Identiy through Urban Nomenclature: Eight Central European Cities

7/27/2019 Identiy through Urban Nomenclature: Eight Central European Cities

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Geografisk Tidsskrift-Danish Journal of Geography 111(2) 181

Abstract

This paper deals with identity through city toponyms. Names of

streets, squares, parks and lanes provide insight into a commu-

nitys interpretation of its past, determined in relation to individuals,

institutions and events. Street terminology becomes a pantheon of

meritorious social icons. Changes indicate the trends, goals and as-pirations of society. This study was conducted in the historical cores

of eight Central European cities: Graz, Krakw, Olomouc, Prague,

Maribor, Zagreb, Zadar and Mostar. Three time cross-sections were

examined: 1935, 1985 and 2009. The year 1935 was an example

of the social conditions before WWII and socialist revolutions in

Eastern Europe. The period after the socialist era was reected in

1985. The year 2009 represents the present situation (transition

situation). WWII had more of an effect on urban nomenclature than

the fall of the Berlin Wall, but this differs between the various cities.

Finally, regarding the structure of toponyms, it is concluded that

statehood, culture-creators and artists and religion are overall

the three most emphased origins of toponyms. Yet, in some cities

other types of toponyms derived from localities, crafts and trades,

entrepreneurs are more dominant.

Key words

Urban nomenclature, city cores, city toponyms, Central Europe,

ideology, identity.

Zoran Stiperski (Corresponding author)

Jelena Lonar

Ana Vujakovi

Anita Hruka

Department of Geography, University of Zagreb, Croatia

E-mail: [email protected]

Luka Lorber, Department of Geography, University of Maribor,Slovenia

Emil Herak, Department of Antropology, University of Zagreb,

Croatia

Pavel Ptaek, Department of Geography, Palack University in Olo-

mouc, Czech Republic

Zygmunt Grka

Arkadiusz Koo

Institute of Geography and Spatial Management, Jagiellonian Uni-

versity in Krakw, Poland

Josip Farii, Department of Geography, University of Zadar, Croa-

tia

Mirjana Milievi, Department of Geography, University of Mostar,

Bosnia and Herzegovina

Geogrask Tidsskrift-Danish Journal of Geography

111(2):181-194, 2011

Identity through Urban Nomenclature: EightCentral European Cities

Zoran Stiperski, Luka Lorber, Emil Herak, Pavel Ptaek, Zygmunt Grka, Arkadiusz Koo, Jelena Lonar,

Josip Farii, Mirjana Milievi, Ana Vujakovi & Anita Hruka

Introduction

To quote Shakespeare, a street by any other name wouldstill be a street. Yet streets, just as the roses that inspired

the English playwright, are not all the same. Streets differ

in length, width, function and location, or in other words in

their importance. In this paper we will not so much focus

on such meanings behind symbols, but rather on the selec-

tion, positioning and shifting of name symbols, in this

case street names, to convey meanings. Streets are streets,

but instead of merely being identied by their orientationor their constructors, as in the days of the Roman Empire,

or by simply being given a number, as in many cities in


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Geografisk Tidsskrift-Danish Journal of Geography 111(2)182

the United States, during the last centuries, in Europe and

elsewhere, street names have reected collective identities,

or more precisely they have been a way in which ruling

elites have attempted to inuence such identities. Political elites, if they are aware of the symbolic power

denoted by space, erase symbols of previous regimes andimplant their own ones. New regimes determine new ver-

sions of history and new world-views. They accentuate

persons, events and historical facts that can be useful to

their rule, and try to erase from the populations memory

others that might be detrimental to them (Graham et al.,

2000). On the supercial level street nomenclature servesas a set of city markers and beacons that help to orient

us in space. On the subliminal level it conveys symbolic

messages stemming from ruling world-views or ideolo-

gies (Azaryahu & Kook, 2002). Townspeople generally

consider some places in the city to be more signicant and

more valuable than others. And thus the location of a streetin the town, its frequency of trafc and its physical lengthcontribute to the reputation of the person or the event whose

name it carries. The most important and most reputable

persons in the hierarchy of values receive street names in

the best locations (Azaryahu & Kook, 2002).

Earlier studies of cities in Europes former socialist

or peoples republics (a context which relates also to

our paper), did not focus greatly on the way in which their

communist regimes used broad types of symbols in urban

landscapes in order to legitimise and institutionalise the ide-

ology of revolutionary socialism (Light et al., 2002). Light

et al. (2002) did consider the role of street names in thisprocess, with emphasis on Bucharest, Romanias capital,

during the period from 1948 to 1965. When the communists

came to power, they extensively renamed streets so as to

erase memories of the pre-socialist regime, and to broad-

cast the agenda and ideology of the communist state (Light

et al., 2002). New street names celebrated numerous events

and personalities from the history of Romanian and Soviet

communism. The effect of street names was enhanced fur-

ther by repeated renamings and the spatial concentration of

street names with high-ideological resonance. This paper

showed that street names in Bucharest could be read as a

mirror of ideological changes, of changes in the ideological

identity structure and in Romanias macro-political orienta-

tion (especially in regard to the countrys shifting relations

with the Soviet Union) (Light et al., 2002).

Based on ethnographic eldwork in Serbia, Jansen

(2001) explored the spatial dimensions of the protest against

Miloevis regime in 1996-97, i.e. the signicance of thespatialisation of protest, as built into the urban area of Ser-

bias capital, Belgrade. He analysed the interdependence

between the formation of identity and symbolic practices of

protest, as well as the role of spatial metaphors such as the

city and Europe in revolutionary discussions (Jansen,

2001).

Another paper examined, inter alia, changes in the to-ponymy of the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Sarajevo

(Robinson et al., 2001). Altogether 38.6% of the citys

toponyms were renamed in the post-Yugoslav period, and

the authors note that names associated with Serbia, Croatia,

or with Serbs and Croats (even those from the Bosnian-

Herzegovinian context), were replaced mainly by names

associated with Sarajevo and the Bosniak Muslim popula-

tion and culture (including a return to some old toponyms

from the Ottoman period) (Robinson et al., 2001). The

conclusion would be that this was an attempt to create

a Bosnian-Herzegovina identity based primarily on the

Bosniak element, as opposed to the identity of the countryin the previous Yugoslav period, which was founded on an

intermixing of Muslims (= Bosniaks), Serbs and Croats.

The renaming of streets was generally an indicative

reection of post-communist changes in Central Europe

and in the ex-USSR. Such renamings were expressions/

manifestations of a reconguration or restructuring of space

and history, which was a vital and integral element of the

post-communist transformation (Light, 2004.). Changes of

street names were part of the process of creating new public

iconographic landscapes in harmony with the values of the

new regimes, and analysing such changes may provide

important insights into the ways in which post-communistcountries altered the contours of national identities and

national pasts. Light (2004) again focused on the renaming

of streets in Bucharest between 1990 and 1997, and viewed

such actions as an integral segment of the post-communist

transformation. The central theme in the changing of street

names evokes the pre-communist era, increasingly referred

to as the Romanian golden age (Light, 2004.).

As in many other parts of Central Europe, Hungary has

a tradition of changing street names and monuments at the

onset of major political transitions. Palonen (2008) focused

on changes of street names, monuments or city designations

in Hungarys capital, Budapest, between 1985 and 2001.

Toponyms in Budapest became a subject of debate be-

tween various sides on different political levels, including

the national state, and among city and district authorities,

in which each participant upheld different political ideals

during and after the fall of communism. In Budapest and

in Hungary different levels of administration had different

visions as to how national sovereignty should be expressed.


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Changes were not, primarily, expressions of a simple transi-

tion towards articulating the post-communist value system,

but rather derived from a controversial debate on symbols

between different levels of administration (Palonen, 2008).

In over 150 years, through ve diverse political forma-

tions, the city of Zagreb expanded its borders, in accor-dance with the political, economic and cultural possibili-

ties of each specic period (Stani, 2007). Each politicalregime simultaneously left its mark on the city toponymy,

with ideological messages and values. Street names were

used in shaping collective identity, collective memories

and perceptions of history. In Zagreb, as Croatias capital

city, these processes were particularly pronounced during

the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and more

recently, during the formation of the independent Republic

of Croatia (Stani, 2007). Comparative analysis of towns in Croatias Kvarner and

Istrian regions indicated also differences in the expressionof regional identity registered in names of streets, etc.

Regional identity was more strongly expressed in Istria

(Crljenko, 2006). The specic dualism of the Istrian re-

gional identity was conrmed by a greater proportion oftoponyms in Istrian towns inuenced by the Italian lan-

guage. Analysis of toponyms in the Kvarner town of Senj

proved that its historical-geographic development could

be to a great degree reconstructed from these toponyms

(Crljenko, 2006).

In the broader Eastern European setting, one recent

work presents the entire history of the names of streets,

avenues, rivers, canals, bridges and islands in Saint Peters-burg, from the 19thcentury (and sometimes earlier) until

the present (Vladimirovi & Erofeev, 2009). Although this

work is primarily an inventory, not a scientic study, thevast material presented shows some very typical tenden-

cies, especially the relatively frequent renaming of streets,

etc. after the Bolshevik revolution, and later the return

of many names to their historical or pre-revolution forms

after the break-up of the Soviet Union (1991). Yet not all

names given to streets during the Soviet era were renamed

after 1991. Here we must emphasise that, in contrast to the

situation in most Eastern European countries in which com-

munism was generally imported or imposed from abroad,

the Soviet era developed as a continuity of Russian history,

and many persons and events that received street names

in the Soviet era were also seen as important in Russian

history and culture. A similar situation occurred in former

Yugoslavia, where the communist revolution was internal,

and thus certain of its protagonists were important also in

local history. The best (although controversial) example of

this is the preservation of many street and square names

referring to Josip Broz Tito (1892-1980) in ex-Yugoslav

states.

In the past decades there have also been other signi-cant studies that treated naming and renaming practices in

Europe and other continents, not necessary only in regardurban toponyms. We might mention the works by Ham-

mer (1989) and Nash (1998) on place names in Ireland,

in which after the creation of the Irish Free State in 1922

there was a restoration of former, most often Gaelic names.

Also in the context of nation building, Cohen & Kliot

(1992) analysed naming schemes in Israel in which they

identied two approaches: continuity with tradition and apreference for change, which reected the ideologies of

Israeli political parties (they also noted Palestinian naming

tendencies, which stressed Arabic origins and demands for

independence). Finally, we should mention Wilber Zelin-

skys (1984) study of place-names in the United States andCanada, in which he found that 25% of all such names in

the US reected patriotism and (American) nationalism,

while this percentage amounted only to 6.5% in Canada.

His conclusion was that when a state approaches maturity,

the need for inventing nationalist symbols diminishes,

which apparently occurred in the US at the end of the 19th

century (Zelinsky, 1984).

Most articles on urban nomenclature deal with names

only in one city. This paper analyses toponyms in eight

Central European cities. Cities dene themselves in top-onyms, and after analysing the toponyms of our selected

cities, we were able to compare such self-denitions in thecases of Graz (Austria), Krakw (Poland), Maribor (Slo-

venia), Mostar (Bosnia and Herzegovina), Olomouc and

Prague (the Czech Republic), Zadar and Zagreb (Croatia).

The intent of the paper was to provide a broader overview

of this phenomenon, which may also reect some deeperfault lines between identities in Central Europe, a region

which is still difcult to delineate, due to diverse criteria.

Methodology and study areas

Two of the cities we analysed were state capitals, Prague

and Zagreb. The rest were major regional centres. In size,

Zadar was the smallest (70,000 inhabitants), Prague the

largest (1.7 million inhabitants). All eight cities are typi-

cally, or predominantly Central European, except for Zadar

and Mostar. Zadar has both Central European and Mediter-

ranean traits, while Mostar has Central European and Bal-

kan or Oriental traits. All eight cities in this investigation


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were until 1919 part of the Habsburg Monarchy. Four of

them (Maribor, Zagreb, Zadar and Mostar) were between

1919 and 1990 within Yugoslavia. All the cities, except

Graz, were part of communist Eastern Europe, and after

the fall of the Berlin Wall began to establish links with

Western Europe. Until 1995 not one of them was within theEuropean Union (i.e. European Community). In 1995 Graz

became a city in the EU, in 2004 so did Krakw, Prague,

Olomouc and Maribor; in view of Croatias candidate sta-

tus, in two-three years Zagreb and Zadar might be within

the EU. Mostar is currently quite far from this association.

Research was conducted on city cores, in the strictest

sense. These were the actualhistorical centres, the oldest

and most recognizable parts of cities, and not necessarily

the formal administrative urban units that included them,

which were often more extensive. Local residents and tour-

ists mainly visit these historical cores to stroll, shop, visit

important institutions, and absorb the social and historicalheritage of the cities. Passage through a historical centre

involves a specic type of consumption of a city. Certainbuildings, squares and streets, and urban scenes become

hallmarks of cities, their picture postcards. Here every

possible upgrade in urban construction, or any change,

provokes great interest in professional circles and in the

resident population. Each such intervention is discussed.

Local inhabitants are typically conservative and have an

inclination towards preserving familiar or recognizable city

contours.

This study examined the names of 602 streets, squares,

parks and lanes in the cores of our eight cities. The largestnumber was in Zadar (110), followed by Olomouc (89),

Maribor (74), Krakw (69), Graz (69), Prague (67), Mostar

(65) and Zagreb (59). The large number of names consid-

ered in the case of a small city such as Zadar, in comparison

to the relatively smaller numbers for large cities such as

Prague, Krakw and Zagreb, is the result of a different

spatial plan. Zadar, as a Mediterranean city, has numerous

small streets in its core, and few broad avenues, and thus

had much more street names to analyse.

We analysed three different years, representing cross-

sections in time: 2009, 1985, 1935. The stated number of

602 names refers to the situation in 2009. The situation

in 1985 and 1935 was different in some cases. Speci-

cally, some streets previously had one common name, but

were later subdivided and received two or three names.

Or, sometimes a small urban clearing or expanse, which

previously had been nameless, eventually received a name.

Through city terminology we see the way in which

city authorities dene the city as to world-views, ideo-

logical positions and national missions. These toponyms

present a reection of ourselves, and of our utilisation ofa certain space. Passing through a city we receive, imper-

ceptibly but persistently, messages pertaining to ideology

and world-views. Resistance is possible, but reception is

always present. The system of giving names to city loca-tions determines the importance of persons, institutions,

events and regions in specic pantheons of values. Whenstreet names are changed, these values fade, and new ones

are introduced into the pantheon. Through reviewing the

entire pantheon it is possible to detect the identity of a city

and its declared mission, or at least its ofcially expressed

identity.

The ofcialfactor must be stressed, since identities ar-

ticulated by political elites are not necessarily the same as

in the general population. Yet with the passage of time, or

rather if they pass the test of time and shifts in ruling elites,

certain pantheon names become generally accepted. Therefore, street terminology is a reection of ourselves

in time and space. Especially in historical core areas of

cities, city authorities are very attentive to selecting the

names of streets, etc. The public is particularly sensitive to

changes in core areas, in regard to renamings and construc-

tion activities, whereas peripheral areas are spared such

public sensitivity which becomes a form of supervision.

Peripheral areas have a lesser historical importance. They

are less often frequented and for most residents are not

recognizable as important elements in their mental maps.

The question of how the citys main square and surround-

ing streets will be named is of rst-rate importance for cityauthorities and the local population.

The simplest cases in this sense are in Graz and Mari-

bor, where the main squares are just called Main Square

(Hauptplatz in Graz, Glavni trg in Maribor). In Prague

the historical central square is named after the old town

(Staromstsk nmest), and in Krakw after the main

market (Rynek Gwny), which is the largest former me-

diaeval market square in Europe. In Zagreb the situa-

tion developed gradually, since the city was formed by the

fusion of two towns. The oldest centre was the bishops

town,Kaptol, founded in 1094. Later a trade town, Gradec,developed on a nearby hill, today the Upper Town, and

its main square was named after St. Mark (Markov trg),

since from the 13thcentury a fair was held there on St.

Marks day. When the two previous towns merged in the

17thcentury, a new market area developed between them,

known as Harmica (from the Hungarian word harminc,

thirty, referring to a market tax). This new area became

the centre of Zagreb, and was renamed in 1848 Jelai


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Square, after the Croatian ban, Josip Jelai (1801-1859).

Yet since Karl Marx condemned Jelai in his writings asa reactionary, in 1945 the new communist regime renamed

this space Square of the Republic (Trg Republike). The

designation Jelai square was returned in 1990. Olo-

mouc also reects a mediaeval tradition. Its central squareis named Upper Square (Horn nmst), after the olderelevated part of the town. The history of Zadars central

square is probably the oldest, possibly dating back to the

Roman forum, which in the Middle Ages was simply called

Large Square (Platea magna). In the modern period it

came to be known as the Seigniorial Square (in Italian

Piazza dei Signori) and nally, after WWII, it received itspresent name Square of the People (Narodni trg).

In historical city cores, our study examined allthe names

of streets, squares, parks and lanes, and not just selected

examples. We classied city toponyms into several cat-egories and groups(Table 1). In one group we placed all

names linked to statehood. Here we included toponyms

named after presidents, inuential politicians, army leaders

and generals, the nobility, kings, emperors, revolutionaries,

soldiers and combatants who died in action, mayors, and

cultural movements important for the political denition

of nations and countries. In the second group we placed

toponyms named after culture-creators and artists, such

as poets, writers, painters, sculptors, architects, or other

persons who had a signicant cultural impact such as some

archaeologists and linguists. In the third, pertaining to re-

ligion, we classied names honouring saints, religious or-ders, priests, bishops and popes. A fourth groupincludedscientists; the fth entrepreneurs, benefactors, and crafts-people. These ve groups made up one large categoryofpersonal names.

There are also many city toponyms that do not come

from persons. This important category includes various

geographic designations. In this category, the rst groupof toponyms includes names of rivers, cities, regions, coun-

tries, mountains, islands, etc. A second group of names

describes the position of streets, etc. in relation to some

signicant locality such as a railway station, market, river-

bank, palace, castle, church, hospital and similar, which ei-ther presently exists or existed previously. A third group in

the geographic category includes names denoting specicphysical appearance (traits): narrow, steep, wide, long, hill

or similar. We include into this group also toponyms taken

from nature: owers, orchids, linden trees and similar. Sometimes, such names are informal. For instance, one

Table 1:Categories and groups*.

Categories* Groups Explanation

Persons Statehood Presidents, politicians, army leaders and generals, the nobility,kings, emperors, etc.

Culture-creators and artists Poets, writers, painters, sculptors, architects, etc.

Religion Saints, religious orders, priests, bishops and popes.

Scientists Renowned persons from various scientic elds.

Entrepreneurs Entrepreneurs, benefactors, and craftspeople.

Geography Geographic names Rivers, towns, regions, countries, mountains, islands, etc.

Localities Vicinity to a railway station, market, river-bank, palace, castle,

church, hospital, etc.

Appareance (traits, nature) Narrow, steep, wide, long, hill, and names from nature: or-

chids, linden trees, etc.Historical events, Institutions (Same as category) May 1st(Labour Day), banks, newspapers, social movements,

armies or army units, etc.

Crafts and Trades (Same as category) Places where butchers, blacksmiths, millers, weavers, etc.,

once worked.

Other (Same as category) Street names that could not be grouped or categorised.

*All names in these categories were also subdivided into groups according to the level of signicance: city-related, regional, national and for-eign.


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square in Zagreb, created in 1897 after the clearing of a

city block, became an area where owers were (and stillare) sold. For this reason, it was called Flower Square

(Cvjetni trg), yet it was ofcially named after the poet PetarPreradovi (1818-1872). The choice of Preradovi was

signicant, since he always identied himself as a Croatof the Orthodox faith, and on this square the oldest EasternOrthodox Church in Zagreb is located. Later Eastern Or-

thodoxy was associated mainly with Serbs, and thus after

WWII the communists renamed the location Brotherhood

and Unity Square (Trg bratstva i jedinstva) to evoke the

ideal relationship among Yugoslav peoples, especially Cro-

ats and Serbs. The original name, honouring Preradovi,was returned after the fall of the communism, although

people continue to refer to Flower Square.

The next (third) important category involves names

taken from historical events, institutions and similar, e.g.

May 1st(International Labour Day), or from the names ofcertain banks, newspapers, social movements, armies or

army units.

In historical city cores toponyms are often taken from

crafts or trade professions, such as butchers, blacksmiths,

millers, weavers and similar (such names typically denote

mediaeval layers in cities). We classied these names intoa separate, fourth category.

Finally, some street names could not be classied any-where, and consequently these names were placed into the

category other.

Often there is some doubt when classifying toponyms

into a specic group, since some toponyms honouring per-sons could be placed into more than one group. This occurs

frequently when a poet or culturally important person was

also a participant in an important political movement. In

such cases a decision had to be made as to the most im-

portant role of the person involved: either in the cultural-

artistic eld, or in the sphere of statehood (politics). If

it was judged that the different roles of the person were

relatively equal, then toponyms referring to him or her

were classied into two groups. There were cases when

a toponym deriving from the name of a person could be

classied even into three groups, as in the example of Josip

Juraj Strossmayer (1815-1905). As the Catholic bishop of

akovo in Slavonia, Strossmayer worked on the unication

of Western and Eastern Christianity, and his opposition

to the doctrine of papal infallibility at the First Vatican

Council (1869-1870) was historic. Furthermore, his suc-

cess in establishing the Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and

Arts (today the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts)

in 1866 was very important for the cultural and scientic

development of South Slavic peoples. Yet in the popular

conception Strossmayer is mostly seen as a politician, and

he was thus listed in the group pertaining to statehood.

Another type of classicationpertained to the impor-

tance of persons, events, mountains or rivers in view of

their geographic specicities. This classication was morestraightforward, and included four groups: city-related,

regional, national and foreign.

The city-relatedgroup included all names of persons,

events or descriptions of localities which had a city-re-

lated, or strictly local signicance. For example, a mayoror founder of a city museum has a local (city) signicance,

not a national one. City toponyms derived from crafts or

trade professions, from physical descriptions such as steep

or narrow, or from proximity to localities such as railway

stations or hospitals, were classied as having city-relatedsignicance, since they convey local city meanings, al-

though some names have elements that surpass locations. Persons or historical events with a national (i.e. state-

level) signicance were placed in the national group. Weincluded in this group also some local persons that besides

a regional signicance also had national importance. Forexample, Ivan Gunduli (1589-1638) is associated with

Dubrovnik, but there is an Ivan Gunduli street in Zagreb,and for Zagreb residents he has more signicance on thenational level, than on the city-related or regional level.

Names of saints have been denoted as entailing national

importance, yet Catholic saints are saints for the entire

Catholic world and thus would often need to be catego-

rised as foreigners. For example, the cathedral in Zagreb isdedicated to Saint Marys Ascension (as well as to Saints

Stephen and Ladislaus), although the people of Zagreb

and Croats in general look upon Saint Mary as a national

saint and protectoress of the Croat people (the Heavenly

Virgin, Queen of the Croats) and not only as a major saint

venerated throughout the Christian world.

In the regional group, toponyms have been included

relating to the region to which the analysed city belongs,

as is the case of Styria for Maribor or Graz, Moravia for

Olomouc, Bohemia for Prague or Dalmatia for Zadar.

Some cities appear not to belong to any region. Zagreb

is formally part of the Prigorje region in Central Croatia,

but this identity has been overshadowed by the citys role

as Croatias capital. Also, Prigorje as a region is merely

a geographic denomination, and does not have a strong

identity stemming from history, political specicity and

clearly recognisable traditions, such as the old regions of

Dalmatia, Moravia or Styria. Consequently, in the case

of Zagreb, persons, events and geographical names were


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classied as regional if they pertained to persons, eventsor geographic names signicant only for settlements nearZagreb or in Central Croatia, whereas in Zadar persons

important for Dalmatia, a clearly constituted region, were

classied as regional.

In the foreign groupwe classied toponyms namedafter persons that were born or made their major contribu-

tions abroad, or else after events that occurred outside the

countries in question and had signicant international traits,

such as May 1st(International Labour Day). Toponyms

named after popes were classied as foreign, for althoughthe Catholic Church in Poland and Croatia has a strong

national impact, popes are nevertheless Roman bishops.

Apart from the present situation, we were interested in

changes that occurred at distinctive points in history. Ac-

cordingly, we analysed urban nomenclature in three years

representing three time cross-sections: 2009, 1985, 1935.

The intent was to determine the situation prior to WWII,and the year 1935 served as an example for this period.

The year 1985 indicated the situation after WWII, but also

before the fall of the Berlin Wall, or the impending period

of great political changes in ex-communist Europe, an area

which included all the analysed cities except for Graz. The

year 2009, was taken as an example of the present situation,

i.e. of the state after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Typically,

starting from years that represent crucial historical turn-

ing points (1939/41, 1945 and 1990) the renaming of city

toponyms progressed more intensely in subsequent years

(from 1945 to 1955, or from 1990 to 1995). After these

periods, the rate of renamings decreased and graduallyended. When renamings were nally completed after WWII

in the 1950s, further changes stopped, except in rare cases.

That is the reason why the year 1946 was not analysed, but

rather the considerably later year 1985, which summarised

the communist phase.

Analysis

City toponyms by the origin of names in 2009

Most toponyms in the cores of all eight analysed cities

come from the surnames of persons or families. The sec-

ond most common group were geographic designations.

The remaining two lesser groups were named after crafts

or trade professions and historical events and institutions.

About 4% of the toponyms were not classied into any ofthe mentioned groups.

A more detailed analysis of the toponyms from sur-

names of persons or families revealed that most came from

persons or families with political importance for the cre-

ation, protection or management of the state. This group

included names of presidents, members of the nobility,

kings, emperors or princes, army leaders, revolutionaries,

mayors, soldiers who died in combat, and leaders of social

movements or movements of importance for the country.This statehood group included 21% of all toponyms, and

so every fth street bears the name of a person importantfor the state.

The second group by frequency of names in city to-

ponymy pertains to persons from the world of culture and

art: authors of works of art such as writers, poets, painters,

sculptors, architects, etc., and persons important for culture,

such as linguists, historians, chroniclers, archaeologists,

etc.

The third group by frequency of city toponyms refers

to the names of persons associated with religion: saints,

bishops, popes, etc. It is interesting to note that only 5%of all streets, etc. have been named after persons from the

world of business entrepreneurs, industrialists, bank-

ers and benefactors, and only 2% have been named after

scientists and technologists. From a total of 602 analysed

toponyms in the eight cities, only 10 bear the names of

scientists and technologists and 30 of entrepreneurs, crafts-

people and industrialists, while 107 are named after artists

and culture-creators and 135 after persons important in the

sphere of statehood.

The fourth group by frequency of names in city to-

ponymy pertains to specic city localities: for example,

streets named after railway stations, important buildings,markets, etc. Some streets are named after buildings hos-

pitals, churches, palaces that once existed on them. To the

passer-by it might seem that the name comes from some

person or saint, while in reality the street received its name

from a saint to which a former church, at that location,

had once been dedicated. A good example is Margarets

Street in Zagreb (Margaretska ulica). Here there was oncea Catholic church named after St. Margaret, rst mentioned

in 1334 and associated with a mediaeval fairground. In

1794 Greek merchants in Zagreb purchased the church and

converted it into an Eastern Orthodox church, later taken

over by the Serbian minority. Yet the name Margarets

Street has remained as a reminder of the former church

and fair, although most Zagreb residents are not aware of

this fact.

As shown in Table 2, in Maribor and Graz names were

mostly derived from the geographical characteristics of

space, such as Along the (River) Bank, or Railway-station

street. This type of designation was rarer in Zagreb and


8/14


Mostar. In most cities, Prague, Olomouc, Zadar, Zagreb,

Mostar and Krakw, toponyms usually referred to per-

sons. People important in statehood most often were hon-

oured in Zagreb, Mostar and Olomouc and more rarely in

Krakw. Artists and people associated with culture, mostoften received toponyms in Zagreb, Maribor and Zadar,

and least often in Mostar and Krakw. Religiousness in

city toponymy as attested by the names of saints, bishops

or popes is most obvious in Krakw, Prague and Zadar.

On the other hand, in Mostar not one street name is associ-

ated with religion (which probably is the effect of the past

communism regime, given the strong religious differences

in the city), while in Maribor such cases make up only 1%

of all toponyms. In Mostar, primarily in its Bosniak part,

street names mostly come from the surnames of families,

often engaged in crafts and trades that once lived along

them. In the other cities, toponyms very rarely, from 0%

to 3% at the most, referred to craftspeople, entrepreneurs

or benefactors. Scientists also very rarely received names

of streets: mostly in Zagreb, Zadar, Krakw and Olomouc,

while in Graz, Prague, Maribor and Mostar there were no

such cases.

City toponyms according to their

spatial signicance in 2009

Names of streets, squares, parks and lanes were classiedinto four spatial groups city-related, regional, national

and foreign according to their apparent importance. Therewere very few streets that could not be classied into anyof these mentioned groups, due to their generality.

As shown in Table 3, in the eight analysed cities, most

toponyms had city-related or very local signicances. This

group was followed by city names that had national impor-

tance. Only a small number of streets, etc. had names with

a regional or foreign signicance. For example, foreign

names, or names not related to the country in question, were

present only in 41 cases, out of a total of 602 toponyms in

all the analysed cities.

Differences existed between individual cities. City-re-

lated or local signicancein city terminology was predomi-

nant in Mostar, followed by Graz and Zadar. In Maribor

toponyms of city-related and local signicance had equalrepresentation as those of national importance. Streets,

squares, parks and lanes with names of local signicancewere the least represented in the toponymy of Zagreb.

Street names referring to persons, events and geographic

locations of national importancewere the most represented

Table 2:City toponyms according to origin, 2009 (%).

Description All cities Graz Krakw Maribor Mostar Olomouc Prague Zadar Zagreb

Statehood 21 17 7 20 31 26 13 20 39

Culture-creators and artists 17 11 1 28 3 18 9 25 31

Religion 16 13 45 1 0 9 28 24 10

Scientists 2 0 3 0 0 1 0 3 4

Entrepreneurs 5 1 0 0 38 1 3 1 3

Total persons 61 42 56 49 72 55 53 73 87

Geographic names 4 7 9 4 3 4 2 2 7

Localities 15 26 13 29 8 13 14 13 6

Appearance (traits, nature) 4 6 7 1 7 4 6 1 0

Total geography 23 39 29 34 18 21 22 16 13

Historical events, Institutions 5 1 1 4 3 12 3 8 0

Crafts and Trades 7 17 7 5 3 7 19 2 0

Other 4 1 6 8 3 5 4 2 1

Sum total 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

Source: Field work in the analysed cities, 2009.


9/14


in Zagreb, followed by Krakw and Prague. Names with

national signicance were much more rarely given to

streets, etc. in Graz, Zadar, and especially in Mostar. Yet

we should add that in the case of Mostar national signi-

cance formally refers to Bosnia and Herzegovina, whichis a complex/controversial problem.

Persons, events and geographic localities with regionalimportancewere most reected in toponyms in Zadar. Inall other cities this was much less the case. In the Croatian

example, we can note that toponyms in Zadar emphasised

regional (Dalmatian) and city-related importance, while in

Zagreb national importance is stressed. This is undoubtedly

connected to the fact that Zagreb is the capital of Croatia,

whereas Zadar is the functional hub of Northern Dalmatia.

Urban nomenclature that includedforeign-origin top-

onyms was most frequent in Olomouc, Mostar, Zagreb

and Graz, and very rare in Krakw, Prague and Zadar.Foreign names mainly referred to individuals/events from

neighbouring countries, yet some denoted international

events or events from other parts of Europe or from the

USA. Despite references to people/events from nearby

countries, there was not anyparticularemphasis on the

Central Europe context. Of six foreign names in Graz, only

two point to Central Europe (Maribor and the Czech Pro-

kopi); the others refer to the New World (twice), David

and the German poet Hans Sachs (1494-1576). In Krakw

only one street was named after a person from the outside

neighbourhood (Habsburg Emperor Joseph, who was also

the ruler of West Galicia, in which Krakw was included).

Of the four city toponyms from the non-Slovene world

in Maribor, three honour persons from South Slav nations:

the Serb Svetozar Markovi (1846-1875) and the CroatsStrossmayer and Tito, and one is named after the Czech

Miroslav Tyr (1832-1884). In Mostar there are seven top-

onyms from other countries, but four of them are from

Croatia (the Square of Prominent Croats, Duke Domagoj,

Zagreb, Nikola ubi Zrinski). The remaining three referto the Yugoslav president Tito, Spain (Spanish Square)

and to International Labour Day, May 1st. Streets, etc. were

most often named after foreigners in Olomouc, but some

of these people lived part of their lives in Olomouc itself,such as the French historian Ernest Denis (1849-1921), the

Austrian artist Gustav Mahler (1860-1911), or the Marquis

de Lafayette (1757-1834), who was imprisoned in Olo-

mouc from 1794 to 1797. Only one toponym is linked to

Central Europe: Vienna. One name in the citys toponymy,

Slovakia, points more to the Czechoslovak context, than to

Central Europe. Prague has only one toponym from out-

side the national framework (named after Paris), at least

in its most central historical area. Zadar has three streets

named after foreigners (Pope John Paul II, Pope Alex-

ander III and the Roman Emperor Augustus), but none

are essentially connected to Central Europe. In Zagreb, acertain Central European orientation might be seen in the

names of four streets: Prague, Warsaw, the Czech Tom

Garrigue Masaryk (1850-1937) and the Slovene Valentin

Vodnik (1758-1819). Yet these names derive more from

past Pan-Slavic solidarity, then from a linkage with Central

Europe. In Zagreb there are two other city toponyms with

an external (or foreign) importance: one named after Tito

(the president of former Yugoslavia) and another named

after President F.D. Roosevelt.

In regard to Mostar, we should add a few comments.

The city itself was named after a bridge over the Neretva

River, which existed even before the construction of the

famous Ottoman bridge built between 1557 and 1566. Sym-

bolically this idea of a bridge may imply joining various

ethnic entities (cf. Grodach, 2002). And indeed the popula-

tion of Mostar city prior to the Bosnian war (1992-1995),

according to the 1991 census, included 34.2% Muslims =

today Bosniaks, 28.7% Croats, 18.6% Serbs, 15.2% Yugo-

slavs and 3.2% others (from a total of 75,865 inhabitants).

Table 3:City toponyms according to spatial importance, 2009 (%).


City-related, local 49 62 46 45 82 40 48 51 17

Regional 7 6 1 4 2 3 0 29 3

National 37 23 52 45 3 43 50 17 69

Foreign 7 9 1 5 13 14 2 3 10

Sum Total 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100



10/14


Undoubtedly, most of the Yugoslavs derived from mixed

marriages, which were at a level of about 10% in Mostar

before the war. The present distinct division of Mostar into

a Croat part on the west and a Bosniak town on the east

resulted from the war events: the withdrawal of the Serb

minority, the separation and bipolar concentration of Croatsand Bosniaks (enhanced by refugee ows) and the disap-pearance of the Yugoslav segment (cf. Rolland, 2004).

The destruction of the Ottoman bridge in 1993 practically

cemented this division, although some commentaries see

the reconstruction of the bridge in 2004 as a chance for

reviving the previous interlinked community. Yet with the

fall of communism, there was also a liberation of traditional

religious orientations, which by cannon and sharia law did

not encourage, for example, mixed marriages (except in

cases of conversion). Thus, paradoxically, the new post-

communist freedom of religion additionally affected the

division of the city. Toponyms in the Croat part of Mostar honouring kings

and dukes of Croatia, Croatian soldiers and Zagreb, Croa-

tias capital, technically may be foreign names, yet they

in fact reect the desire of local Croats to be associated

with Croatia. On the other hand, it is interesting to note

that the only city toponym associated with the recent war

is the Spanish Square, named on October 12th1995 after

the Spanish UN peace-keeping force, which during the war

worked on the reconciliation of relations between Croats

and Bosniaks. In this effort 21 Spanish solders lost their

lives.

Changes in city toponymy

Street and other city tonomyms are subject to altera-

tions through time. Political authorities have been known

to change names with the intent of broadcasting certain

messages. City residents each day move through streets

and their names constantly send messages to them. These

sometimes leave deeper traces than information delivered

through ofcial media, schools and similar channels. Thestructures of city toponyms tell us about the time in which

we live, and convey the ideology and the world-view that

political elites wish to form. The intensity and scale of

transformations in city toponymy indicate the scope of

changes in the ruling world-view and ideology, or more

precisely in the world-view and ideology adopted by po-

litical elites. Periods of extensive name changing indicate

turnover phases, or revolutionary times.

In all the analysed cities changes occurred in a part of

the city toponymy between 1935 and 1985. This period

attests to transformations that happened before and after

WWII. Changes during WWII were not registered in our

study. In the sample cities, the renaming of streets etc., as

a testimonial of turning points, ranged from minimal to

more extensive and to radical and massive dimensions.

The rst column in Table 4 shows that the least number

of changes in city toponymy between 1935 and 1985 oc-curred in Krakw, Graz and Prague. Average-scale changes

were recorded in Zagreb and Maribor, whereas very ex-

tensive changes occurred in Mostar and Olomouc. Yet

in Zadar there was a very radical transformation of city

toponymy, and only one street preserved its previous name.

This street, in the very heart of historic Zadar, kept its

name, although in translation. In Italian it was Calle Larga;today in Croatian it is ofcially iroka ulica, which has thesame meaning, Broad Street. It should be said that many

of the streets in Zadar in the inter-war period had names

connected with Italian statehood, the Savoy dynasty, and

the fascist movement. These designations were changedafter WWII, when Zadar was reunited with its hinterland

within post-war Socialist Yugoslavia and the Socialist Re-

public of Croatia. Yet an addition reason for the radical

transformation was the terrible destruction of the city in

the last phase of WWII, initiating a mass exodus to Italy,

which led to a break in continuity.

The second column in Table 4, when compared to the

rst, reveals that changes in city toponymy between 1985and 2009 were less extensive than between 1935 and 1985.

From this we could conclude that WWII was a more drastic,

more revolutionary, turning point than the fall of the Berlin

Wall. Yet all cities experienced some transformations intheir toponymy between 1985 and 2009, except for Graz

(since Austria was not affected by Eastern European po-

litical transition). The fewest alterations in city toponymy

were registered in Maribor and Prague, and a small extent

of changes was also seen in Krakw. Greater alterations,

although limited, occurred in Zagreb, Olomouc and Mostar.

A mass scale change in toponymy was seen only in Zadar.

It is interesting to note that the war events of the 1990s,

which took place with various intensity and destructiveness

in or around Mostar, Zadar, Zagreb, and Maribor, provoked

few changes in city toponyms.

Between 1935 and 2009 the least number of changes

in city toponymy (Table 4, col. 3) was recorded in Graz,

Prague and Krakw, an average percentage occurred in

Maribor, Zagreb, many occurred in Mostar and Olomouc,

and clearly the most in Zadar which experienced two sub-

stantial and profound shifts in its toponymy, after WWII,

and after the fall of the Berlin Wall.

As we mentioned, Zadar experienced a mass renam-


11/14


ing after WWII to eliminate designations linked to Italian

statehood or fascism. The communist regime replaced them

with names typically inspired by Yugoslav communist ide-

ology. Thus, Zadar logically experienced another almost

total renaming after the fall of the communism and the

break-up of Yugoslavia.

There were relatively few cases in which renaming

signied a return to previous names, or, in other words

toponyms changed after WWII were rarely, after the fall

of the Berlin Wall, returned to the forms they had prior to

WWII (Table 4, col. 4). Most such restitutions occurredin Zagreb, Olomouc and Krakw. Interestingly, the few

streets in Krakw that were renamed between 1985 and

2009 received precisely their pre-WWII names. Changes

of city toponyms to their previous forms were marginal

in Prague. In Maribor, Mostar and Zadar, no changes to

former names were recorded (and Graz, as noted, was not

affected by any changes in this period).

When comparing the structure of city toponyms in Graz

and Maribor certain similarities can be noted, such as the

presence of local geographic names, yet there is a clear

difference due to a considerably greater emphasis placed

on WWII in Maribor. Slovenian partisans and events linked

to the Slovenian partisan movement account for 16% of all

toponyms in Maribor, which is the highest concentration,

along with the case of Mostar, of combatants from WWII

in any of the analysed cities. In the cities in which several

streets, etc. after WWII received names from combatants

and revolutionaries during the war, most were changed

after the fall of the Berlin Wall, but not in Maribor and Mo-

star. In Maribor the signicance of WWII as an ideological

turning-point was quite evident. During WWII most top-

onyms in Maribor had German designations, which were

substituted immediately after the war, and mainly returned

to their pre-war forms, or renamed after Slovenian parti-

sans and revolutionaries that had perished in the conict.The fall of the Berlin Wall inuenced only the renamingof one square in Maribor. Yet this square had been previ-

ously renamed. Before WWII it was called the Yugoslav

Square, after the war Lenin Square, and today General

Maistr Square. General Rudolf Maistr (1874-1934) wasa Slovenian ofcer who at the end of the First World Warattached south Styria to Yugoslavia, thus determining the

border with Austria (he is also regarded as the founder of

the Slovenian army).

In Krakw one can detect an emphasis on Catholicism.

The Second World War practically did not transform any-

thing in regard to the pre-war situation. Only four streets,

etc. had their names altered in Krakw after WWII, but

only one toponym was reminiscent of WWII. It referred

to the battle for Stalingrad (Volgograd). After the fall of

the Berlin Wall, the only alteration that occurred in the city

toponymy of Krakw was the return of four names, altered

after WWII, to their previous forms. In Prague, likewise,

WWII is not visible in the citys toponymy, or more pre-

cisely the victors in the war rarely changed the names of

streets, etc.

In Olomouc, wars had a much greater turnover effect.

Most German and Austro-Hungarian names were changed

right after WWI and WWII. Following WWII, most new

Table 4:Frequency of renaming of streets, squares, parks and lanes in the historical cores of the selected Central European cities in the

period from 1935 to 2009 (%).

City 1985 in relation to 1935 2009 in relation to 1985 2009-1985 and 1985-1935

(sum total)

Returning names in

2009 from 1935.

Graz 7 0 7 0

Krakw 6 6 12 6

Maribor 23 1 24 0

Mostar 43 20 63 0

Olomouc 69 16 85 7

Prague 7 1 8 1

Zadar 99 78 177 0

Zagreb 22 13 35 10



12/14


street names in Olomouc were associated with persons

important in Czech culture and statesmanship, and only

somewhat with victory in WWII and with communism.

After the fall of the Berlin Wall, most names associated

with WWII, the USSR and communism were changed. In

street names one can sense a positive attitude towards thecreation of Czechoslovakia, whereas Moravian identity is

not evident.

As opposed to Olomouc, in Zadar regional, Dalmatian

identity, alongside national Croatian identity, is explicit.

We already mentioned the almost total changes in top-

onyms following WWII. After the fall of the Berlin Wall,

as noted, these toponyms were again changed, this time to

refer to persons from Croatian culture and from local areas,

with an emphasis on people from Zadar and Dalmatia. It is

interesting to note that the Croatian War of Independence

(1991-1995), which was very intense in Zadar, left no trace

in the citys toponyms. The rst ofcial renaming of Zagrebs streets and squares

was in 1878, during the reforms of ban Ivan Maurani

(1814-1890), when the importance in the citys toponymy

of crafts/trades or buildings was replaced by references to

people signicant for Croatias culture and statehood. This

structure introduced by Maurani has been maintained tothe present, with small alterations after the two world wars

and the fall of the Berlin Wall, which did not signicantlyundermine Mauranis model. For example, in interwarYugoslavia there were several streets related to Yugoslav

statehood, such as one toponym honouring king Aleksan-

dar Karaorevi (1888-1934). In the period of the war-time State of Croatia (1941-1945), the Ustasha authorities

changed all the Yugoslav toponyms and named several

streets, etc. after persons important in Ustasha history, or

in fascism (Mussolini), and after Bosnian-Muslim leaders,

so as to enhance Croat-Muslim (Bosniak) ties. After 1945,

the Communists made several new renamings derived from

the partisan movement. Finally, after the fall of the Ber-

lin Wall and the Independence War, new changes were

notmade by giving streets the names of leading soldiers

and politicians from that crucial period and from during

the recent war, but rather according to Mauranis rst

plan of deriving city toponyms from the names of people

important for Croatian statehood and cultural history. Sig-

nicantly, even Croatias rst president, Franjo Tuman

(1922-1999), does not have a street or square named after

him in the analysed central area of Zagreb. After the fall

of the Berlin Wall all names referring to partisans from

WWII were replaced, except for Marshal Tito, the partisan

leader and later president of Yugoslavia. However, one of

the rst Croatian partisans during WWII, Andrija Hebrang,

did not have a street named after him until the fall of the

Berlin Wall. Specically, Andrija Hebrang disappeared,

probably killed in 1946 or 1947 in Belgrade, and so he is

today mostly seen as a Croatian martyr, not as a Croatian

partisan, or a Communist Anti-fascist from WWII.

Conclusions

Our study of nomenclature in eight Central European cit-

ies was in many ways an initial work and we are aware of

improvements in the concept and methods that we should

make if we will have the opportunity to continue this type

of analysis. Our present work was largely determined by

practical possibilities, especially in regard to our choice

of cities. Also, most explanations we gave pertained to

Croatian examples, since the study was conceptualised andcoordinated in Zagreb.

So far we have only attempted to conrm that namesof streets, squares, parks and lanes, primarily in historic

city cores, serve as indicators of ofcial world-views at

specic moments, and that at turning points in history urban

nomenclature is altered in order to bring about a shift in

ideologies and world-views.

Major turning point events such as WWII and the fall

of the Berlin Wall provoked renamings of city toponyms

in the analysed cities. A comparison of city toponymy in

the years 1935, 1985 and 2009 revealed that there were

more renamings between 1935 and 1985 than between1985 and 2009, and thus we can conclude that WWII was

ideologically more of a turning-point, than the fall of the

Berlin Wall. Of course, in the case of Graz, the fall of the

Berlin Wall did not produce any structural political or so-

cial changes, although the citys geostrategic position did

change with the collapse of the Eastern Bloc. Of the other

cities, Krakw also stands somewhat out, with an equal

number of changes after WWII and following the fall of

the Berlin Wall. However, as can be read from Table 4,

Krakw had a relatively small number of changes, and

these would have been back and forth, in the sense that

new names given by the post-WWII communist regime

were simply reversed back to their pre-WWII forms after

the collapse of the regime.

If we compare toponym changes in countries, we can

see several differences.

In the Czech Republic, in both Prague and Olomouc the

WWII turning point had more of an effect than the fall of

the Berlin Wall. In the city core of Prague there was only


13/14


one renaming after the latter event, however even post-

WWII changes were not numerous. This probably reectsthe stability of the citys old historical identity. In contrast,

changes between 1935 and 1985 were very pronounced in

Olomouc, which should be linked to the mass expulsion of

Germans following WWII. And, as in the case of Zadar, thelesser but still relatively high number of changes between

1985 and 2009 would reect a correction of changes thattook place in the communist period.

Moving to Slovenia, in Maribor we also nd a high

level of changes after WWII and just one change following

the collapse of the communism. Yet here we can postulate

a different reason. Most of the former German-speaking

community had left Maribor after the break-up of Austro-

Hungary, so that the reason for the change would not be

the same as in Olomouc. Rather, what should be stressed

in the Slovenian historical context is the strong connection

between the war-time partisan movement and Slovenianpatriotism, so that the changes made after WWII would

logically continue even after the fall of communism and

the establishment of independent Slovenia.

In Croatia, the difference between Zagreb and Zadar in

regard to urban nomenclature changes at least structurally

resembles the differences between Prague and Olomouc.

There were much more changes in Zagreb than in Prague,

yet there was also stability, since the new renamings fol-

lowed the old model established in the 19 thcentury by

Maurani. In this way Zagreb preserved its identity, at

least in its toponymy. On the other hand, population shifts,

mass destruction and a strong ideological injection after

WWII account for the high number of remainings in Zadar.

When we examine Mostar, changes in toponymy reect

the ambivalent or divided nature of the city. After WWII

the communists made many renamings, presumably to af-

rm the image of a unied socialist Mostar. After thefall of the communist regime, almost half of these names

were replaced with new toponyms, conveying different

messages in the two parts of the city. On the other hand,

names that have been preserved from the communist era

may serve as compromises in order to main the continuity

of the citys common identity, which is also the role of one

new toponym, the Spanish Square.

Finally, was there any common Central European ten-

dency in the structure of urban nomenclature in the cities

that we studied? If we take, for example, Table 2, and

compare the overall rankings of our groups of toponyms

with their rankings in individual cities, then we see alsodifferences, and if we take only the top three rankings for

each city (see Summary Table 5), we will deduce that only

Zagreb ts the overall ranking exactly, Zadar in reversedorder, and Olomouc and Maribor come close to the scheme.

Graz, Krakw, Mostar and Prague have different empha-

sises. With their relative accent on religion as well as on

crafts and trades, Graz, Krakw and Prague reect, perhaps,

an older mediaeval scheme. On the other hand, the high

importance of statehood in Zagreb and Olomouc should

be analysed differently. In Zagreb, as we mentioned, this

was a continuation of a model adopted in the 19thcentury,

Table 5:Summary table: top three rankings of groups of toponyms (from Table 2).


Statehood 1 2/3 3 2 1 3 1

Culture-creators and artists 2 2 2 1 2

Religion 3 1 1 2 3

Localities 1 2 1 3 3 3

Crafts and Trades 2/3 2

Entrepreneurs 1

Historical events, Institutions

Geographic names 3

Appearance (traits, nature)

Scientists

Others


14/14


whereas in Olomouc it was a new phenomenon, linked to

the afrmation of the Czech (not German) identity of thecity.

Central Europe is a complex region of many tenden-

cies, which is likewise difcult to dene. In this paper we

have attempted to explain how eight cities have conguredtheir urban nomenclature in diverse historical conditions,

under the direction of their elites. Most of these cities were

for several decades located in socialist or peoples re-

publics, which may be seen as a common factor. Yet we

have seen also that their structure and dynamics of urban

toponymy included many specicities.

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Documents

Identiy through Urban Nomenclature: Eight Central European Cities