or deities and religious objects (e.g. Ofo) is expressed
in traditional Igbo personal names below.
Table iv
Names Gloss
Muokwe If the spirit agrees
Edokwe If Edo (deity) agrees
Muoka The spirits are supreme
Agbarakwe If deities agrees
Alaka/Anika Ala is supreme
Nwagbara An associate of deities
Contemporary Naming styles of Igbo Personal Names
There is no way one can tell his family’s history in Igbo land
without mentioning the names of his forefathers. Also it is
these family names that unite people together as relations. The
name people are changing will not do them well because one
cannot cut oneself off from ones lineage. According to
Ikekaonwu and Nwadike (2005:90), “… it is not unusual to
find Igbo children and parents with no trace of Igbo language
in their names”. Following the new trend of religion called
“Christianity, Some Igbo people change their family lineage
names.
According to Onukawa (2013:32), “A known fact is that the
contemporary Igbo have virtually abandoned their traditional
naming system to the detriment of the core Igbo values”.
Below are examples of the Igbo traditional personal names in
the contemporary period.
Table v
Igbo personal names in
contemporary period
Igbo names in traditional period
Chibyke Chibuike/Chukwubuike
Dubis Ndubisi
Akomas Akoonyemara
Ejeyke Ejikeemeuwa
Nnekas Nneka
Chikason Chikammadu
Mefos Ihemeforo
Egbuson Onwuegbusom
Mobis Muobuisi
Ekeson Ekedimbu
Makason Chukwuamaka/Chiamaka
Ucheson Uchechukwu/Uchenna
Offor Ofoegbu/Ofobuike/Ofomata
Ogorh Ogochukwu/Ogochukwuneme
Zubis/Zuby Nzubechukwu
75
On the other hand, some Igbo traditional personal names
portray and indicate the life experience either for good or bad.
Sometimes the names they bear reflect the misfortune they had
experienced in the past or what they are experiencing at
present. In giving such names, they express their prayer or
hope that the solution will come soon. When they give names
reflecting fortune, they express their gratitude to God for such
blessings.
Table vi
Igbo names Reflecting
Misfortune
Gloss
Onwuegbulem, Onwugbufo Death do not kill me, death
kill remain
Onwubiko Death please
Iheọgụneme The effect of fight/war
Ọnwụzurike Death rest
Tashie/Tasie Endure
Ọnwụemerụlam Death don’t do me again
Ndidikamma Patience is better
Obinalị Heart bears
Ndụbisi Life first
Akufọrọm Let riches remain for me
Ndidiamaka Patience is good
Onyenweakụ Who own riches
Ositadinma If life improves today
Onyejiuwa Who controls the world
Table vii
Igbo names Reflecting
Fortune
Gloss
Ngọzichukwu God’s blessing
Ngọzika/Ngọzikachukwu God’s blessing is better
Chiọma Good God
Amarachukwu God’s grace
Ọlụebube Miracle
Ọlụchukwu God’s act
Eberechukwu Mercy of God
Afọmachukwu Favour/God’s favour
Akụfọrọ Riches remain
Akụbata / Mbatakụ Let riches come in/entering of
riches
Findings
This research work observes the following:
Most of the contemporary traditional Igbo personal
names have been drastically affected as a result of deep
rootedness of Igbo people in foreign religion and
foreign languages. The ideas and dogma of the new
religion have overshadowed the Igbo people’s view of
their own religion.
Igbo people more than any other race have abandoned
their culture and heritage in pursuit of European
cultures.
The more the Igbo traditional personal names are
disappearing, the more their norms, language literature
and heritage are endangered.
The contemporary names the Igbo people are answering
these days are not better than the traditional Igbo
76
personal names since the new ones do not identify or
present them well.
Suggestions
Cultural norms, values and heritage are a very
important part of people’s identity, the traditional Igbo
personal names inclusive. Igbo cultural values are
encoded in these Igbo traditional personal names and
so should be encouraged instead of abandoning them
or mixing them with the alphabets or semantic
rendration of other languages.
The contemporary practice in the naming system or
style of Igbo personal names should be reversed to the
old and traditional style to help promote the Igbo
heritage. Igbo traditional personal names either relate
directly/indirectly to the Igbo people’s world view or
philosophy and so Igbo people should revive the use of
Igbo traditional personal names to uphold all aspects
of Igbo heritage.
Propagating Igbo traditional personal names is an
outstanding means of preserving Igbo heritage. Thus,
Igbo people’s philosophy should be inculcated into the
existing young and future generations for these names
identifiy a lot.
Conclusion
Traditional personal names among Igbo people are a very
important part of Igbo language and so very crucial in
propagating Igbo heritage, value, norms, beliefs and literature.
Language is an indispensable vehicle in all aspects of human
development including the propagation of the Igbo heritage
Thus Igbo traditional names should be cherished and
preserved.
77
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Ogbodo, J.C. (2001). “The role of language in the propagation
of values: Making a case for Igbo Nations Indigenous
Language”. Owerri: Journal of Liberal Studies
Association (JLSA) Vol. 9 No.1-2, p.82-93.
Onukawa, M.C. (2012). “Propagation of Igbo core values
through Igbo personal names”. The Igbo studies
Association Lecture series, Nsukka: Pascal
Communications.
Onwuchekwa .O. (2007). Language, culture and power:
Tripartite Assets for Developing Human Capital and
Self Reliance. Enugu: Journal of the Association for
promoting Nigerian languages and culture.
(APNILAC) Vol.10. No. 2. P. 123-134.
78
POLYSEMY IN OSINA VARIETY OF IGBO
AKIDI FELISTA CHIDI
DIRECTORATE OF GENERAL STUDIES, FEDERAL
UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY OWERRI
Abstract:
This work is a survey study set to investigate the concept and
use of polysemy in Osina variety of Igbo. Polysemy arises
where one lexical item has two or more related meanings.
There are instances where polysemy brings about ambiguity
which in turn distorts the meaning of lexical items, but this
study is based on literal meanings of polysemous lexemes.
There has not been detailed work on polysemy in Osina veriety
of Igbo to the best knowledge of the writer. This prompted the
present writer into carrying out this study. The objective of
this study amongst others is to find out whether polysemy can
exist in Osina variety of Igbo without ambiguity. To carry out
this research the writer collected lexical items from indigenes
of Osina and using the use/contextual theory of Wittgenstein as
the theoretical frame work analyzed then x-raying their literal
meanings. It is found among other things that polysemy can
exist in Osina variety of Igbo without ambiguity with the aid of
use and context. This study will help to enrich the Igbo
vocabulary as well as help lexicographers in the compilation of
a standard Igbo dictionary. This study will also
encourage/motivate researchers into carrying out more work
on polysemy based on literal meanings in other varieties and
dialects of the Igbo.
Introduction:
In the views of O’ Grady and Archibal (2009:195), “it is much
more difficult to determine precisely what meaning is”. But it
is not clear to us what sort of things or entity that meaning is
(Ndimele 1997:155 and 2001:6). That is to say that the
definition of meaning is not always easy to come by in the
sense that one may have to explain meaning according to one’s
own point of view in terms of meaning thereby creating
another meaning entirely out of the subject matter (polysemous
words). That is why the researcher chose the use/contextual or
operational theory as quitted by Ndimele (1997) and Okeke
(2012). This theory solves the problem of disambiguating
polysemous words. The researcher is only interested in the
literal meanings of the words used as examples in this work
and not the extensional meanings.
It should be noted also that Osina community enriches their
vocabulary by welcoming and adopting words from people and
other dialects they come in contact with. To make this study
clearer the writer highlights the meanings and some examples
of homonyms and synonyms because they confuse people most
of the time, people interchange their meanings with polysemy.
Osina is a community in Ideato North Local Government Area
of Imo State. Ikekeonwu (2001:6) groups it under Inland East
Igbo while Nwaozuzu (2008:56) groups it under East Central
Group of Dialects (ECGD). Osina is under Orlu zone where
Nwaozuzu (2008) grouped Isiokpo, Akpulu, Uzii and
Umualaoma in Mbanasa Clan.
This study is arranged as follows: abstract, introduction, and
theoretical framework, and theoretical studies, analysis of data
79
collected in Osina, findings, summary, conclusion,
recommendation and references.
The Theoretical Framework:
The use theory of Wittgenstein (1933) is used as the theoretical
framework of this study. This theory finds the meaning of any
expression in the context of its use. That is the meaning of any
expression is determined from the effect the expression has in
the situation or context it is used. The way the speaker
expresses himself matters a lot because it helps to show the
intension of the speaker. The use theory helps to specify the
lexical meaning of the polysemous lexemes in Osina variety of
the Igbo.
This use theory is considered adequate for this study because it
is a semantic theory that helps to account for polysemous
meaning relation in Osina variety of the Igbo to maintain the
literal meanings.
According to Wittgenstein in his book entitled philosophical
investigation as quoted by Ndimele (1997:26), the meaning of
any linguistic expression is determined by the context in which
it is used. The introduction of the use theory by Wittgenstein
came up in order to overcome the problems posed by the
referential and mentalist theories. In support of this, Anyanwu
(2008:188) says that the meaning of an expression is derivable
from the effect/effects, which the expression creates in the
context where it is used. Akmajian, Dermers, Farmer and
Harnish (2008:236) have this to say: “The meaning of an
expression is its use in the language”. Chomsky (1957:15) and
Mbah (1991:1) opine that what one uses language to do is what
he knows about the language. This is to say that, the existence
of every word in the society shows that it is useful. Therefore,
any word in the society without use is meaningless. Such a
word is not worthy to exist. Any thought people have for a
word in their context is the meaning of that word for such
people. A word that has two or more meanings has its
meanings based on their uses, contexts and functions. Most of
the times already existing words are used to form new words,
the words formed share related meanings either with
similarities or differences, but the use of every context dictates
the meaning of such words at every given time. The meaning
of anything is the use it is put to. In other words it is what each
society makes of it that it is.
Ndimele (1997:55) and (2001:6) say that, in human language,
words may not only have meaning properties in Isolation, they
often bear some meaning relations with each other. With this
view, Ihejirika (2008:116) opines that, in the day to day speech
and in formal writing, words have been known to have
relations with each other, either in the process of forming new
words or make full meaning in a sentence.
These assertions imply that no lexical relation exists in
isolation. In lexical relations, word goes side by side to
manifest their meanings and these always occur by their work,
use and context to disambiguate meanings.
Review of Previous Related Literature:
Here homonyms and synonyms are highlighted with their
examples because some people mistake them for polysemy.
But the main topic of study is polysemy.
80
Homonyms:
O’ Grady and Archibald (2009:192) say that homonym exists
where a single form has two or more entirely distinct
meanings. Okolo and Ezikeojiaku (1999:181) state that, what
is crucial is that they (homonyms) must be pronounced the
same way and they must have different meanings. Crystal
(1997:185) defines homonym as “a term used in semantic
analysis to refer to lexical items which have the same form but
different meanings”. The opinions of these scholars are
pointing at different meanings but the same pronunciation. By
this it means that their pronunciations must be the same thing,
there should be no difference in pronunciations. Examples of
such homonyms in the English language include: ”allowed”
and “aloud”, “bail“ and “bale”, “by” and “buy”, “loan” and
“lone”, “meat” and “meet” etc. With these explanations it is
clear that homonyms and polysemy are not the same. In Osina
Igbo variety we have examples like:
1. àgwà
2. mbà
3. íyῑ
Synonyms:
These are two or more words that have different spellings and
sounds/pronunciations but the same in meanings Emenanjo,
Umeh and Ugorji (1990:59) name them “myiri” in Igbo.
Palmer (1981:88), Okolo and Ezikeojiaku (1999:182), Ndimele
(1997:56) and (2001:162) point out that synomyms are words
that are different in form but with similar or identical meaning.
In Osina, there are many synonymous words. That is, there are
many words that have exact meanings in all ramifications and
some that have similar meanings but deviates a little when used
in sentences. Ndimele (1997:56) opines that, synonyms mean
to have the same communicative effects in all contexts. But
facts about human language reveal that there are quite a
number of words which are synonyms only in particular
context, not in all.
O’ Grady and Archibald (2009:191) say that synonyms are
words or expressions that have the same meaning in some or
all contexts.
Some examples of synonyms in Osina:
4. àsh[
xghá
beans
character
no
town, nation
river
curse
lies
81
ntx
5. ótù
nnáá
6. náán[
sqqsq
Polysemy:
Ejele (2003:73) sees polysemy “as variations of a single lexical
item which are related semantically and morphologically
having the same pronunciation and spelling/graphic form”.
Example: Face “front part of the head” and “Front part of the
clock”.
O’ Grady and Archibald (2011:192) assert that polysemy
occurs where a word has two or more related meanings.
Example: “shining” and “intelligent”. Hurford and Heasley
(1983:123) say that polysemy is a lexical relation where a word
has several very closely related senses. Ndimele (1997:60) and
(2001:166) also, says that polysemy is a meaning relation
whereby a single lexical item has several (apparently) related
meanings. Examples: ear “part of the body” and “part of plant”,
head “leader of a group”, “part of the body”, “part of coin”.
As we can see, the views of all these authors are that the
several meanings of a polysemous word must have a central
relationship in their meanings. That is, what is binding them
must be from a single origin. Also, Finegan (2011:200) notes
that two words are polysemous if their meanings are the same
or related. For one to identify polysemy one has to look for the
core or central meaning of the polygamous lexeme. In line
with this, Palmer (1981:105) says different ways of attempting
to establish polysemy rather than homonymy is to look for a
central or core meaning. Ejele (1996:121-124) writes that
polysemy is a term used to refer to a lexical item which has a
range of different but related meaning.
The relationship between polysemous words must come from
the same semantic field. As has been viewed above, the study
refers to the relatedness of the polysemous word and not as
Crystal (2008:373-374) says that polysemy is a term used in
semantic analysis to refer to a lexical item which has a range of
different meanings, whereas the several meanings of
polysemous words must be related.
Examples of some polysemous lexemes in Osina:
qnx
imi
one
only
mouth
hole
nose
mucus
82
egwu
nchà
ákwxkwq
mmiri
qwà
ánwụrụ
ngwq
olu
qgbq
ntxtụ
qdx
xkwx
mmanx
The analysis of data collected from Osina:
dance
song
soap
a kind of sauce
book
school
river
rainfall
water
track
gutter
snuff
smoke
raffia wine
raffia tree
neck
voice
public
depot
Needle for sewing
syringe for injection
leg
stand
oil
pomade
Tail
last
shop
83
The analysis is based on the relatedness of the polysemous
words when mentioned in isolation and how to disambiguate
them. To do this sentences may be involved in most of the
cases to bring out the exact meanings. More especially when
the concerned words are mentioned in isolation.
The study does not refer to the structure/syntax, extension,
metaphorical or idiomatic meanings but the literal and
contextual meanings based on use and function.
7. ónú
The polysemous words are related because they are opening
meant for entrance and exist. Qnx (mouth) as a part of body,
through which food enters into the body and through which
discomforting substances are removed. In the case of qnx
(hole) animal gain entrance and exist. When qnx is mentioned
in isolation of a sentence, the hearer may be confused but with
the aid of use, context, function or grammar the person cannot
be confused.
8. qnwá
It is clear that onwa (moon and month) have related meanings
because they are from the same semantic field. In the Igbo
setting, moon is used to count days (28 days) that lead to a
month.
9. ólú
Voice comes from the vocal cord that is in the neck. They are
from the same core. It is only the use and contexts that
differentiate them.
10. qdx
These lexemes have related meanings. Qdx (tail) in animals
are meant for sitting down. Qdx (shop) is the specific area a
trader sits and sells his/her ware.
11. ńgwọ
From the ńgwo tree the wine is produced. The tree and wine
are being called the same thing but the context of use always
tells what is meant.
12. áká
The core sense is gripping. They are differentiated through
context and use or most of the time through the use of
sentences. Example: nye m aka ya may be ambiguous, the
mouth
hole
moon
month
voice
handle
branch
neck
tail
shop
raffia wine
raffia tree
hand
84
hearer may think of hand, handle or brand. But if you say nye
m aka nwa ahx, aka efe, aka ji depending on the context and
use the hearer will get you right.
13. ίmί
Mucus comes out from the nostril that is in the nose. In Osina
variety of Igbo, mucus and nose have one spelling and
pronunciation “ίmί” but use and context determines whether it
is mucus or nose that is meant.
14. ίhú
The polysemous words are from a central core. Ihu in Osina
variety means face or front. Sometimes they are used in a
sentence the same way. Example, if somebody says “q nq
n’ihu ya”. This can mean, it is in the front or on the face. It is
only the context and use that clears the ambiguity.
15. xkwx
Animals and human beings use leg for standing and balancing
while none leaving things use standing for balancing. Both leg
and standing are for balancing. The owners of this variety of
Igbo can say “xkwx ya rx mma”. The use and context tells
whether the “xkwx” is that of animal, human being or an
object. That is, use and context disambiguates the sentence.
16. égwú
They are from the same semantic field. Song and dance goes
hand in hand. Song leads to dance. And two of them are
called egwu in Osina. One can say egwu amaka. It can mean
song or dance is good. Use, context or sentence that brings out
the exact meaning.
17. qwà
Qwà is an outlet or passage for animals and water. Use in a
sentence tells what the qwa meant.
18. qgbq
The core sense here is the concept of many. The use and
context or the sentence where it is used will tell the exact
meaning of what the speaker has in mind.
mucus nose
dance
song
track
gutter s
public
depots
face
front
leg
standing
85
19. ńchá
They have to do with foaming. One may say in Osina “ gbara
m ncha”. This sentence is ambiguous but it is only the use,
context and function that will give the exact meaning of what
the speaker means.
20. ánwxrx
Smoke and snuff have the same spelling and pronunciation in
Osina and they are related because they choke and most often
discomfort people. The use and context helps to determine the
exact meaning.
21. áh[h[á
They are leaves found in the farm. When one says “nye m
áh[h[á” it is the context and use that will determine whether it
is vegetable or weed that the speaker has in mind.
22. ízū
ízū has to do with domain of time. It has to do with counting of
days, weeks, month etc.
In Osina if one says “o gufela ízū”, it is the context, situation
and use that will tell what the speaker intends to say or what he
or she has in mind.
23. mmánù
Their relationship is that they are meant to grease. If one says
“weta mmanx” it is the use, context or situation that will say
exactly what is meant. If it is after bathing, one will understand
that the speaker means pomade, if during cooking it means
palm oil and engine oil should be engine.
24. ntxtx
They are meant for piercing but for different purposes. They
have the same name. It is always the use and context that
differentiate.
25. úrù
a kind of locally prepared oil
soap
smoke
snuff
vegetable
weed
week
early pregnancy
palm oil
pomade
engine oil
needle
syringe
profit flesh usefulness
86
If you say “uru di na ya” one may think of profit, flesh or
usefulness. They are differentiated through context and use but
the core sense is gain.
From the above analysis, it is seen that polysemous lexemes in
Osina variety of Igbo have related senses and most often are
used the same way in the sentence but with the use, context,
situation and sometimes grammatical function, the hearer can
determine the exact meaning/sense without ambiguity.
Anyanwu (2008:194) asserts that, the several related meaning
of a polysemous word must belong to a common semantic field
and one of its several senses is metaphorical extensions of the
core sense.
One would not know how to dictate which in some of the
polysemous lexemes is central and which of them is
metaphorical.
Examples:
ńchà
qgbq
ánwxrx
Findings:
Polysemy can exist without extensional, metaphorical,
idiomatic or ambiguous meanings in Osina variety of Igbo. It
is very clear that the meanings of all the lexical relations are
made clear through their use and context. Ndimele (1997:61)
opines that all the several meanings of a polysemous word
belong to a common core. The examples above, made the
opinion clear. One important feature about polysemy is that
the several meanings must come from a common origin, share
or belong to a common core. It is always the grammatical
context or use that differentiates or gives accurate meaning on
what the speaker intends for polysemous word.
As far as use and context are concerned, polysemy is not
always ambiguous and polysemy is not difficult to differentiate
from homonymy as Lyons (1977) and Palmers (1981) assert.
From the study, the researcher has observed that polysemous
words must have related meaning among all its several
meanings. Anyanwu (2008:194) opines that polysemy results
from a natural economic tendency of languages. Rather
inventing new expressions for new objectives, activities,
expressions etc. But still the use and context always determine
what the speaker has in mind.
Summary, Conclusion and Recommendation:
The aim of this study is achieved by finding out that polysemy
can exist without ambiguity or extensional meanings in Osina
variety of Igbo. Polysemy is only lexical relation, in the sense
that it can be considered using two or more different or similar
meanings. It does not exist in isolation. Where ambiguity
arises, the use in a sentence(s) or context solves the problem.
soap
a kind of sauce
public
depot
smoke
snuff
87
Already existing words are supposed to extend meanings to
other entities to avoid word cluster. If everything is given a
separate name, it will lead to forgetfulness thereby rendering
many words useless. In this direction, Igwe (2002:20) says that
“polysemy is an invaluable factor of economy and flexibility in
language”. More than twenty words are cited from Osina
vocabulary as lexical relations as are cited in the examples
meanings should always be sought through their use, work,
function and context.
Linguists should show interest in the use of polysemy to avoid
word cluster that makes discussion boring most of the time.
The researcher recommends that the polysemous words in
Osina should be included in the compilation of the standard
Igbo dictionary. Other researchers should also research more
on lexical relations in other variety of Igbo to enrich the Igbo
vocabulary.
References
Akmajian, A., Derners, R.A; Farmer, A.K; Harnish, R.M.
(2008). Linguistics: An Introduction to Language and
Communication (5th.ed). New Delhi: Prentice Hall of
India.
Anagbogu, P.N; Mbah, B.M. and Eme, C.A; (2010).
Introduction to Linguistics (2nd.ed). Awka: Amaka
Communications.
Anyanwu, O. (2008). “Essentials of Semantics”. In Mbah
B.M. and Mbah E.E. (eds). History of Language and
Communication: A Festschrift in Honour of Professor
P.A. Nwachukwu p. 194 Nsukka: Paschal
Communications.
Chomsky, N. (1957). Syntactic Structures. The Hague:
Mouton.
Crystal, D. (2008). A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics.
(4th ed.) Oxford: Black well.
Crystal, D. (2008). A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics.
(6th ed.) Malden: Black well.
Ejele, P.E. (1996). An Introductory course on Language. Port-
Harcourt: University of Port-Harcourt Press.
Ejele, P.E. (2003). Semantics, Lexical Structural Relations.
Aba: National Institution for Nigerian Languages.
Emenanjo, E.N., Umeh, I.A.O. and Ugorji, J.U (1990). Igbo
Metalanguage (Qka asxsx Igbo) Vol. 1. Ibadan:
University Press.
Ezeomeke, S.O. (2004) Igodo Nghqta Xtqasxsx Igbo. Onitsha:
Stephen Press.
Finegan, E. (2012), Language: Its Structure and Use (6th.ed).
Australia: Thomson Wadsworth.
Hurford, J.R. and Heasley B. (1983). Semantics: A Course
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Book. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Igwe, B.A. (2002). “A Survey of Polysemy as Lexical
Ambiguity in Achi Dialect of Igbo Language”. in Unizik
Journal of Arts and Humanities. p. 20 Sept.
Ihejirika, R. (ed) (2008). Readings in English for Higher
Education. Owerri: Cel-Bez.
Ikekeonwu, C. and Nwadike .I. (2005). Igbo Language
Development: The Metalanguage Perfective. Enugu:
CID JAP Press.
Lyons J. (1977). Semantics. Cambridge: Cambridge University
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Lyons; J. (2009). Language and Linguistics. An Introduction
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Mbah, B.M. (1999). Studies in Syntax: Igbo Phase Structure.
Nsukka: Prize.
Ndimele; M.O. (1997). Semantics and the Frontiers of
Communication. (2nd.ed). Port-Harcourt:
University of Port-Harcourt Press.
Ndimele; M.O. (2001). Reading on Language. Port-Harcourt:
M & J Grand Orbit Communication.
Nwaozuzu G.I. (2008). Dialects of Igbo Language. Nsukka:
University of Nigeria Press.
O’ Grady W. and Archibald J. (2011). An Introduction to
Contemporary Linguistic Analysis. (6th ed) Toronto:
Pearson.
Okeke, C.O. (2012). “Meaning and Thematic Roles in the Igbo
Language” in Ujah, Unizik Journal of Arts and
Humanities vol. 13, No. 2.
Okolo, B.A. and Ezikeojiaku, P.A. (1999). Introduction to
Language and Linguistics. Benin City: Mindex
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Palmers, F.R., (1981). Semantics. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
89
MANUFACTURING AND TRADE IN THE IGBO
TRADITIONAL SOCIETY
Evaristus Elechi Emeghara, PhD
Department of History and Strategic Studies,
Federal University Ndufu-Alike Ikwo (FUNAI)
Abakaliki, Ebonyi State.
E-mail: [email protected]
Phone Number: 07062216156
Abstract
The study of the indigenous economic and social history of the
Igbo prior to the colonial era, appears to be gaining currency
amongst Igbo scholars and writers. This study is part of the
efforts in this regard. It was conducted with the overall
objective to examine the place of manufacturing and trade in
Igbo pre-colonial economy before colonial intrusion in Nigeria.
The main thrust of the paper is that Igbo traditional society
operated a closely integrated economy in which three major
areas of economic activities namely, agriculture, manufacturing
and trade played mutually supportive roles. This assertion
tends to nullify the erroneous notion by European observers
and scholars at the turn of the 20th century to the effect that
peoples of Africa, south of the Sahara, including pre-colonial
Igbo land, were largely static, backward and unorganized due
to their non-receptivity and unresponsiveness to changes and
innovations.
Keywords: Tradition, industries, crafts and trade.
Introduction
Amongst the Igbo of Nigeria, as with several other traditional
communities of tropical Africa, every able-bodied person was
(and is still) normally employed in meaningful and gainful
economic activities in pursuit of adequate and proper self
fulfillment. Consequently, idleness and deliberate waste or
underutilization of human resources were rare, if ever allowed
by the social values of the people.1 Apart from agriculture and
its allied activities such as food processing and animal rearing,
the people engage actively in local manufacture and trade.
Long before the colonial period, Igbo land was known for its
ingenuity in industrial manufacturing and crafts.2 Prominent in
this regard were the people of Awka, Nkwerre, Umuokpara-
Nguru Mbaise, Abiriba, Ohaozara, to mention but these few,
who were popular in several areas of manufacturing and craft
activities. For instance, whilst such people as the Awka,
Nkwerre and Abiriba were known in the sphere of iron-
working and blacksmithery, Ohaozara and Akwete were
famous for pottery and cloth weaving respectively.3 Similarly,
a number of trading centres flourished in traditional Igbo land.
Amongst the major ones were Arochukwu, Bende, Uburu,
Nkwerre, Abiriba, Oguta, Nsukka, Owerri, Umuahia, Onitsha,
etc.
This paper, therefore, seeks to critically examine two aspects of
the traditional economic activities of the Igbo – manufacturing
and trade. Amongst the principal issues the paper attempts to
address are: the way and manner manufacture and trade were
organized and undertaken in pre-colonial Igbo land and how
they were closely connected with the peoples’ way of life.
90
Background of Igbo Land
Territorially, Igbo land is located on the southeastern portion of
Nigeria, lying between latitudes 4015' and 7005 North and
longitudes 6000 and 8030 east.4 It covers a total surface area of
approximately 41,000 square kilometers.5 The area is bounded
on the west by the River Niger, over which lies Delta and Edo
States; on the southeast by Akwa Ibom State; on the northeast
by Cross River State; on the north by Benue State and on the
northwest by Kogi State.6 The area is sometimes referred to as
the Southeast, hence the name Southeastern geopolitical zone
of Nigeria. The other zones are North-eastern, North-central,
South-south, North-western and South-western zones. Igbo
land covers five States out of the thirty six States of Nigeria.
The five States are Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo
States, all of which are situated east of the River Niger. The
area is easily accessible by road from all parts of the country.
Train services in the area are available in parts of Abia, Ebonyi
and Enugu States, which are connected with/to rail network.
Air services in the area are at present available in Imo and
Enugu States that have airport facilities. The availability of
these transport facilities has considerably aided the promotion
of economic, social and political activities in the area through
enhanced movement of people and goods from one place to
another. Igbo land had a total population of about 9,246,388 in
1963 and probably between 11 and 14 million by 1996,7 with
the rural population accounting for over 70 percent. The Igbo
are migrant people found in large numbers resident in various
parts of Nigeria and other parts of the globe. They are noted for
high population density, especially in places like Orlu, Onitsha,
Awka, Owerri, Nnewi, and Awgu.
Important towns and cities that dot the Igbo terrain, include
inter alia: Enugu, Aba, Umuahia, Owerri Awka, Abakaliki,
Nsukka, Onitsha, Arochukwu, Oguta Nnewi, Okigwe, Afikpo,
Abiriba, Orlu, Nkwerre, Naze Agbala, Emekuku, Ekwulobia,
Ozubulu, Ohafia Agbor, Ogwashi-Uku, Ibuzo and Urualla.
Igbo land is blessed with a number of waterways, the most
important being the River Niger, the third longest river in
Africa.8 Other waterways in Igbo land include: Anambra, Imo,
Njaba, Ulasi, Nworie, Ebonyi, Cross River, etc. Also, the area
has three major lakes namely, Oguta and Abadaba lakes in Imo
State and Uburu lake in Ebonyi State, from which salt is
mined. These are vital tourism potentials yet to be harnessed.
The dominant vegetation in Igbo land is the tropical rain forest
with luxuriant and prolific growth of trees such as iroko,
obeche, mahogany, oil and raffia palm, etc, the last two, being
the most important. Owing largely to population pressure and
its attendant scarcity of land, almost all the original tropical
forests have been cleared to make room for settlements and
farms in the area. What now exists as “forests” according to
Ignatius Azubuike Uleanya, may be referred to as secondary
growths which are farm fallows.9
Igbo land is endowed with favourable ecological and
agroclimatic conditions that promote all-year cultivation of a
wide variety of both food and crops. These include root crops
like yams, cassava and cocoyam; cereals such maize and rice;
pulses (cowpeas, groundnuts) and a large variety of vegetables.
It is instructive that the tremendous agricultural potentials of
Igbo land were well demonstrated during the late Michael
Okpara’s administration as premier of the former Eastern
91
Region. This was manifested eloquently in the soaring success
in this sector during the period. Apart from the tremendous
agricultural potentials and resources, Igbo land contains several
valuable mineral resources which can form the basis for the
establishment of a number of manufacturing industries in the
area. The most prominent of these minerals are lead and zinc
ore in Ebonyi State, Kaoline in Imo, Enugu, Abia and Anambra
States, limestone in Enugu, Ebonyi and Abia States, iron-ore in
Anambra and Enugu States and glass sand in Abia, Anambra
and Enugu States. Others are industrial clay in Abia, Anambra,
Imo, Enugu and Ebonyi States, brine in Ebonyi and Abia
States, silica in Enugu, Abia, Imo and Anambra States and
bentonite in Imo, Abia and Ebonyi States.10 As noted before,
although these, mineral resources can form the basis for the
establishment of a number of industries (particularly
manufacturing industries) in Igbo land, it is germane to state
that most of them (the minerals) are yet to be fully exploited.
The area, in addition, has substantial reserves and deposits of
oil and gas which exist virtually in all its states. Also evidence
reveals that large percentage of all oil and gas and
petrochemical business in Nigeria is in Igbo land. All these
confer on the area enormous economic role and value in both
national and international terms.
Ethnically, Igbo land is a homogenous entity, being chiefly
peopled by the Igbo who form and constitute one of the three
major tribal groups in Nigeria. The other two are the Hausa-
Fulani of the extreme Northern part of the country and the
Yoruba of the West. However, there are appreciable or sizeable
number of Igbo groups in the Ahoada and Ikwere areas of
Rivers State and the Asaba, Ika Ukwuani (Kwale) and Abo
areas of Delta State. Also, some pockets of Igbo groups inhabit
parts of Benue and Kogi States. Thus, the Igbo share
boundaries with the Igala, Idoma and the Tiv to the north, with
the Ibibio and Efik groups to the east, the Ijo, Urhobo and
Isoko of the Delta region to the south and Southwest and the
Edo-speaking people to the west. The language of the people is
Igbo, though, there exists minor dialectal variations. Marriage
and strong kinship ties bound (and still bind) the people
together. Marriage was (and still is) strictly exogamous. The
people have rich cultural heritage. A good example is the
Ahiajoku festival which is observed to herald rich harvest
season. Also, traditional Igbo music and dances are
entertaining. They include amongst others Abịgbo, Alịja,
ọkọrọsha, ijele, ọkọnkọ, nwokorobo, and ọmabe. These
traditional dances and music are usually displayed during
important festivals like the ahiajọkụ (already mentioned) and
the obsequies of important dignitaries.
Agriculture is the main and traditional occupation of the Igbo.
The typical Igbo family is patrilineal and patrilocal. Children,
particularly males are well valued as they are instrumental to
the achievement of Igbo “big compound” ideal, confer social
prestige, perpetuate the lineage, supply labour for the farm and
provide old age insurance. Government at the Igbo village level
involves all the lineages and requires the political participation
of all the male adults. Though it forms part of the village group
(town), the widest political community, the village or town is
autonomous in its affairs and accepts no interference or
dictation from any other group.11
92
Manufacture
Although like most areas of tropical Africa, agriculture was the
mainstay of Igbo economy, it was nevertheless not their only
occupation. Local manufacture, indeed, served as important
props, engaging a vital percentage of the population, either on a
part-time or full- time basis. It has also been argued that it was
in the manufacturing industry that the pre-colonial Igbo
enterprise recorded its greatest achievement. As C.C.
Onyemelukwe observes, industry was not new to Igbo land.12
According to him, before the advent of colonialism, the Igbo
were already engaged in manufacturing enterprises which he
classified as industrial. He further notes that there was no small
village that did not have its own share of furniture makers or
did not engage in industrial pursuit.13 Similarly, A.E. Afigbo
observes that there was no part of Igbo land that did not
specialize in one type of craft or another.14 Certain factors
would appear to have served as the rationale for development
of the industrial sector in Igbo land. However, two of the
factors are more glaring or obvious. In the first instance, as
emphasized earlier, Igbo land is richly endowed with various
kinds of natural resources such as; clay, limestone, brine, iron-
ore, lead, zinc, silica, amongst others. It is therefore, not
surprising that the people did not have to travel far distance to
source the basic raw materials they required for industrial
production. Moreover, the materials could be procured and
utilized at a minimum cost. It is a fact that the Igbo as a people,
indeed, needed to service their basic needs and at the same time
carry on with trade which occurred within and outside their
environment. Specialization in these crafts and industries as
well as the spatial distribution, was largely determined by such
factors as the type of raw materials available in the area. For
example, as noted before, people in Awka, Agbaja, Udi,
Nkwerre, Abiriba, Item, etc, where there exist large deposits of
iron-ore, specialized in iron works. People in clay deposit areas
such as Ibeku, Ishiagu, Nsukka, Afikpo Okigwe, amongst
others, engaged in pottery. Those in the palm belt area were
noted for basket weaving and soap making whilst people who
produced cotton, were engaged in cloth weaving. In Okposi
and Uburu, the people specialized in salt production because of
the availability of brine water. Other factors that determined
specialization were the needs of the people and the availability
and possession of the requisite skills and technology needed to
exploit the raw materials to meet these needs. Amongst the
most important and best developed of Igbo crafts and industries
were smithing, weaving, carving, pottery, salt and soap
production, palm oil and palm kernel production and
processing. Let us at this juncture discuss these crafts and
industries in turn.
Igbo technical skill was most visible in smithing. Igbo
blacksmiths were very creative, innovative, most flexible,
resilient, resourceful and versatile. O.N. Njoku who has
devoted himself to the study of Igbo iron technology, points
out that Igbo blacksmiths in pre-colonial times serviced
virtually all the spectrum of Igbo economy and society.15
Farmers, hunters, wood carvers, canoe builders, teeth fillers
and sacrificators as well as housewives depended on the forge
of the blacksmiths for their tools and implements. The diversity
and pervasiveness of the products of the smiths affirms the
assertion that there was hardly any segment of Igbo society that
did not need the service of the smith. To further underscore the
93
centrality of iron working in Igbo society, Njoku quickly
reminds us of an Igbo adage which says that: agụlụ anọrọ,
Igbo a taa aja, which translates as: without smiths, the Igbo
people would have to eat sand; in other words starve.16 Igbo
blacksmiths produced varieties of tools to suit each occupation
and profession. They forged hoes (ọgụ), matchets (mma), axes
(anyịike) and diggers (mbazụ), used by farmers. They provided
the wood carver with axes, scrappers and carving knives;
supplied razors (agụva) and specialized chisels to teeth fillers
and body sacrificators. They supplied spear, traps, hunting
bells, hooks, arrowheads and guns to the hunters and
fishermen. They provided domestic utensils such as kitchen
knives (mma ekwu), forks/spoons (ngaji), tripods (ekwu igwe),
ladles, and needles to the housewives. Other items they
produced were honourific regalia such as jingle bells, title
staffs, anklets, necklaces, pendants and so forth.17
Most European visitors to Igbo land from the later half of the
20th century were surprised and impressed about the high
quality of the products they saw in the markets or in the
artisan’s workshop. Amongst them were Reverend G.T.
Basden, Hope Masterton Waddell, J.C. Taylor, etc, who were
surprised at the neat finishing of the products. They are also
impressed about the efficient organization of the industry and
the ubiquity of Igbo iron workers, who were found in many
parts of Southern Nigeria. The smiths carried their trade
beyond the shores and boundaries of Igbo land to Bonny,
Warri, upper Cross River, and Calabar and to the Cameroons.18
As stated earlier, Igbo communities such as Nkwerre, Abịrịba,
Awka, Agbaja, Udi and Item specialized in iron works. Whilst
the Awka were smiths par excellence in northern and western
Igbo land, the Nkwerre dominated smithery in southern Igbo
land. The Abiriba were also important smiths amongst the
Cross River Igbo. However, of all, the Agbaja Udi appears to
have occupied a central position in the historic development of
iron technology in the Igbo area.19 Accordingly, Njoku has
pointed out that Agbaja Udi iron workers gave Igbo land its
first and perhaps the only indigenous metal currency.20 This
goes to show that the use of money for exchange in Igbo land
predated the colonial period.
Like elsewhere, smithery in Igbo land was a particularly
difficult profession which required and entailed artistic
ingenuity, skill and physical strength. This explains why it
required a long period of apprenticeship or training. However,
in the opinion of Ngwa, smithing “conferred enviable
privileges on its members and was rewarding in terms of its
earning”21 A blacksmith was accorded a warm reception
wherever he went because of the uniqueness of his profession.
The blacksmiths, unlike people in other occupations, travelled
far and wide unmolested. Prior to the advent of colonialism,
iron working in Igbo land, which included iron ore mining,
smelting and production, had developed into a well-organized
and will-established enterprise. By logical standards, it was a
sound money-making enterprise. But under colonial rule, the
industry suffered a serious setback due to colossal penetration
of European made metal wares, which were not only cheaper
but also had more aesthetic appeal to the consumers.
Another Igbo industry of note during the pre-colonial period
was weaving. Igbo weaving industry, which fell into four sub-
groups, namely: cotton cloth weaving, raffia weaving, mat
94
making and basket weaving, was practised in many parts of
Igbo land. Cloth weaving was the most advanced of Igbo
weaving industry. It was carried out where there was an
abundant supply of locally produced yarn. Women dominated
the industry. In support of the above, Equiano states that
“…when our women are not employed with the men in tillage,
their usual occupation is spinning and weaving cotton, which
they afterwards dyed and made into garments.”22
The most famous centres for cloth weaving were Udi, Nsukka,
Nkanu, Bende and Akwete. However, as Njoku aptly states,
Akwete in the Ndoki area of Igbo land, was by far the most
renowned of the cotton textile centre, east of the Niger.23 He
further avers that it retained the enviable status till date.24
Similarly, Venice Lamb and Judy Holmes have described
Akwete as “probably the most famous of all places associated
with the use of women vertical loom in Nigeria”.25 The Akwete
weaving industry demonstrated that Igbo cotton industry had
the potentials to develop into a flourishing local industry. The
industry was not only the best organized, it was also the most
highly advanced aesthetically, albeit not in terms of
technological advancement. Like weavers in other parts of Igbo
land, the Akwete weavers relied on the use of handlooms.
Evidence abounds to show that colonialism impacted
negatively on the Igbo cotton weaving industry.
Unequivocally, it halted the industry from developing into a
flourishing local industry.
Apart from weaving on yarns, the Igbo as indeed, other
Nigerian peoples, exploited various parts and products of
plants in their habitat to weave all kinds of items for domestic
and other uses. In Igbo land, basket and mat weaving were
undertaken as they have continued to be till date. They were
practised by both sexes especially in the Uturu-Okigwe axis on
a small-scale and part-time basis. Palm and raffia fronds
formed the main raw materials. Various types of baskets and
mats were locally made. They include the round baskets locally
called ekete and the long ones known as abọ. Whilst the former
was used in sifting fermented cassava which produced pounded
cassava, fufu or akpụ, which has remained a very popular food
amongst the people even till date. Abọ was used by the women
for carrying their produce to the markets. It was also used in
carrying palm fruits and yams home after harvest. The mats on
the other hand, were employed for different purposes such as
spreads for sitting, relaxing and sleeping, decorating and
ceiling homes, drying agricultural and forest produce such as
pepper, pumpkin seeds, mushrooms, etc, smoking of fish and
meat and burial of corpses. Also, as Njoku points out, mats
were one of the items with which a mother sent off her newly
married daughter to her matrimonial home.26
Palm wine tapping was (and still is) another significant local
industry in Igbo land. As indicated previously, Igbo land falls
within the palm belt region with profuse, prolific and luxuriant
growth of oil and raffia palm trees. This condition was (and
still is) favourable for wine tapping, which was the exclusive
preserve of men who possessed the basic skill. Palm wine,
mmayi ngwo, is a delicious milky white juice extracted through
tapping the young flower of the raffia palm tree. It is reputed to
have a fairly high content of sugar, in addition to containing
vinegar and acetic acid, both of which are used in food
flavouring and preservation. In terms of nutritional value, palm
95
wine contains valuable food items like water and yeast.27
Centrality of palm wine in the socio-cultural life of the Igbo is
well established. For instance, palm wine is a sine qua non for
formal negotiation and institution of marriage in a traditional
Igbo setting, unadulterated by Western civilization (particularly
Christianity). Similarly, it was widely used for pouring libation
and for ritual purposes. Furthermore, it was (and is still) used
in land negotiations as well as other social occasions
throughout Igbo land.
The Igbo also undertook some carving which was widespread.
This was because there was hardly any Igbo community of
some size that did not have its own crop of carvers and wood
workers. The ubiquity of the raw material – wood accounted
for this. Again was the fact that wooden products were (and
still are) pretty susceptible to the ravages of natural elements
like termites, fire and bad weather and this entailed their
constant replacement. All this notwithstanding, there were
professional wood carvers in our area of study, who were
principally men. Notable amongst them were the Ụmụdịọka in
the Awka area. The products of the carvers were many and
varied and served a variety of purposes. Whilst some were of
practical utility, others were put to socio-cultural uses.
Prominent amongst them were domestic and household objects
like bowls for washing hands, heavy mortars and pestles for
pounding fufu and for palm oil extraction, small mortars and
pestles for cosmetics (uhie and uri), spoons, trays, saucers and
plates. Some of the carvers’ products were used for ritual
purposes and as insignia. They included images or
representations of local deities such as ala ukwu (earth
goddess) and ahịajọkụ (god of fecundity) and images of
household gods and god of fortune, ikenga. Also included was
the ọfọ, staff of office symbolizing truth, purity, justice and
uprightness. Carving provided a vital and steady source of
income for the carvers. This was because of the high demand
for carved articles both within and outside Igbo land.
Pottery was another essential local industry in Igbo land. In
terms of contribution to the economy of Igbo land, the industry
could be rated second to carving. This is due to the fact that
relatively sizeable population engaged in the crafts as well as
the vital role they played in both intra-regional and inter-
regional trade of our area of study. In terms of spatial spread,
the pottery industry enjoyed almost the same status as carving.
This is because like carving, pottery was almost ubiquitous in
Igbo land. It ran across Igbo land from the old Onitsha
province down to the old Owerri province. There were scores
of centres of production in Igbo land. Be that as it may, Igbo
areas famous for their dexterity in pottery were Inyi in Oji-
River, Eha-Alumona in Nsukka, Ishiagu and Unwana in
Afikpo, Ezinnachi in Okigwe and Ibeku and Afara in Umuahia.
Of these, Ishiagu was the most excelled and famous for pot
manufacture.28
Quite unlike carving, pottery was chiefly a seasonal profession.
It was predominantly practised during the dry season, usually
after the harvest period. Although both sexes could practise the
craft, available evidence would indicate that in the main, it was
dominated and controlled by women. For instance, Aquiano
mentioned in his autobiography that “Igbo women
manufactured earthen vessels of different types, including
pipes”.29 Corroborating the above, Elizabeth Isichei averred
96
that “pottery was a woman’s job in Igbo land”.30 She provides
a vivid description of how these women produced their pots
without the use of moulds.
The industry turned out impressive range of products, which
were put to various uses. They include pots of different
designs, sizes and shapes, which were used for fetching water,
storing grains or cereals, soaking cassava tubers and for
cooking and serving dishes. Also produced were hand lamps,
mpanaka and musical pots, udu. The musical pots were used
extensively by Igbo women, as most still do today for
entertainment during social functions. The pots were valuable
and vital articles of trade both within and outside Igbo land.
According to an informant, there existed a reciprocal and
symbolic relationship between the salt-producing communities
of Ohaozara and their neighbouring pot-producing
communities of Ishiagu”.31 So, it is noteworthy that in spite of
imported buckets, aluminum pots and plates, there was still
great demand for locally produced pots in our area of study,
particularly in the rural areas.
The Igbo were equally engaged in salt and soap making. These
two economic pursuits were much more localized than other
Igbo industries. Whilst the salt industry was restricted to the
north-eastern sections of Igbo land, especially Uburu, Okposi
and Oshiri in the Ohaozara and Abakaliki areas, which had
brine lakes, soap making was a major industry in palm oil
producing areas such as Aba, Ubakala and Umuahia. Using
their primitive techniques of production, women who
dominated these two traditional industries, still produced salt
and soap in sufficient quantity for distribution to many Igbo
markets. Marketing the products did not pose any problem
because of the high demand for them.
Uburu salt as the locally produced salt was called, was used for
other purposes, apart from flavouring food. It was used for
treating stomach disorders and eye problems. It was also used
as a medium of exchange and to settle bride price and other
commercial transactions in many places in Nigeria, including
Igbo land. The salt industry made Uburu one of the emporia of
Igbo trade. Igbo salt industry was threatened by unfair
competition with imported salt during the colonial era. The
Igbo salt industry managed to survive the stifling competition
by the cheap imported salt that flooded the local markets.
Elizabeth Isichei, in her Igbo words: An anthology of Oral
Histories and Historical Descriptions, provides a very striking
evidence of “the continuity of the tradition of the celebrated
salt making in Uburu”.32
The production and processing of palm oil and palm kernel
formed another significant local industry in pre-colonial Igbo
land. Igbo land, located in the forest belt was (and still is) an
area with luxuriant and prolific growth of oil palm trees. To
extract the oil and kernel, men who possessed the requisite skill
climbed the trees to harvest the ripe fruits, leaving the
processing of the fruits for the oil essentially to the women.
Children usually assisted in cracking the kernels. The methods
of oil production and kernel cracking were very arduous and
tasking to the women, who did virtually all the work.33
97
Trade
Unequivocally, production of agricultural and industrial
produce in Igbo land and indeed other parts of the country went
beyond the subsistence needs of producers. Admittedly,
households in Igbo land produced most of their basic needs,
but the economy was nevertheless predominantly market-
oriented as it has remained even till date. All this tends to
vitiate the conclusions by certain scholars, (particularly
Eurocentric scholars), that West African mode of production
and exchange in pre-European contact period was
characterized by subsistence, need as well as redistribution and
reciprocity. Trade began as a result of variations in natural and
human resources bases, which made economic interdependence
highly imperative. Put differently, it was the disparities in the
distribution of natural resources or endowments as well as in
production skills or capacity that occasioned the development
of a dynamic trading mechanism or network in Igbo land. In
consequence, this resulted in economic interdependence and
complimentarity or reciprocity. For instance, some Igbo areas
had impoverished soils and therefore, could not produce
enough agricultural products for their sustenance. Others were
endowed with essential mineral deposits and they acquired the
requisite skills to exploit them. Such people depended and
relied upon farmers for their food requirements. In the view of
Gloria Chuku, “the Ndiolugbo” (farmers) were gifted with
good fertile soils and energy which made them serve as the
food basket of Igbo land”34 She goes further to state that “these
differentials in soil, mineral deposits and production skills
necessitated exchange of goods and services”.35
As regards exchange networks, it is germane to point out that
intra-and inter-communal exchange often led to the emergence
of markets. The markets were all periodized based strictly on
the traditional Igbo four day and eight day principle. This was
necessary to avoid conflict in market days amongst among
neighbouring communities. However, functional specialization
resulted in the emergence of market-oriented economy. So,
whilst such Igbo areas as Umuahia, Mbawsi and Owerrinta
became significant produce trading centres because of their
strategic location in the palm belt of Southeastern Nigeria,
other places such as Uburu and Okposi became important
markets as a result of the salt produced there.
A market in the estimation of Njoku was not merely a venue
for exchange of goods and services; it also served other
multifunctional purposes. It was an ideal venue for spreading
gossips and for engaging in political discussions. Young men
loitered around the market to make and to date lovers.36 Also,
as C.K. Meek states, “market served as a relief from tedious
and rather monotonous farm activities and provided a medium
for gossip and dissemination of news”.37
Being a market economy, the use of money as a good medium
of exchange in all transactions, was absolutely imperative.
Cowries (isi ego) and to a lesser degree, manillas (ojonma)
appear to have been the major currencies in Igbo land during
the period. Also inter-regional trade which started several
centuries ago continued to expand. Apart from the usual salt
and fish from the coastal communities and horses from Igala as
well as glass beads from the Nupe, European articles were in
exchange. The Ịjọ and the Efik who were hitherto responsible
98
for the coastal links between the Igbo and the European traders
on the coast began to lose their position as middlemen.38 This
is because the Igbo hinterland had been opened up to free trade
and the European firms now had their trading stations in some
hinterland towns, especially those along the railway.
Conclusion
This paper has attempted to examine the place of manufacture
and trade in Igbo traditional society. From our analysis, it is
evident that there existed an inter-dependent relationship
between manufacture and trade in Igbo traditional economy.
Whilst manufacturing provided the basis for trade, the latter
stimulated the former through the provision of outlets for the
disposal of surplus production. This is thereby moving the
economy away from subsistence to market orientation. The
foregoing makes nonsense of the notion by Europeans that pre-
colonial African societies were backward, static and
unorganized, due to their non-receptivity and unresponsiveness
to changes and innovations.
References
1. O. Aboyade, Issues in the Development of Tropical
Africa, Ibadan: University Press 1976, pp.2- 4.
2. C. C. Nwachukwu, “Labour and Employment in the
Traditional Igbo Society” in G.M. Umezurike et al
(eds.). Igbo Economics, Owerri: Ministry of
Information and Culture, 1989, p.3.
3. P.U. Mbakwe, “Changes and Continuities in an Igbo
Polity: A Socio-Economic History of Mbaise, Imo
State, 1500-1950”, An Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis,
University of Calabar, 2005, p.15
4. G.E.K. Ofomata, “Introduction” in G.E.K. Ofomata
(ed.). A Survey of the Igbo Nation, Onitsha: Africana
First Publishers Ltd., 2002, p.1.
5. Ibid.
6. E.E. Emeghara, “The Anambra-Imo River Basin and
Rural Development Authority (AIRBRDA) 1976-2001”
Ph.D. Thesis, University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN),
2006, p.43.
7. A. Ikechukwu Okopoko, “The Igbo State System” in J.
Isawa Elaigwu and Erim O. Erim (eds.) Foundations of
Nigerian Federalism: Pre-colonial Antecedents, Abuja:
National Council on Inter-Governmental Relations,
1996, p.82.
8. O.N. Njoku, Economic History of Nigeria, 19th-21st
Centuries (Second Edition), Nsukka: Great AP Express
Publishers Ltd. 2014, p.15.
9. Ignatius Azubuike Uleanya, “Missionary Activities in
Northern Ngwa”, B.A. Thesis, Department of History,
UNN, 1978, p.1.
99
10. Chimaroke Nnamani, “Ndi Igbo, Can Your Generation
Sustain Our Igboness” Special Guest Lecture, First
Edition of Annual Lecture Series South-East
Development Initiative (SEDI), Owerri: December 14th
2001, p.33.
11. V.C. Uchendu, The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria,
NewYork: Rinehart Holt and Winston, 1965, p.41.
12. C.C. Onyemelukwe, Problems of Industrial Planning
and Management in Nigeria, London: Longman Green
and Company, 1966, p.13.
13. Ibid.
14. A.E. Afigbo, “Economic Foundations of Pre-Colonial
Igbo Society” in I.A. Akinjogbin and S.O. Osoba (eds.)
Topics on Nigerian Economic and Social History, Ile-
Ife: University of Ife Press, 1980, p.15.
15. O.N. Njoku, “Agbaja Udi: Unsung Pioneers of
Traditional Iron Working in Igbo land”, Nsukka Journal
of History, Vol.1, No.1 December, 1989, p.28.
16. O.N. Njoku, “Manufacture and Trade in Igbo Culture”
in Onwuka Njoku and Obi Iwuagwu (eds.) Topics in
Igbo Economic History, Ikeja-Lagos: First Academic
Publishers 2008, p.49.
17. Njoku, “Agbaja Udi: Unsung Pioneers…, p.28.
18. Njoku, “Manufacture, and Trade in Igbo Culture”, p.54.
19. Njoku, “Agbaja Udi: Unsung Pioneers…, p.29.
20. Ibid, p.31.
21. C.A. Ngwa, “The Upper Nun Valley Development
Authority in Social and Economic Development of the
Ndop Area of Cameroon Since 1970, Unpublished
Ph.D Thesis Department of History, UNN, 1999, p.35.
22. Paul Edwards (ed.) Equiano Travels London:
Heinemann Educational Books, 1969, p.4.
23. Njoku, Economic History of Nigeria, p.96.
24. Ibid
25. Venice Lamb and Judy Holmes, Nigerian Weaving,
Lagos: 1980, p.170.
26. Njoku, “Manufacture and Trade in Igbo Culture”, p.63.
27. H.N.N. Anozie, “Peasant Agriculture and Nigerian
Development: A Case Study of Palm Wine Industry in
Obinagu, Udi Local Government Area”, Unpublished
B.Sc. Project, Department of Sociology/Anthropology,
UNN, 1983, p.12.
28. Paul U. Mbakwe and Michael A. Chigbo,
“Manufacturing Industries and Crafts in Ohaozara,
Ebonyi, State Before 1960”. In Onwuka Njoku and Obi
Iwuagwu (eds.) Topics in Igbo Economic History,
p.154.
29. Paul Edwards (ed.) Equiano’s Travels, p.4.
30. Elizabeth Isichei, Igbo Worlds: An Anthology of Oral
Histories and Historical Descriptions, London:
Macmillan Educational Books Limited, 1977, p.217.
31. Chioma Nwite, 65+ oral information supplied at Ikwo
on March 15th, 2012.
32. Isichei, Igbo Worlds…, pp.243-246.
33. E.E. Emeghara, “The Growth and Development of
Owerri as an Urban Centre, 1902-1991”, A Project
Report submitted for the Degree of Master of Arts
(M.A.) in Economic History, UNN, 1997, p.25.
34. Gloria Ifeoma Chuku, “The Changing Role of Women
in Igbo Economy 1929-1988”, Ph.D Thesis Department
of History, UNN, 1993, p.66.
100
35. Ibid.
36. Njoku, “Manufacture and Trade in Igbo Culture”, p.65.
37. C.K. Meek, Law and Authority in a Nigerian Tribe,
London: Oxford University Press, 1973, p.7.
38. Chuku, “The Changing Role of Women,” p.66.
DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT
(A PHILOSOPHICAL REFLECTION)
OGUGUA PAUL I. PH.D
DEPT OF PHILOSOPHY
NNAMDI AZIKIWE UNIVERSITY, AWKA
AND
ODUAH, IFUNANYA C.
AND
NWOKA UGO CLARA
INTRODUCTION:
Democracy is a government of popular opinion. It is aimed to
recognize the autonomy of individuals as persons and allow
them to be treated as they agree upon. By implication, they rule
themselves.
A lot of commitments have been made to democracy by
philosophers, political scientists, political theorists, state men,
politicians, religious, scholars, etc. This commitment is wide
spread and rational. The question that crops up is, what is the
commitment given to? This necessitates a talk on the nature
and essence of democracy. This cannot be done without
mentioning the principles, features (ideals) of democracy.
The fact is that democracy is seen and 'accepted' by many as
government of the people. Another named fact is that the
public opinion which grounds democracy is most often not
well informed; that is the majority of the people are ignorant of
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the goings-on in the government and the intricacies involved in
governance. The public go by emotion and vague knowledge or
even beliefs. The public at times act on impulse.
The majority of the people are afraid to think. They are not
habitual planners of their lives hence they find it difficult to
build and plan for tomorrow, they then stand the chance of
frustrating any national attempts to carry out prolonged
programmes which may usher in a better tomorrow. They are
more concerned with their immediate needs-their needs hic et
nunc'. The persistent bent of nations which practice democracy
towards the whirlpool of instability which at times rend these
nations asunder by destroying the links holding them together
becomes a cause of worry.
Many nations are caught in the intractable problem of nation
building and development due to the fact that there are
problems in the practice of democracy. These problems force
democracy to wallow in the dark and rotate in a vicious cycle
of conservatism for lack of knowledge on the part of the
majority of the people. Ignorance makes it more difficult if not
impossible for the generation of a virile, progressive and goal
oriented government. The will to progress is dead or sickly
hence all national plans for attaining futuristic goals are
frustrated.
MacDonald (1972) in an attempt to get at the nature of
democracy asked whether democracy is at heart, a way of
reaching decisions, a process of deliberation, a bargaining
process among competing interests, a market place for ideas, a
system of participation in government itself? In due course
answers to these will be given.
Democracy hangs on human rights. Democracy and- justice are
mutually inclusive. We cannot rightly and meaningfully talk of
democracy without justice. Injustice is a threat to the existence
of any State: It has the potency of emasculating the human
spirit, killing the soul of the society, disrupting and
undermining the corporate mutuality' in producing and sharing
of resources. This will eventually corrode and erode any
stronghold (basis) which holds the confidence of the people in
advancing towards greater heights. Any kind of development
cannot be realized without the foundational leverage of justice.
Stability, orderliness and development of any polity must be
forged on the anvil of justice. According to Akam (1988:28);
Justice and peace are the twin brothers of an
ordered society. Since justice is the ligament of
political communities, the yardstick of human
interactions as well as the vessel of human rights
and dignity where justice is wanting, political life is
either dead or seriously sick.
If a State wants peace and stability, the State must not only
desire it, it must also set strong measures (plans) to get at it,
woo it and actualize it. Now let us have a trip to our operative
concepts for elucidation.
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ELUCIDATION OF CONCEPTS:
Democracy
This concept defies a unitary definition. It has all purpose
application, hence it is not uncommon to hear communities of
men, groups, or communist regimes qualify themselves as
democratic. This kind of usage exhibits different nuances of
meaning, generating much-heated debate and confusion. This
makes democracy look meaningless. To some it is a form of
state, to others a form of government, to some others it is a
social philosophy, a way of life, a political concept, etc. Holden
writes "when a term is applied to everything and anything, it
simply ceases to have any meaning at all- it ceases to have any
distinguishing features." One may eventually come to accept
that democracy is a political concept. According to Hampsch
"the term democracy is used to denote popular sovereignty;
describe government distinguished by certain legal
characteristics such as the recognition of majority rule or of
citizens. As a synonym for the rights and freedom of citizens
Webster's Collegiate Dictionary sees it as the "Government
by the people; government in which the supreme power is
retained by the people and exercised either directly (absolute or
pure democracy), or indirectly (representative democracy)
through a system of representation". Blair 1972 is equally of
this view.
Originally this term comes from the Greek words 'demos' and
'kratos' meaning people and power respectively. Democracy
then means people's power or power of the people. According
to Abraham Lincoln it is "a government of the people by the
people and for the people." This definition was slightly touched
by Hampsch, he states, it is "government and society which is
of the people, by the people and for the people." It is equally
necessary to point out that government by the people means
more than simply government by the majority of the people.
Pareto holds that all forms of society or government are ruled
by the elites and not the majority. Democracy then need be
looked at as' a process for determining who should govern.
Democracy reflects four basic principles majority rule,
minority rights, election and political equality. The role of the
people is to form a government not to operate it. Schumpeter
elucidates this thus: democracy is that "institutional
arrangement for arriving at political decisions in which
individuals acquire the power to decide by means of a
competitive struggle for the people's vote." It is not surprising
why Arnold Thuma holds democracy is "a name for a type of
organization controlled by voters." But checking the fact of
accountability, it looks more like government of the elites for
the majority cannot be held responsible for the future of the
government.
A democratic State is one in which the community possess
supreme authority and maintains ultimate control over the
affairs within it, so said Hearnshaw. In the olden days Athenian
procedures were held to have been democratic because
"everyone was supposed to have an equal opportunity to state a
case and influence decisions even if, in some cases, individuals
had ultimately to accept decisions that they had previously
resisted" according to Benn (1967:338). On account of the
vastness of nations, democracy now has shifted to being a
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representative government. It is power by the people in the
sense that they select (elect) those who are to rule. This is what
Dicey had in mind when he talked of the governing body being
comparatively a large faction of the entire nation. It is the form
of government in which the ruling power of the State is legally
vested on members of the community and not a class or classes
of the people. Voting is a clear way of determining the will of
the people. According to MacIver, R. M. (1956:27), "the
function of the people is not to govern but to make the
government constitutionally responsible to, and utterly
dependent on, her will." It is this 'will' on which the
government depends that gives the people the authority to
register their approval and disapproval on matter of interest. In
another of his work The Web of Government MacIver
(1956:198) stressed that democracy is primarily a way of
finding out who shall govern and broadly to what ends (and not
whether A or B shall govern).
The teaching of John Locke, an English philosopher did help in
determining the nature of democracy. His liberalism focused
on the relationship between the individual and the State. Rights
of the individual are the limitations upon the State. He did
restore the individual to a place of importance in his works.
The question is, is the whole life of man treated within the
social and political sphere? Does the social aspect of life
include every aspect of culture? It is now almost accepted
generally that the very core concepts of democracy must
evolve around the nature of the individual (citizen), it is from
this that the concept of the State is developed for the State
came about conventionally, as a result of a contract. The nature
of the State comes first for some but for democrats. In the
words of Mirriak "Democracy is not a set of formulas or a
blueprint of organization but a set of thought and a mode of
action directed toward the common zeal as interpreted and
directed by the common will." Democracy becomes in a
nutshell, a kind of philosophy of life, life of coming together to
discuss issues of relevance to the group in order to get at the
good of the group.
Justice:
This concept is slippery to an extent, hence does not lend itself
to an easy definition. It is at home in the minds of intellectuals
and non-intellectuals. There is a unity of meaning but its
conceptual definition differs from individual to individual.
These variations in individual conceptualization of this term
made Cephalus sees it as telling the truth and paying one's
debt; Simonides held it is benefiting one's friends and harming
one's enemies; Glaucon said it is a matter of convenience,
Polemarchus opined it is giving a man his due; and
Thrasymarchus stressed it is the rule of the stronger; by this he
meant that "right" and "wrong" are made by law and laws are
made by the group that rules to favour it or serve its interests.
This view of Thrasymarchus filtered through the centuries.
This can be seen in the Leviathan of Thomas Hobbes,
For the Prince of Machiavelli and the Superman of Nietzche,
The contemporary man has been affected by this trend of
thought. Justice means recognition of the humanity, worthy and
dignity of the other. For the Greeks, justice was equivalent to
virtue. By implication, it is a moral concept. Majority of people
tend to see it as giving each one his due. A lot of scholars have
described justice towards this understanding. Plato sees it as
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that harmonic principle in the human body and in the State. He
did talk of macrocosmic and microcosmic justice, that is the
State and individual dimensions of justice. It is minding one's
business and doing one's job, and at the same time contributing
to the excellence of the State.
Aristotle and Aquinas toed the path Plato took. In the words of
Aquinas it is giving "to each man his due, neither more nor
less."
Today the concept has nuances of definitions. According to
Sullivan (1957:165) "justice is a virtue of the will, of man's
power to choose the good as rationally apprehended - the goods
with which the sense of desires is concerned." This definition
hangs on the social nature and worth of man. This is implicit in
that description. Okere did lend support to Sullivan when he
said, "justice is really finding out about basic rights and duties
and determining and apportioning appropriate shares." It
becomes the unflinching and unflagging will that is constant
and persistent in assuring that everyone gets his due. Lucas
held as quoted in Nwabueze (1993:139) that justice demands
the acceptance on the part of each of the existence and
legitimate interest of everybody else."
Justice is the catalyst, adhesive that binds the societal
'elements'- individuals or groups together; that thread which
creates harmonic relationship. It is the cornerstone on which
the society is built. It is the end of all governments in the
understanding of James Madison. It is the internal lubricant,
web and gyroscope which aids in maintaining equilibrium in
the society in the area of interests, sharing of benefits so as to
ensure that conflicts are resolved, in order to ensure that the
society is continuously on a stable pedestal. Justice is the
principle of order and peace in any society.
The type of justice talked about notwithstanding, it
unequivocally points to the good of the other. (Remember
equity is there to qualify the precepts of justice). We tend to
use the concept of justice in many contexts, to make some
points in the political, social or moral spheres. We talk of just
men, just acts and just states of affairs. We cannot be thinking
of just state of affairs if we do not think of beings that are both
rational and sentient. It is when there is a conflict that justice
arises. These states of affairs result from the actions of men and
are capable of being changed. According to Hutchins
(1952:853) just acts are those acts that produce and preserve
happiness and its components for the political community, that
is, acts that promote the common good.
A society is just when there is absence of structures that
hamper justice and when the laws of the society flow from the
natural law: Justice therefore is the decisive principle in
balance and harmonizing activities in the society in order to get
at the common good. Iwe (1985:235) sees it as the foundational
concept which harmonizes the respective "rights, claims and
duties of men in society." Justice then boils down to giving
each man his due, treating equal men equally, and treating
unequal men unequally, for a person's due depends on an
attribute that needs be quantified. For instance, if the State
were to provide basic necessities to its citizens it is not just to
give a household of 20 persons what you want to a household
of 6 persons.
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Justice is a virtue that draws from God. Justice is a social norm,
approbative and obligatory according to Bird (1994:225). It is
not our onus to treat the divisions of justice.
Development:
Ogugua in an article "Neocolonialism: A cause of
underdevelopment in Africa" writes;
The term development is very slippery that is
the reason behind different definitions people
offer. It is the noun form of the verb to develop
which means bringing out what is latent in
something, making something to grow by
working out the potentialities in it.
Heraclitus said that everything is in flux; and for Enstein as
"time and space are united in a continuum, all things are
involved in development." Development does occur at the
individual (personal) and societal levels.
According to Rodney (1972:9) where it refers to the individual
it includes " ... increased skill and capacity, greater freedom,
creativity, self discipline, responsibility and material
wellbeing." When reference is made to the society it implies "
... an increasing capacity to regulate both internal and external
relationships." Some scholars have confused development with
(economic) growth. There is no causal connection between
them. Development is progressive and cumulative. Ogugua
sees it as "all man's effort to subdue and conquer his
environment. .. " For Arnaucheazi (1980:4) it is "a multi-
economic, psychological, social relations among others" In
short, it is a structural transformation of the society. Be it as it
may, we posit that it is a trioka of forces: thought, idea and
effort.
CHARACTER OF DEMOCRACY AND REA SONS FOR
DEMOCRACY
Principles and Features of Democracy:
The characteristics of democracy may vary from one place to
another but the principles and features remain the same in all
democratic States. Among the principles of democracy are:
sovereignty, majority rule, freedom and liberty, equality; and
the features include free and fair elections, political parties and
majority rule and minority rights. It is only when these
principles are honoured and the features are allowed to
function properly that one would think of development within a
democratic setting. The nature of this work does not warrant
treatment of these principles and features.
Why Democracy?
This question is very simple. What actually is the end of
democracy, the aim or purpose? Initially people worked on the
presumption or assumption that the greatest problem/obstacle
to individual freedom, rights and equality were political. They
thought that the form of government was the problem. They
acted in ignorance and wrongly. They thought that the
government which governs least governs best.
106
They did not know that democracy is the best approximation to
the ends of the State which according to Wilson ( :141-159)
include:
a. the satisfaction of wills;
b. the attainment of moral progress;
c. the realization of the greatest happiness of the greatest
number
d. the development of individual personality;
e. the maintenance of rights; and
f. the balancing as well as protection of interests.
Democracy refuses that the good of the individual, be
subordinated to that of the State as Hegel and others tend to
think and hold. According to George Thomas (1955:285) "The
purpose of democracy is not to exalt individual as independent
and self-centred beings, but to further the good of persons as
members of the community."
As time rolled by, people who had earlier thought that the State
restricts and hampers the realization of individual’s rights and
interest realized that there is need for some elements of
governmental control and regulation of the economy and other
spheres of life if personal freedom will be guaranteed. It is only
the government that can make this freedom of the individual
more meaningful so as to promote equality and as such
improve the welfare of the nation/state. It is not surprising
today to see some nations embark on extensive programmes in
the bid to make their nations (themselves) welfare States.
PROBLEMS OF DEMOCRACY
Democracy is beautiful. The idea behind it is noble. The
principles are rich and rewarding. It is one thing to accept these
principles and it is another to implement or operate democracy
but many lack the spirit, the ability or the means to accomplish
it. It is the inefficient operation of democracy that leads to a lot
of social ills which people have through the centuries
associated with democracy. On this account, democracy has
received scores of criticism. J.S. Mill (1960:265) writing on the
practical problems of democracy states:
Democracy ... does not even attain its ostensible
object, that of giving the powers of government in
all cases to the numerical majority. It does
something very different, it gives them to a
majority of the majority; who may be, and often
are, but a minority of the whole.
He implicitly talked of two dangers here, that of law
intelligence and class legislation of the representative body.
These dangers are', not the only problems of democracy, let us
look at others.
Democracy is the rule of the ignorant. Plato dubbed it a rule of
ignorance. Aristotle sees it as a kind of mob rule. Lecky sees it
as government of the poorest and most incapable. Votes in
democracy are not weighed, there are simply counted.
Democracies are capitalistic. They favour the rich. They fund
the parties and purchase votes in an election. Most often they
rig election. Politicians are tools in the hands of the rich.
107
Democracy is no longer a government by the majority. This is
because at times the votes of the opposition are greater than
that of winning party. Eventually, it is the caucus of the party
that governs.
It is not proper to hold that there is due representation in
democracies, because the representative cannot represent the
interests of the people in his constituency.
The principle of equality is abused in democracy. This is
because the assignment of the same value to votes of different
persons is detrimental to the interests of the society. The
underestimation of skill, knowledge and experience makes it
government of the unfit and untrained. Democracy is a process
of hoodwinking the masses. It is false education and
conscientization of the people. Clever politicians use catch
phrases and high-sounding jargons to outwit even a better
candidate. Its moral value is called into question as the money
power politics tends to corrupt the electors, judges,
administrative officials and even the legislators. Democracy
tends to oppose individual freedom and liberty. It strangulates
thoughts and reason. If it is as 'we' think, an original thinker
may be vindicated as he will be seen as a non-conformer.
Democracy tends to strangle national interests because of the
unyielding demands of politicians to satisfy the interests of
their constituencies. Democracy is very expensive to run. A lot
is spent or propaganda and electioneering. Though much is
spent, it is equally difficult to spend on scientific, artistic and
literary progress. The masses are not interested in these
because they want what will satisfy them here and now. Little
wonder, Burns said that: "the civilization which a democracy
produces is ... banal, mediocre or dull." Maine (65-67) remarks
that a democratic republic is given to reforming legislation."
Democracy tends to encourage class distinctions and class
struggle. When pitched against the poor the rich wins the
election. Again, bills concerning the rich are lobbied and are
passed. These fan bitterness among the poor and can lead to
revolution.
Democracy is not a stable form of government because it
thrives on the support of the masses and this same group of
people can topple it. It is a mob rule. The mob does not think or
reason, it acts on impulse, spur of the moment. There is undue
delay in decision-making hence making it very complex. It
does not attend to issues as and when due. Delay is dangerous.
At times, the blind interests of parties are followed and national
interests are allowed to suffer. These parties can deprive the
talented of other parties the opportunities of serving the nation.
Hence, one can hold that democracy is myopic.
We have seen the litany of ills which afflict democratic
governments. The question is how do we become more
democratic? (Make democracy more democratic?) Burns
observed "No one denies that existing representative
assemblies are defective, but even if an automobile does not
work well it is foolish to go back into a farm cart, however
romantic." If we must get at development, then we must make
democracy work. What then do we do in order to ensure a
successful and workable democracy?
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TOWARDS DEVELOPMENT IN A DEMOCRACY:
Reinhold Niebuhr holds that "man's capacity for justice makes
democracy possible but man's inclination to injustice makes
democracy" necessary. Democracy in short is not a method
which is effective only among virtuous men. It is a method
which prevents interested men from following their interest to
the detriment of the community." Experience has taught us that
democracy is government of the people at the polls,
government for the people only by representation and
government by the people only in hardship. Our onus is to
make democracy not only efficient and effective but rewarding
(developmental). We can do this by putting in place measures,
which would help in arresting the anomalies noticed in
democracies.
Democracy consists of ideals and values, which see to the
growth, progress and development of individuals and the State.
An ideal democracy is portrayed in an abstract form (sense)
and condensed in a general though predictable nature. To
instantiate properly it need to be made specific and pragmatic-
workable. As an ideal, vision, it needs structures (framework)
to aid in its realization or else it becomes an amorphous ideal
without shape and focus. These conditions need be highly
connected to each other and be interdependent.
FOUNDATION FOR EFFECTIVE DEMOCRACY:
There are some underlying conditions which stand a chance of
making room for effective democracy and these include:
political myth, sound political culture, economic development
and general level of literacy.
Political Myth
This has been called political formula, political doctrine and
such other names. Few others qualify it as ideology. Ideology
for instance has got some repulsive feelings and emotions. We
will be using any of these terms interchangeable to mean the
same thing.
Nations need a common course and uniting force, which will
act as a propelling force to ginger them to development and
progress. This force is the myth. Myth is the foundation on
which a lot of realities are grounded. It is a bed rock, a
substratum. Myth "guides the people towards achieving their
collective objectives. It gives sustenance and meaning to
communal efforts towards social progress. It is the hinge of
patriotism, a system of belief. It is a system of belief which
evokes a particular attitude from those for whom it applies" so
said Ezeani (1987:101-102). Its truth lies in its workability.
This political doctrine is a body of pragmatic ideas, showing
basic expectations and demands of the people as regards power
relations, belief by which the system is preserved and revived,
the basis of the economic and political cum social structure of
the people. It is according to Rousseau, A. et al (1971:333) "a
fundamental element in the culture of every human, ethnic,
social or even religious group... an ideology is a synthesis
which is necessarily provisional, linked to a specific historical
situation". Ideology shows the kind of mental order on their
social experience. It is a manner of thought and action
characteristics of a nation, an inevitable factor for developing
and sustaining the nation. The description of Adam, Schaff
109
(1971 :333) as quoted in Houtart et al (ed) is apt. He sees it as a
"system of opinions founded on an accepted value system
which determines men's attitude and behaviour with regard to
the goals hoped for from the development of the society, the
social group, or the individual." In the words of Nnoli
(1986:149-149),
It is a systematized and interconnected set of ideas
about the socio-economic and political organization
of society as a whole. It contains ideals, ends and
purposes that the society should pursue.... It
suggests the aims and limits of political power.
Political doctrine is directed and controlled by "an idea
animated by a will… " as Edgar Litt posited (1996:142-143). It
essays its best to justify the structures in place in an area or
State. Mosca (1939:70) said that 'ruling classes do not justify
their power exclusively by de facto possession of it, but try to
find a moral and legal basis for it, representing it as the logical
and necessary consequence of doctrines and beliefs that are
generally recognized and accepted." This power which is broad
based and not simply political is what Merriam qualified as
'credenda' and 'miranda- things to be believed and admired
respectively. The former gives nation its physiognomy- a
national character. Rousseau did point out that "the first rule to
be followed is the principle of national character ... " as cited in
Wakins (ed) (1953:293).
A political myth is that or nothing else. It cannot be unclear,
and unambiguous. It is always clear, concise and unequivocal.
It serves as a guide. Be it known that fundamental objectives,
directive objectives of policies cannot serve as political
doctrine; rather these can flow from political doctrine. Political
doctrine is basic and fundamental; a bedrock for these
objectives. Fundamental and directive objectives refer to goals
and means for actualizing these goals respectively. Political
doctrine unlike fundamental objectives is binding on the
government and equally justifiable. Absence of a political myth
to galvanize every force and utilize resources for the
development of a State is an infectious and contagious deadly
and virulent disease.
Political Culture:
The concept "culture' has many shades of meaning to different
people or groups. Procter Paul (1978:270) sees it as "artistic
and other activity of the mind and works produced by this; a
state of high development in art and thought existing in a
society and represented at various levels in its members; ...;
development and improvement of the mind or body by
education or training .... " The Oxford Dictionary of the
English Language sees it as the sum total of the attainments
and activities of a people (nation) including handicrafts,
beliefs, traditions, art, music, etc. According to knowledge,
belief, art, moral law, custom and any other capabilities and
habits acquired by man as a member of society. It is for
Kroeber (1948:253) "that which the human species has and
other species lack. Amalaha (1979) holds that it is a people's
total way of life, which manifests itself in behaviours that have
certain factors in common.
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Culture then will mean a medium in which a State may be
grown. Every State therefore has its own culture, which is
relevant to its survival. The political is subsumed in the social
as long as customs and values of a State are interested in
effecting and realizing a kind of social organization,' it follows
that culture has a political dimension. This understanding led
Almond (1965:396) to conclude that "every political system is
embedded in a particular pattern of orientation is to political
actions." According to Sidney political culture "refers to what
is happening in the world of politics but to what people believe
about these happenings" in Pye et al (1965:516). It is in the
opinion of Lucien Pye (1965:70 "the ordered subjective realms
of politics". It is the onus of political culture to harmonize,
make whole, make real and concretize so as to aid and even
complement political doctrine.
Sills David (1968:218) (Ed) made definite statement on
political culture thus: it is the "set of attitudes and beliefs and
sentiments which give order and meaning to a political process
and which provide the underlying assumptions and rules that
govern behaviour in the political system".
A political culture that is skeletal or empty cannot suffice.
There are some humanistic and universal themes which every
political culture which worth its mettle need and must put in
place. It must make these values (themes) clear and explicit. It
need show the parameter of politics and the limits of the public
and private spheres of life. It tries to differentiate in clear terms
between power and authority. It points out the degree of
centralization of power and authority.
It is agreed upon that a political culture creates a sense of
national identity and making of national integration possible. It
equally defines the status of politics and politicians. It need
posit how these people will be rewarded. Sills David (Ed)
1968:222) writes "a political culture must establish the general
accepted rewards and penalties for active political
participation." If this is not done some leaders would become
demi-gods, and enjoy high material rewards at the expense of
the citizens who they are supposed to serve.
Leaders are servants. It is this understanding that will tend to
aid in selecting states men among the teeming population of
people aspiring to office. It then stands to reason that some
who would have loved to contest may then soft pedal as they
will be judged with the standard of efficiency and effectiveness
already attached to state functions.
This political culture must help in forecasting the powers and
efficiency level of those who would be leaders. From their
operations in the society, it is possible to know if they have
vision, skill, charisma and political dexterity. This kind of
analysis and evaluation will rule out mediocrity.
When mediocrity is ruled out it is believed that those left will
be reasonable men and these are regarded as gentle men and
responsible, whose domains: cognitive, affective and
psychomotor have been properly trained and related. In short,
they are balanced personalities and not spilt personalities. This
people will then be in the position to respect the affective
dimension of politics. They will know the limit of private
aggression and public political struggles. A gentle man, for
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instance, should not turn to political action for private and
psychological reasons.
Politics rests on collective actions, which cannot be unless
there is an atmosphere of trust and capacity for cooperation. An
adequate political culture must ensure it operates and maintains
a balance between cooperation and competition. This suggests
a culture which takes into view the needs and aspirations of the
people.
Economic development:
The community is built on mutual trust. Where the needs and
interests of the members are not met, the thread holding them
together must be severely cut and each member will be
loosened, this brings about disintegration. Karl Marx did put it
point blank that the economy is at the root of every
superstructure in the society.
Seymour M. Upset (1963) in his chapter 2 argued that there is a
correlation of a relatively high per capita income, urbanization,
education, industrialization, large middle class and
(establishment) and maintenance of a stable democracy.
Aristotle had earlier observed that where a 'polis' is
characterized by a polarization between the rich and the poor,
that there would be alternation between oligarchy and mob
rule. The question, is why struggle over means of (production)
livelihood?
What is economic development?
Awolowo's conception as cited in Ogunmodede Ishola
(1986:216) holds that economic development is "the
underlying determinant of economic growth" while economic
growth is the "outward evidence of the process of economic
development." By implication the two concepts are different,
though sides of the same phenomenon. Meir defines it thus "as
the process whereby the real per capita income of a country
increases over a long period of time. We emphasize process
because this implies the operation of certain forces in an inter-
connected and causal fashion ...."
We can hold that economic development becomes the
qualitative index used to describe the qualitative changes in
different spheres of the society which in turn produces the so
called growth, for Meir, the factors that produce true economic
development will include "a rise in per capita real income
manifest in better nourishment, better health, better education,
better living conditions and an expanded range of opportunities
in work and leisure for the poor".
Development of the economy and politics are tied to
development of man; for development starts in the mind.
Ogugua in a lecture delivered to Madonna University students
writes "the term development is very slippery, that is the reason
behind different definitions people offer. It is the noun form of
verb to develop which means bringing out what is latent in
something, making something to grow by working out the
potentialities in it". Where man is underdeveloped the economy
will reflect this trend. (Remember man gives meaning to events
in life). Awolowo (1981:60) writes " ... when we speak of the
under development of an economy we are in effect speaking of
the under development of man."
112
Education and General Level of Literacy
Education and high level of literacy are essential for a
democracy to survive. Education has been defined by various
people. Russell (1967:7) pointed out that beyond the general
desirability of education every other thing about education is
controversial. Education is the "art of acquisition of the
utilization of knowledge," so said Alfred North, Whitehead.
Cremin (1977: VIII) sees it as "a deliberate, systematic, and
sustained effort to transmit, evoke, or acquire knowledge,
values, attitudes, skills and sensibilities." Funk and Wagnalis
(1968) say it could mean developing of the mind, capabilities
or character by study or instruction. Education is social; hence
should be seen as "that process of physical and mental culture
whereby a man's personality is developed to the fullest."
Education is then the tool which man can use to transform both
himself and his society. A society that has reached a certain
level of development must practice education. Practicing
education cannot be possible unless there is a level of literacy
that can sustain such a culture.
Literacy is not a general ability hence is difficult to define. It is
rather a combination of relativities. Gray (1969:20) says that a
minimum standard of literacy is the ability to read easy
passages, and write one's name or write a simple message. A
lot of questions flow from this. What is an easy passage? What
is simple message? He added flesh to what he said before, thus,
in reading and writing which enable an adult to engage
effectively all those activities in which literacy is normally
assumed in his culture. You can see it varies from region to
region and culture to culture. In 1975 at Iran, it was said to be
not just the process of learning the skills of reading, writing
and arithmetic but a contribution to the liberation of man and to
his full development (International symposium on literacy at
Persepolis Iran).
Education that can aid the development of a democratic culture
must be functional if it must be meaningful. Education
transforms man and makes him more critical of his life and
environment. It makes it difficult of him to be pushed over.
Brameld Theodore (1965:2) held that only powerful education
can be meaningful, for education is the "one power lift in the
world that is capable of controlling the other powers that man
has gained and will use either for his annihilation or
transformation."
Education will aid in raising the consciousness of the people. It
is when this is done that they will know that they are (part of)
the government and that the level of development in the society
is what they make it. Fanon (1963:158) rightly puts it thus: "it
is the people who freely create a summit for themselves, and
not the summit that tolerates the people." Without the people
creating the summit political order will collapse. The people
cannot do it unless they are conscious and challenged. It is
education that can open their eyes and lead them to
enlightenment.
We are not saying that an educated populace cannot be
manipulated. That will be too native a thought, for in Nigeria
we have been manipulated by our so called leaders both civil
and military.
113
Though a lot of us are certificated without the requisite values
to show as having been educated, we still stress that there is a
correlation between education, the level of literacy in a society
and stable democracy. We must avoid the mistake of assuming
that training equals education or that skills and training equals
education. Education is a way of life grounded on right values
imparted through a process acceptable to 'mankind'.
Sills holds that" ... our faith in education rests on the hidden
premise that what we really mean is "liberal education' the kind
that inculcates, among other things, liberal and democratic
values." There is political toleration in the advanced nations
because of high level of education which has built a cloud of
understanding unlike in less developed countries where
elections are still "win or die" affair.
Education which means taming of the animal and putting him
on the pedestal of values for co-existence in the society is
necessary for the formation and cultivation of political culture
of tolerance. Trow Martin in Edgar Litt (1966:118) writes
"political tolerance is a norm or cluster of norms, very strongly
related to cultural sophistication, or' cosmopolitanisrn', and
thus to the level of formal education achieved- and to very little
else."
To bind men together, a thread that must run through
satisfaction of needs and interests and development of the
whole must be real. There is a link between economic well
being and political unity; between welfarism and democracy,
that is why it is government of the people, by the people and
for the people.
RECAPITULATION:
Democracy recognized the autonomy of the citizens as persons;
hence according to Kant they should be treated as ends and not
as means. It thrives in an environment watered by respect for
human-rights, rule of law, constitutionalism and good
governance. It cannot thrive where there is lack of civic or
political education; for Fanon holds that the people should
create a summit for themselves. Where they are ignorant, the
powers that be may design a summit for them and the policies
reached may not be in the interest of the people.
No group is benevolent enough to rule another without the
other's consent. It is actually where and when people rule
themselves as power lies with them that we should expect
development to thrive for it cannot be in an environment
devoid of justice and peace. Justice remains the chief virtue of
the State. Is it surprising then that Nigeria has continued to
miss peace and development? It is not, for marginalization,
misuse of resources, cult of mediocrity, election rigging, and
other evils bedeviling Nigeria are as a result of injustice.
It is the position of this paper that real education, spiritualized
education that is functional can put in place a democratic
culture which will produce a developed and starry nation.
114
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116
THE ROLE OF INFORMATION AND COMMUNICATION TECHNOLOGY (ICT) IN THE
TEACHING AND LEARNING OF RELIGIOUS STUDIES IN NIGERIA.
BY
ECHE, GODWIN ATURUCHI
DEPARTMENT OF RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL
STUDIES
IGNATUIUS AJURU UNIVERSITY OF EDUCATION,
RUMOLUMENI,
PORT HARCOURT
PHONE NUMBER: 08037744939.
E-MAIL; [email protected]
ABSTRACT
The teaching and learning of religious studies in a globalized
society like Nigeria call for new methods and approaches that
will improve the knowledge, skills and habits of the group of
people involved. Education which is perceived as a process of
learning is transferred from one generation to another through
teaching, training and research. Information and
Communication Technology (ICT) according to Oduma and Ile
(2014) has a very significant place in the education process that
involves teachers and instructors. This paper therefore, focuses
on the role of ICT in the teaching and learning of religious
studies in Nigeria. It posits that ICT is imperative for improved
teaching and learning of religious studies in Nigeria. This may
be true if the various strategies and communication
technologies are used to support international delivery.
Interview, documentary analysis of historical, internet, literary
materials and observation were adopted and analyzed
descriptively. The results show that ICT leads to a sustainable
empowerment of youths, students, teachers and the general
public. It is educationally driven in promoting transformation
Embracing ICT in the 21st century will make more people
experience what in some quarters is referred to as a computer
or ICT revolution in Nigeria.
117
INTRODUCTION
Information and Communication Technology (ICT) has been
variously defined. French (1996) defines it as “a broad based
technology which includes its methods, managements and
applications that support the creation, storage, manipulation
and communication of information. It is also seen by Hang and
Keen in Nworgu (2007) as a set of tools that help you work
with information and perform tasks related to information
processing. The development of any society or nation like
Nigeria is usually barometered by the degree and extent of the
socio-economic and cultural improvement that are brought to
bear through the enterprise of science, technology and arts or
humanities. The role of Information and Communication
Technology (ICT) in the development of modern society is not
in dispute, more so now that the influence of modern
technological innovations is far reaching in every sphere of
man’s life. In Nigeria, the process of building an organized,
self reliant, culturally based and technologically compliant
society, much emphasis must be continually made on
Information and Communication Technological (ICT)
advancement. There is no doubt, however, that Information and
Communication Technology (ICT) has found its niche in every
sphere of Nigeria’s polity especially in the teaching and
learning of its people. This will impart positively on students,
society and educational system in Nigeria.
DEFINITION OF TERMS
A number of key terms used in this paper need to be clarified
for a better or improved understanding of their use and context
in this paper. The concepts include Role, Information and
Communication Technology (ICT), teaching, learning and
Religious studies. Role is understood to refer to the part played
by something either positively or negatively. Hornby (2001)
defines it as the part played by an actor as the leading role. It is
imperative that role is that part played in any given situation,
circumstance and character. Mairi (1998) saw role as part or
character, a function or part played or taken on by someone or
something in life or business. Role could also mean one’s
character or expected function within a particular social setting.
Role is important in understanding the part by ICT in the
teaching and learning of religious studies in Nigeria.
Information and Communication Technology (ICT) is a
generic term that refers to technologies which are being used
for collecting, storing, editing and passing on information in
various forms, (SER, 1997). A personal computer is the best
known example of the use of ICT in education, but the term
multimedia is also used.
In a related development, SER (1998) saw ICT as an object
which refers to learning about ICT. It is mostly organized in a
specific course What is being learned depends on the type of
education and the level of the students. Mooners and Kommers
(1995) saw ICT as an existing tool which is used in making
assignments, collecting data and documentation,
communicating and conducting research. Typically, ICT is
used independently from the subject. Pilot (1998) described
ICT as a medium or a tool for teaching and learning.
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Theoretical Framework
Theoretical Framework of importance in this article is
Functionalism
The founder of this social theory is Emile Durkheim who is
believed to have spent much of his time in not only studying
society, but also examining its social functions. “Durkheim
viewed that functionalism within the context of the entire
society and acknowledged its place in influencing the thinking,
attitudes, behaviours of the members of the society”
(http://www.cliffsnotes.com/sciences/sociology/religion/sociol
ogical-theories-of-religion). This view of Durkheim has greatly
changed the course of man in relation to religious function in
the society.
Durkheim found out that people seemed to make great
distinction between “religious symbols, objects, and rituals,
which are sacred from the daily symbols, objects, and routines
of existence referred to as the profane”. The people believed so
much in religious rituals of their time and regard such as
sacred. This especially has to do with rituals of “occasions such
as births, marriages, times of crisis, and deaths”
(http://www.cliffsnotes.com/sciences/sociology/religion/sociol
ogical-theories-of-religion). This view may not be relevant to
the role of ICT in the teaching and learning of religious studies
in Nigeria. However, its imperative that
Durkheim made a change in society by developing the
functional theory in which he pointed out that religion goes
beyond rituals and symbols. Religion should be functional in
all sphere of life. Based on the above mentioned, the following
are the changes that emanate from functionalism according to
Durkheim.
Religion should be seen “as contributing to the health and
continuation of society in general. Thus, religion functions
to bind society members by promoting them to affirm their
common values and beliefs on a regular basis”
(http://www.cliffsnotes.com/sciences/sociology/religion/so
ciological-theories-of-religion). By this, Durkheim changed
the ideology of people to see religion as a daily business,
something that man practices and interacts with on daily
basis.
Durkheim spoke about the change that will occur in
religion as a result of modernizations that will take place in
the society. The high level of human thinking that will be
invoked as a result of science will influence religion that
people will tend to fall more and society’s ceremonies and
the idea of God will be ignored. His views in such changes
are clearly stated as “Durkheim predicted that religion’s
influence would decrease as society’s modernization. He
believed that scientific thinking would likely replace
religious thinking, with people giving only minimal
attention to rituals and ceremonies. He also considered the
concept of “God to be on the verge of extinction”
(http://www.cliffsnotes.com/sciences/sociology/religion/so
ciological-theories-of-religion).
He again pointed out that part of the changes in the
functional theory is that church services will be replaced
gradually with things like, “civic celebrations, parades and
patriotism” and he summed it up by calling it “civic
religion”.
119
For religious change to be effective, sociologists have
identified three things that religion must fulfill which has
been summarized by Au. Nkemdili (2009) to include
religion must create, reinforce and maintain social
solidarity, religion must serve as a form of social control
and religion must provide us with the meaning and
purpose of our existence (p. 182.3). The use of ICT in
teaching and learning of religious studies will make for
functional realization of religion in imparting morals fear
of God, diligence and hard work.
ICT and Christian Religious Studies
Every subject has its unique value and importance; the
uniqueness of Christian Religious Studies emerges from its
dual functions. It is a single subject which aims at simultaneous
development of the intellectual ability of the students as well as
moral character. It emphasizes also the effective domain of
education taxonomy.
Christian Religious Knowledge which is a product of the
studies helps to inject sanity into the Educational system in
particular and in general society to minimize the turning of a
nation like Nigeria into a police state by cultivating citizens
who acknowledge metaphysical sanctions. However, the moral
and ethical growth of any nation is strictly tied to their extent
of and level of their knowledge and fear of God, which is the
beginning of true wisdom.
The concept of religion has been define and interpreted by
different people the way they understand it. It means different
things to different people.
Christian Religious knowledge has been studies in schools in
Nigeria since the colonial masters came into Nigeria in the 19th
century. It formed part of the academic programme taught
especially then in mission schools in those areas where
Christianity had taken root.
Christianity Religious Knowledge as a subject of study was
offered at the Cambridge Examination level and later
introduced in the West African School Certificate (WAEC)
examination level when the countries in West African Sub-
region established their own examination body after
independence. At University and Tertiary levels it is referred to
as Religious Studies.
In the 1970s, Nigeria began to witness the advent of new
science and technology packages (Adeniyi 1998), which were
purported to have modernizing effects on the school subjects-
religious studies not left out.
Currently, the teaching and learning of Christian Religious
Studies and technology have become virtually inseparable.
Accordingly, communication means have certainly found their
place in religious education.
Nowadays e-mail has become a veritable medium and is used
intensively in the education process. Various forms of tele-
conferences and the so-called chats have become increasingly
popular. Already now they play certain enlightening roles as
120
they promote the knowledge of the church and help to attract
orthodox people who are far from it, especially the youths. The
internet is the principal medium by which students can
communicatie with others at a distance by participating in
discussion forum (Dave 1998).
The argument on whether the internet global computer network
can be used for the glory of God is growing in full swing. The
internet can be used for both the benefit of the church on earth
and the corruption of the human mind.
Young priests and indeed scholars of religion have adopted the
use of the internet to source for materials and information on
their various projects, thesis and dissertation topics. It has
made teaching, learning and research a lot easier and more
meaningful. Hardly is it said that there are no materials on any
topic of research. Groups of young and told people alike are
currently having access to orthodox libraries, recorded music,
graphic collections, which have all become easily accessible.
At the Jubilee, Bishops Council in August 2000, Patriarch
Alexy II of Moscow said “the time has come to consider
creating a single system of inter-church communications with
the use of modern technologies”. This statement came at the
right time-the beginning of a new millennium. The scientific
and technological study of religion no nut has ushered in a
renewed and advances trend to the development of the
educational standard in Nigeria and indeed the world at large.
The various ways the ICT is applied to the teaching and
learning of Religious Studies have been mentioned above and
will also be discussed below.
The Effects of Using ICT in Teaching Christian Religious
Studies
Today, educational institutions have provided Internet or IT
facilities for their Primary and Secondary schools. A case in
reference is the Rivers State government under the Leadership
of His Excellency. Rotimi Chibuike Betow Amaechi who built
ultra modern Primary and Secondary schools across the Length
and breadth of the state unity schools are not also left out.
Students now have a better understanding during teaching and
learning process. Internet in particular provides all kinds of
information on a variety of disciplines. The objective of the
exercise is to prepare students to solve any academic problems
they may encounter.
Beside learning, Lubis, Embi, Yunns and Wekke (2004)in
Adebija (2009) persist that the teacher can attract the students’
interest in learning process and they understand more if they
learn by using something that will attract their interest.
Therefore, by implementing ICT technologies in religious
education, the teaching process can improve the student’s
interest and creative thinking. ICT plays some important roles
which are to assist teachers in the teaching by providing them
with tools to illustrate some points or processes as well as to
support long distance educational system.
On the part of the student, the importance of the ICT is to
enable them to associate between concrete or tangible facts
from the abstract ones with the aim of helping to promote the
students’ retention and to facilitate the simulation and recovery
phases. Meanwhile for knowledge impartation and
121
instructional delivery in religious education teaching, some of
the tools include e-mail and mailing list
(I). E-mail: is the most commonly used collaborative tool for
communication. It is very popular for communication;
knowledge sharing one to one or one to many. Knowledge is
transferable and sharing. The common term for electronic mail’
is a method for writing, sending and receiving electronic text
(audio and video) over a computer network.
Strenski (1998) stress the advantages of e-mail as teaching
tool: provides writing practice; easy submission of written
work, and virtual “field trips’ (www); Virtual “guest speakers”
(www). It also provides another advantage to the instructors:
giant photocopier; easy to distribute and update curriculum
materials etc.
(II). Mailing List/Discussion group: This is an electronic
discussion anyone can subscribe to. A discussion group is an
online forum for individuals to discuss various topics amongst
one another. People add their comments by posting a block of
text to the group. Others can then comment and respond.
Discussion group/Mailing list is used to send
messages/information to a group of people with similar
interest.
Already the use of ICT in teaching large classes of students is
ongoing in Nigeria today using carefully prepared ICT
programmes to ensure that learners are more accurately and
systematically instructed using effective instructional
technology. The use of ICT enables children to experience a
greater level of involvement and control of their learning. This
has removed the pressure many young children feel to record
their ideas through drawing or writing. They learn through play
while acquiring vital ICT Skills.
The use of ICT in the teaching of religious education makes an
important contribution to learners by enabling them to
investigate, analyze and evaluate different aspects or religious
beliefs and practice, ultimate questions and ethical issues are
addressed adequately. Cartoon networks are accessible on net.
ICT has helped to convey Biblical accounts of events such as
the call of Abraham, the birth, ministry, death and resurrection
of Christ. The stories and acted and the impact on people,
institutions and relationships are anomous. They have made
their learning, teaching and improved understanding of
religious studies possible.
There is the use of writing support and concept mapping
software to organize thoughts and communicate knowledge
and understanding of the diversity of beliefs and practices
within and between religious traditions. Equipments such as
digital cameras and didgtal videos to bring authentic images
into the classroom to support discussion and reflection are used
to enhance understanding of the impact of religious belief and
practices on the lives of local individuals and faith
communities.
Websites like Bible gateway.Com, offer dozens of Bible
translations in 50 languages. Bibles.com offers all the feature
of a parallel text, a lexicon, a concordance, multiple
commentaries, an atlas and many other essential study features-
122
all for free. Such free information makes in-depth religious
education study much more accessible: (Ukodie, 2004).
The gospel message may be shared through social networks in
various ways. Some Christian’s blog about spiritual topics.
Others use facebook to invite people to Bible studies, seminars
and lectures. The gospel is most powerful when words are
accompanied by an excellent example and vivid pictures. That
example is seen by those who know the teacher, not by
strangers half a world aways.
Problems of Information and Communications Technology
(ICT) in Religious Education Instruction
Irrespective of the keenness of ICT in the teaching of religious
education, Nigerians are still confronted with enormous
problems that may impede the proper implementations of the
programme. Basic ICT infrastructures are inadequate as a
result of lack of electricity to power the ICT materials and
telecommunication facilities. Above all, this lack of access to
much needed infrastructure is caused largely by the
unavailability of fund. Several places in Nigeria still witness
either power outage or fluctuation in their supply of electricity
which makes the implementation of ICT in education most
difficult (Olulube, 2009).
Poor economic conditions and their effects on middle level
manpower stand as a major barrier to the implementation of
ICT in education. Another serious challenge facing the use of
ICT in teaching of religious education, is the need for
integration of new ICT literacy knowledge into academic
course and programmes. In this regard professionals in Nigeria
have not been able to benefit from international assistance,
international networking and cooperation or from courses,
conferences and seminars abroad. The reason is lack of funding
which is responsible for denial of assistance and absence of
interaction has adverse consequences both on the psyche of
faculty and on the implementation of the infrastructure
necessary for professional development as cited by Rajaraman
(1990).
Recommendation
In view of the fore-going, and for the purpose of this study, the
following are recommended. The government should consider
finding alternative to electricity failure rate as it has been
indentified as the most prominent factor limiting the use of ICT
in teaching religious education.
The willingness and ability of teachers to use the computer as
an everyday teaching tool should be encouraged. Computers,
internet facilities and specialized training should aim human
capacity development
Government should bring out policies on the development of
computer assisted instructions. The integration of computer
education into the curriculum from primary to tertiary
institution is necessary.
Computer education technology requires careful planning.
Therefore, Educational goals and operational objectives must
be harmonized to clearly define the mission of the computer in
123
view of related activities, and in support of the overall
educational programme. in Nigeria.
Conclusion
The computer and indeed the Information and Communication
Technology (ICT) has made a triumphal entry and serves as a
veritable tool in the advancement of man in all spheres of
human edeavours especially in teaching and learning of
religious education.
There is need to encourage the use of computer as an
instructional aid in religious teaching and leaning in Nigeria.
Therefore efforts should be intensified and other laudable
suggestions should be considered, accepted and adopted in
order to improve the use of ICT in educational instructions in
Nigeria.
The level of availability and use of ICT in teaching and
learning of Religious studies is poor. This probably explains
the low level of usage of ICT gadgets, non-availability of some
ICT equipments; students and teachers seem disgruntled with
the sluggish use and integration of ICT. Education as the
teaching profession needs to be able to explain the potentials of
ICT to meet the teaching objectives. Education ought to
prepare students for the use of ICT. Education into the
curriculum from primary to tertiary institution is necessary.
Computer education requires careful planning. Therefore,
educational goals and operational objectives must be
harmozied to clearly define vision and the mission of the
computer in view of related activities, and in support of the
overall educational goals in Nigeria.
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