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    The Testimony, December 2003 459

    The Amalekites2. Were they the Hyksos?*

    Debbie Hurn

    IMMAN UEL VELIKOVSKY, perhap s the most

    famous revisionist of the chronology of an-

    cient times, proposed that the Am alekites were

    the notorious Hyk sos invad ers of Egypt.1 He col-

    lated ancient records of great uph eavals in Ara-bia that may ha ve been the cause of a westwar d

    migration of the Amalekite tribes, and pro-

    poun ded the theory that they entered Egypt justafter the Hebrew s left. This wou ld certainly have

    been an ideal opportunity to invade, for Egypt

    was ru ined (Ex. 10:7) and leader less (Ps. 136:15)

    in the aftermath of the ten plagu es and th e Exo-

    du s. In an age when n eighbouring countries soondominated an y nation that showed signs of weak-

    ness, it is unlikely that Egypt was allowed to

    recover in peace. Such a chance to overrun th e

    perennially fertile delta, and plunder the treas-

    ures of the usually impregnable Egyptian em-

    pire, was indeed a rare wind fall.

    The Hyksos and the Amalekites comparedBy comparing Egyptian literature regard ing the

    Hyksos invaders with Arabian historians de-

    scriptions of the Amalekites, Velikovsky high-

    lights some strong parallels. Manetho was an

    anti-Semitic Egyptian historian who wrote in

    Greek. His work did not survive, but on the

    subject of the Hyksos invasion he was cited atlength by Josephu s:

    Tutimaeus [a Pha raoh]. In his reign, I know

    not w hy, a blast of Gods displeasure br oke

    up on u s . . . A people of ignoble origin from

    the east, whose coming was un foreseen, had

    the audacity to invade the country, which

    they mastered by main force without diffi-

    culty or even a battle;Some say that they were Arabians;

    Their race bore the generic name of Hycsos

    [Hyksos], which m eans king-shepherd s. For

    Hyc in the sacred language denotes king,

    an d sos in the common dialect means shep-herd or shepherds; the combined words

    form Hycsos;

    of the capital Baghdad (founded by the Arab

    ru lers of the area in 762) were Jews. They p layed

    a pr ominent role in the establishment of Iraq as a

    nation; according to Mordecai Ben-Porat, chair-man of the Babylonian Jewish Her itage Centre in

    Israel, as quoted by the Jerusalem Report, Iraqs

    first minister of finan ce, Yehezkel Sasson , was a

    Jew, as was the depu ty president of the Sup reme

    Court. Jews p layed a k ey role in establishing th e

    Iraqi jud icial and p ostal systems, the railways,

    the customs bureau, and they w ere dominant in

    the chamber of commerce.

    Things began to be less favourable for the

    Jews, however, after Iraq became indep enden t,

    especially as conflict between Jews an d Arabs

    developed in Palestine. After the establishment

    of the State of Israel in 1948 things rap idly wor s-ened. In 1950 the government revoked the im-

    port and export licences of Jewish trad ing firms,

    devastating them, Jews in public service posi-

    tions lost their jobs, and Jewish commu nities w ere

    the subject of several bomb attacks. The Israeli

    governm ent arran ged flights to Israel, and from

    August 1949 to the end of 1952 120,000 Jews

    emigrated from Iraq to Israel, mostly on these

    flights, the p roject being nam ed Operation Ezraand Neh emiah . Only 17, 000 Jews rem ained in

    Iraq.

    Iraqi Jews flourished in Israel, despite initial

    difficulties caused by the infant n ation having to

    absorb large numbers of immigrants from vari-

    ous coun tries. A few years later eleven per cent

    of Israels teachers and seventeen per cent of

    Israels doctors were Iraqi Jews. After the over-

    throw of the monarchy in Iraq in 1958, things

    worsened for the remaining Jews in Iraq, espe-

    cially after Saddam Hussein seized control in1979. Numbers gradually reduced as they died

    out or escaped. After the overthrow of theSadd am rgime, a reporter for theJerusalem Postvisited Baghdad and looked for surviving Jews.

    He found a pitiful remnant, desperately poor

    and mostly elderly, but still retaining sabbath

    worship in an obscure synagogue.

    * Quotations from the RSV unless stated otherwise.

    1. Ages in Chaos, 1952, ch. 2.

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    The Testimony, December 2003460

    [The Hyksos] savagely burned the cities,

    razed the temples of the gods to the ground ,

    and treated th e whole native pop ulation with

    the utmost cruelty.2In the remnan ts of Egyptian literature the Hyk-

    sos invad ers are called Amu , and it is stated in

    the Ipuwer Papyrus that they came from Asia.

    They were a people imbued to the core with a

    spirit of destruction. As far as is known, no monu -

    ments of any historical or artistic value were

    erected under their rule, and no literary works

    survived their dominion in Egypt, with the ex-

    ception of lamentations by their Egyptian vic-

    tims, such as those contained in the Ipuwer

    Papyrus.

    The memory of the wickedness of these no-

    mads is preserved by Manetho (see above). Heprovides the information that after the Hyksos

    invaded the countrymurd ering, raping, pillag-

    ing and bu rningthey established a dy nasty of

    Hyksos ph araohs, the King-Sheph erds.

    Several Arabian wr iters record an inva sion ofEgypt by the Am alekites. The oral traditions that

    survived were written down in the ninth to the

    twelfth centuries A.D. Some of these accountsare p atently fanciful or historically garbled, but

    the essence remains: that at some point in his-

    tory there were Amalekite Pharaohs who ex-

    ploited and debased the wealth and might of

    Egypt.

    Velikovsky qu otes excerpts from the w orks ofseveral of these historians to demonstrate the

    similarities with Egyptian accounts of the H yk-

    sos:

    The Amalekites reached Syria and Egypt and

    took possession of these lands, and the ty-

    rants of Syria and the Pharaohs of Egypt were

    of their origin;

    An Am alekite king, el-Welid, son of Doum a,

    arrived from Syria, invaded Egypt, conquered

    it, seized the throne and occup ied it without

    opp osition, his life long;

    When th is conqu eror came to Syria, he heard

    rum ors about Egypt. He sent there one of hisservants named Oun a, with a great host of

    war riors. El-Welid oppressed the inhabitan ts,

    seized their possessions and drew forth all

    the treasures he could find;

    The Amalekites invad ed Egypt, the frontier

    of which they had already crossed, and started

    to ravage th e country . . . to smash the objects

    of art, to ruin the monum ents;

    There were Egyptian Pharaohs of Amalek-

    ite descent.3

    Egypt in eclipse

    The Scriptu res furnish no information about wha t

    hap pened in Egypt after the Israelites departed .

    It is likely, however, that Egypts empire, ecol-ogy and economy w ere severely d amaged, and

    took man y years to recover. From the conquest

    un til the time of King Solomon, the only south-

    ern enemies of Israel were Amalek and Midian.

    There are n o Biblical references to military expe-

    ditions by the pha raohs, or even to an Egyptian

    political presence. Yet d uring all this long era,

    according to the conventional chronology, Ca-

    naan was d ominated by Egypt. Velikovskys re-

    vised chronology p laces the Israelite wand erings,

    the conquest and th e jud ges in the same period

    as the Hyksos/ Amalekite rule over Egypt. If this

    is a correct association, then Am alek was ind eedthe main southern pow er du ring the era of theJud ges, as the Bible record ind icates (see below).

    The pattern of devastation that the Amalekites

    pressed up on rural Israel du ring the time of the

    Jud ges (Jud g. 6:4-6) is very similar to the King-

    Shepherds exploitation of Egypts resources:

    The Amu approach in their might and their

    hearts rage against those who are gathering in

    the harvest, and they take away [their] kine from

    the ploughing . . . The land is utterly perished,

    and nau ght remains.4

    By accepting th is theory for the p resent, some

    further insights arise from the Biblical records.

    Velikovsky believed that Israel and Amalekpassed each other in th e Sinai, both nations h ur-

    riedly migrating in a time of widespread up-

    heaval. But, as sh own in Part 1, the Am alekites

    had been active near the borders of Egypt for

    quite some time before the Exodus (Gen. 14:7).

    During Israels march through the Sinai Penin-

    sula, Amalek made persistent raids upon the

    stragglers, culminating in a full war at Mount

    Sinai. This pattern does not describe two dis-

    placed compan ies passing each other, but Israel

    invad ing the territory of Amalek.

    About a century before the Exodu s, the ph ar-

    aoh who d id not know Joseph and enslavedthe Hebrews was afraid of an invasion by un-

    named enemies: Come, let us deal shrewdlywith them , lest . . . if war befall us, they join our

    enemies and fight against us (Ex. 1:8,10). He

    may well have been referring to the Amalekite

    2. All qu otat ions from Ages in Chaos, ch. 2.

    3. All qu otat ions from Ages in Chaos, ch. 2.

    4. Papyrus Ermitage 1116b, cited by Velikovsky , op. cit.,

    p. 74.

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    The Testimony, December 2003 461

    tribes who were active along the rou tes through

    the Sinai and the Negev. Perhaps they seemed to

    be likely allies of Israel because of their nom ad ic

    origin and common Semitic ancestry. Pharaohand the p eople were u neasy (v. 12), for by then

    the regional advantage gained for Egypt by

    Joseph s policies had nearly aba ted. After the ten

    plagu es and Egypts spectacular decline, the op-

    portu nistic Amalekites, who before had not been

    quite strong enough to challenge Egypt, could

    simply expand into the Nile delta from their

    territory in Sinai withou t a fight.

    If the Amalekites took their chan ce to overru n

    Egypt soon after Israel left it d esolate, they also

    retained their influence in th e Arabian Peninsuladu ring the period of the Jud ges and early Kings.

    In this time they extended their power intoCanaan, in alliance with th eir eastern brethren,the Am monites, Moabites, Midianites and Bne-

    Kedem (the people of the east), as shown in

    Part 1. Somehow, in the time between the Exo-

    dus and mid-Judges, the Amalekites had in-

    creased dram atically in nu mbers, for wh en they

    encamped with the Midianites and the Bne-

    Kedem in the Valley of Jezreel, they ap peared to

    Israel as locusts and sand on the seashore

    (Judg. 7:12, NASV). This may have been the re-

    sult of living off the fat of the eastern Nile delta,

    where conditions had once also helped greatly

    to increase Israels birthrate.

    During this period, th erefore, the Amalekiteswere not just dislocated tribes of Bedouin ban-

    dits, but the mightiest among th e nations at the

    time. Just before the conquest, Balaam blessed

    Israel with th e word s, his king shall be higher

    than Agag, and his kingdom shall be exalted(Num. 24:7). This was no great blessing unless

    Agag was the best current example of a power-

    ful ruler. When Balaam cursed Amalek he de-scribed them as the first of the n ations (v. 20).

    They w ere not , of cour se, the first in reference

    to origin, so this phra se is interpreted to mean,

    the first nation to attack Israel. In the light of

    their prop osed prom inence at the time, it wouldalso refer to their numbers, status and other dom i-

    nan t qualities (such as ferocity). Thu s, by the end

    of Israels forty years wanderings, the Agags

    may have been the rulers of both Egypt and

    Arabia. This explains the long Dark Age for

    both Egypt an d Israel, in which the op pression

    from the Amalekite invaders was so pervasive

    that neither nation could thrive.

    Did the Israelites know that Egypt had been

    invad ed by the king-sheph erds? Velikovsky has

    retranslated a v erse in Psalm 78 referring to th e

    plagues upon Egypt: He [Yahweh] cast upon

    them th e fierceness of His anger, wra th, and in-

    dignation, and trouble, by sending evil angelsamong them (v. 49, AV). By a change in one

    letter this can read, sending king-shepherds

    among them.

    Forty years of change

    During the period of the wilderness wand erings

    and the conquest it appears that there was a

    decline in th e Amalekite presence in the Kadesh

    district. When Israel defeated them at Rephidim

    and adv anced on the Kadesh d istrict a year later,

    the Amalekites were displaced from their an-

    cient territory (Gen. 14:7) into the northern Ne-

    gev (Num. 13:29). Here they joined with theCanaanites and Amorites in routing Israel dur-

    ing the attempt to enter Canaan from the south

    (14:43-45). Then , aware th at Egypt was w ide open

    for invasion, they left the Negev and, flowing

    into the delta, established th emselves there and

    began to dominate the Egyptians.

    By comparing Biblical references to the en-

    emy nations at th e beginning of the forty years

    with those at the end, this changing scene is

    verified. When the twelve spies went into the

    land an d came back to report to the peop le, the

    territories of the enemy nations w ere these: The

    Amalekites dwell in the land of the N egeb; the

    Hittites, the Jebusites, and the Am orites dw ell inthe hill countr y; and the Canaan ites dwell by thesea, and along th e Jorda n (13:29). At the end of

    the forty years, wh en the king of Arad attacked

    the nation at Mount H or, the Negev was no longeroccup ied by Amalekites, but by Canaa nites (21:

    1-3). Where had the Am alekites gone? They had

    moved d own into Egypt, leaving the Canaanites

    free to expand into the Negev. Thus, when the

    Israelites came to fight w ith the king of Arad at

    the end of the forty years, there were only Ca-

    naanites in the Negev. In between these inci-

    den ts there is no record of any clashes with the

    Amalekites, and the explanation for their absenceduring this time is that they were preoccupied

    with their invasion and dom ination of Egypt.

    Thus, shortly after the Exodu s, Yahw eh d rew

    the Amalekites down into Egypt, wh ich enabled

    His people to remain u nmolested by th em in the

    Negev for the du ration of their wand erings. Af-

    ter the inciden t at Horm ah in the first year from

    the Exodu s, the Amalekites do not app ear again

    until the time of Ehud the judge (Judg. 3:13).

    This appears to be at least fifty years into the era

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    The Testimony, December 2003462

    of the Judges (vv. 8,11), which followed about

    thirty years of conquest u nd er Joshua . Amaleks

    migration to Egypt some years before the con-

    quest also helps to explain why the tribes ofJud ah and Simeon only encoun tered Canaanites

    in their southern campaign and had some suc-

    cess in claiming their inher itance (1:9,17).

    Saul and Amalek

    At the end of the period of the Jud ges the people

    requested a king to lead th em into battle (1 Sam.

    8:19,20), which in this time of oppression and

    fear seemed to be a h igh p riority. King Saul rec-

    ognised very early in his reign that Amalek was

    the m ain obstacle to a secure k ingdom for Israel.

    Perhaps he should be commend ed more than he

    often is for the zeal he displayed in meetingthese expectations, for he did valiantly, and

    smote the Am alekites, and d elivered Israel out

    of the hands of those who plundered them

    (14:48). Saul w as sub sequently comm and ed to

    annihilate Amalek (15:3), and was also trium-

    ph ant in th is camp aign (vv. 7,8). Even th ough he

    disobeyed Yahweh by keeping their king alive

    and preserving the spoil, he effectively broke theback of the Amalekite p ow er (v. 20).

    Velikovsky attributes th e liberation of Egypt

    from the Amalekites to this defeat of them by

    Saul. At the time when Saul went to war a gainst

    the Am alekites, however, their territory was from

    Hav ilah as far as Shu r, which is east of Egypt(v. 7), which area excludes Egypt itself. KingAgag was captured, not in Avaris, the Hyksos

    capital in the Nile delta, but in the city of Ama-

    lek, which at this time lay w ithin Kenite terri-tory (v. 6). So it wou ld ap pear th at the Egyptians

    had man aged to liberate themselves just before

    the era of the Israelite kings, and that th e Amale-

    kites had regrouped in the Negev. Thus, when

    Saul overthrew the Am alekites, they were oper-

    ating from a city (or cities) at the interface of

    Philistia and southern Judah .

    Havilah to Shur is the vital clue to th e extent

    of Amaleks range in Sauls day. From Genesis25:18 we learn th at Ha vilah is on the w ay (as

    you com e) to Assyria (Greens Interlinear). It w as

    most likely the gateway to Assyria, just as Shu r

    was to Egypt. The territory between these cities

    represents the entire dom ain of the Arabs.

    Havilah was therefore at least twice as far

    from Israel to the northeast as Shur was to the

    southwest. This would seem to be an unlikely

    distance for Saul to go campaigning, som e 1,000

    kilometres (600 miles) in all. As the Bible only

    describes the one action in southern Judah in

    wh ich Agag w as taken captive, 1 Samu el 15:7 is

    best understood as meaning that Saul struck a

    mortal blow at the centre of the Amalekite op-erations, causing the collapse of their en tire em-

    pire from Hav ilah as far as Shur.

    Where was the city of Amalek?

    Egyptian sources for the defeat and expu lsion of

    the Hyksos refer to the capture of their capital

    Avaris in the Nile delta region and to the siege of

    a city called Sharu hen. Sharuh en is the nam e of

    one of the cities of the tribe of Simeon (Josh.

    19:6), whose inheritance lay within the bord ers

    of Judah (v. 1). It is listed among the thirteen

    cities of Beer-sheba , wh ich confirms its location

    toward s the southw estern limit of the land. Whenthe Hyksos/ Amalekites were expelled from

    Egypt, they may have taken over this marginal

    town of Jud ah and made it their new capital.

    No d oubt w hen the Amalekites settled in their

    new capital they redoubled their old habits of

    plu nd ering th e peop le of Israel (1 Sam. 14:48), at

    wh ich time Saul, eager to prov e himself as the

    new king, began to fight with them. Before Saul

    set out to destroy Amalek, he numbered his

    troops in Telaim (15:4), which is probably the

    same as Telem, another city of south ern Judah

    (Josh. 15:24).

    The site of the Amalekite stronghold am-

    bushed by Saul is likely to have been th at todayknown as Tel Sharuh en(called by the Arabs Tell-el-Fara) on the southern bank ofNahal Besor

    (Wadi Gaza), about twenty-five kilometres (fif-

    teen miles) south of Gaza.5 It lies between theWay of Shur and the Way of the Land of thePhilistines, about thirty kilometres (eighteen

    miles) west o f Beer-sheba (see map opposite). It

    has strat a from Midd le Bronze Age IIb to Roman

    times, and the earliest stratum h as Hyksos struc-

    tures.

    Saul am bushed the city of Amalek from the

    valley besid e it (1 Sam. 15:5). The w ord for va l-

    ley (nahal) means torrent-bed, and every city ofthese times (except Arad) w as built beside such

    a source of water. In this case the referen ce is to

    Nah al Besor (brook Besor), wh ich also appear s

    5. Another candid ate for Sharu hen, and one that is pre-

    ferred by som e archaeolog ists, is Tell el-Ajul. This tel

    lies in the Gaza Strip amon gst the Philistines and on

    the ancient coastal highway. The earliest stratum of

    this city is also Hy ksos, and , like Tell el-Fara, it over-

    looks the valley of Nah al Besor.

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    The Testimony, December 2003 463

    SINAIGulfo

    fSuez

    Gulf

    ofA

    qa

    ba

    Red Sea

    in a later conflict between the Amalekites andDavid (1 Sam . 30:9,10).

    Tel Sharuhen is a very high, impressive tel

    with sw eeping views of Philistia to the west and

    southern Jud ah to the east. Any army approach-

    ing over th e plains could easily be seen. Close tothe tel, how ever, Nahal Besor is a deep winding

    ravine full of lush vegetation, which tw ists and

    turn s in several places, making it possible for alarge army to approach withou t detection.

    The location of Tel Sharu hen su ggests that th e

    Amalekites and the Philistines had a cooperative

    relationship aga inst their comm on enem y, Israel.

    Perhap s the Philistines gave Sharu hen to the ex-iled Ag ag for the same reason that Achish later

    gave Ziklag to David: to enlist his help in op pos-

    ing Israel. Arab sources indicate that th e Philis-

    tines intermingled w ith the Amalekites,6 sought

    their favour and provided them with metalwork

    and pottery. When Saul was finally defeated by

    the Philistines in Moun t Gilboa, it was an Am a-

    lekite (far from hom e, and thu s possibly attached

    to the Philistine host) wh o claimed to have d es-

    pa tched him (2 Sam. 1:8,13).

    If the Hyk sos/ Amalekite iden tity is correct,then on e thing seems to be certain: the Egyptians

    were bu sy trying to maintain th eir recent libera-

    tion and keeping the Hyksos away from their

    border around the same time that the young

    King Saul began his campa igns. Israel and Egyp tpinned the King-Shepherds between them, and

    finally managed to break their hold in th e region.

    David and AmalekSaul insisted that he had annihilated the Am ale-

    kites according to Yahw ehs comman d (1 Sam.

    15:15,20), but t his is not t he last m ention of them

    in Scripture. Although their king was killed andthe inhabitants of their capital were massacred,

    other Amalekites from Havilah to Shur re-mained to stage a comeback. The Amalekites

    were difficult to eliminate because of their wil-

    dern ess battle skills and decentralised lifestyle.The ph ysical character of the country they occu-

    pied necessitated a nomadic life, which they

    adopted to the fullest extent. Their wealth

    6. As cited by Velikovsk y, op. cit., p. 93.

    the LandoftheWay

    of Philistines

    Mediterranean Sea

    Ezion-geber

    Eilat

    Prese

    ntborder

    AncientRoutetoArabia

    AncientWayofShu

    r

    The Negev

    Wa

    diA

    rab

    ah

    Hebron

    Beersheba

    Dea

    dS

    ea

    Gaza

    Wilderness of Shur

    el-Arish

    60 miles

    Wilderness of Sin

    Lake Timsah

    Wilderness of

    Paran

    Negev

    Heights

    AradSharuhen?

    Gath

    Kadesh-barnea

    SuezCanal

    Way

    ofth

    eW

    ilderness

    ofth

    eRedSea

    Wilderness of Zin

    Sharuhen?

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    The Testimony, December 2003464

    Tel Sharuhen, situated on the southern bank of Nahal Besor, and the most likely site of the

    Amalekite city taken by Saul.

    consisted in flocks and herd s, and it app ears that

    they took their household s along with them, even

    on their military expeditions (Judg. 6:5).

    During Davids exile from Saul, some Amale-kites were still found to the south of Philistine

    territory, and he regularly made forays against

    them (1 Sam. 27:8). He persecuted them with

    unfailing success during the one year and four

    months that he was under the patronage of

    Achish , king of Gath (27:7,11; 29:3). Desp era te to

    build up their nu mbers and w ealth again, Ama-

    lek raided Philistia and Judah from the south,

    and overcame and burned Ziklag while David

    and his men were marching north w ith the Phil-

    istine forces marching against Saul (30:1-2,14).

    They took captive all the women and children

    and plund ered every last thing of value, much ofwhich mu st have p reviously been theirs. In those

    days, when survival depended up on pop ulation,the taking of captive women was a common prac-

    tice (Deut . 21:10-14) and a shor t-cut to bu ilding

    tribal strength.

    This sudden invasion from the south is con-

    sistent with the situa tion of the Amalekite nation

    at the time. Only a generation before, they had

    been proud rulers over Egypt and Arabia and

    had reached the zenith of their power and popu -

    lation. But now, after their expulsion from Egyp t

    and their decimation at the hands of Saul, the

    situation was very gr im for the survivors. After

    their capital was bu rnt, they had been forced toretreat further to th e south of N ahal Besor, prob-

    ably toward s the Kadesh district.

    The pattern of assault on Ziklag was the same

    as that which the Hyksos employed when they

    invaded Egypt about 500 years before: Theysavagely bur ned the cities . . . carrying off the

    wives and children into slavery.7 David and his

    men feared the very w orst for their families, andnot only because Amalekite cruelty was legen-

    dary. They themselves had never spared a soul

    in all the raids on Amalek from their base in

    Ziklag (1 Sam. 27:9,11) and probably believed

    this raid to be an Amalekite act of revenge.Perhap s the most telling hint in Scriptu re that

    the Amalekites and the Hyksos overlords of

    Egypt were the same peop le is foun d w ithin this

    accoun t. When David courageously led his men

    in pursuit of the Amalekite marauders, they

    found an u nconscious Egyptian in the op en coun-

    try who had not eaten bread or d runk w ater for

    three days and nights. He was a young man of

    Egypt , servant to an Am alekite (30:13), and his

    master had aband oned h im when h e fell ill. His

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    The Testimony, December 2003 465

    admission reveals a very striking detail. The man

    spoke of his being a servant and the Am alekitea master, as though this was the order of the

    day. By what other means than the Hyksos/

    Amalek identity could an Egyptian, the son of a

    proud and ruling nation, be the servant of an

    Amalekite, a poor nom ad? This unfortunate manand his heartless master were already th e last in

    their respective roles. The Amalekites were in

    retreat and decline, and only 400 men escapedDavids su bsequent retaliation.

    Velikovsky comments on the events of this

    period: On the ruins of the great Amalekite

    Empire two kingdoms rose simultaneously to

    freedom an d power: Jud ah and Egypt. The in-heritance was divided between them. Judah ab-

    sorbed the Asiatic provinces of the Amalekites

    from the Eup hrates in the north to the border of

    Egypt in the south.8 Expansion was also east-

    ward; David and Joab led the army of Israel

    against Moab, Ammon, Edom an d Aram (Syria)

    (2 Sam. 8; 12:26-31), and, bereft of their Amalek-

    ite allies, they all fell before Israel. David dedi-

    cated precious metals that he had taken from the

    Am alekit es (8:12; 1 Chron. 18:11), yet n o specific

    campaigns against Amalek are recorded at this

    time, so it seems that the enemy was alreadygreatly diminished. Thus the Dark Age in the

    Near and Middle East was over and King Solo-

    mon inherited a w ide and peaceful realm.

    Some Amalekites managed to surv ive through

    the period of the Kings until Hezekiahs time.Then 500 men of the tribe of Simeon went to

    dw ell in Mou nt Seir (the Central Negev in th is

    context) and d estroyed the remnant of the Ama-lekites that h ad escaped (1 Chron. 4:42,43). These

    were probably the descendan ts of the four h un-

    dred you ng men, who moun ted camels and fled

    from David and his men after the Ziklag inci-

    dent (1 Sam. 30:17). Thus, by the time of theAssyrian invasion, Amaleks national destruction,

    as proph esied by Balaam (N um . 24:20), was com-

    plete. They may never hav e been exterminated

    entirely, however, as evidenced by the appear-

    ance of Haman th e Agagite, an evil man of influ-

    ence in the Persian per iod (Est. 3:1; cf. 1 Sam .15:8).

    (Concluded)

    Nahal Besor, the brook Besor of 1 Samuel 30:9, and probably the valley of 1 Samuel 15:5.

    7. Maneth o, qu oted by Joseph us, Against A pion , I, 76.

    8. Velikovsky, op. cit., p p. 85-6. See 1 Kings 4:21.