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LYKOPHRON AND EPIGRAPHY: THE VALUE ANDFUNCTION OF CULT EPITHETS IN THEALEXANDRA

Simon Hornblower

The Classical Quarterly / Volume 64 / Issue 01 / May 2014, pp 91 - 120DOI: 10.1017/S0009838813000578, Published online: 16 April 2014

Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0009838813000578

How to cite this article:Simon Hornblower (2014). LYKOPHRON AND EPIGRAPHY: THE VALUE ANDFUNCTION OF CULT EPITHETS IN THE ALEXANDRA . The Classical Quarterly, 64,pp 91-120 doi:10.1017/S0009838813000578

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LYKOPHRON AND EPIGRAPHY: THE VALUE AND FUNCTIONOF CULT EPITHETS IN THE ALEXANDRA

I. INTRODUCTION1

The subject of this paper is a striking and unavoidable feature of the Alexandra:Lykophrons habit of referring to single gods not by their usual names, but by multiple

1 An early version of this paper was delivered in April 2012 in an Oxford ancient history seminarseries organized by Prof. Robert Parker, at which faculty members spoke about their projects in pro-gress. It is a product of my work on a full-scale commentary on Lykophrons Alexandra (with text,translation and thematic introduction), forthcoming from OUP. I gratefully acknowledge commentsfrom Robert Parker and others who heard the paper at its delivery; and afterwards, for help over indi-vidual points, from Giulia Biffis, Stephen Colvin, Esther Eidinow and Martin West. Finally, I thankCQs referee for valuable suggestions and references. I dedicate this article to the memory of P.M.Fraser (19182007), who first got me interested in the Alexandra by his two-term Oxford graduateclass on it, held in All Souls more than thirty years ago (1981); and who bequeathed to me hisLykophron library. See my biographical memoir (PBA, 2013) for remarks about his work onLykophron, and cf. below, n. 5.

Because of this papers focus on cult epithets, the editors of CQ have agreed not to Latinize thetransliterated Greek names of authors, places, characters, etc.

Abbreviations:Cusset and Kolde: C. Cusset and A. Kolde, Rle et reprsentation des dieux traditionnels dans

lAlexandre de Lycophron, in M.A. Harder, R.F. Regtuit and G.C. Wakker (edd.), Gods andReligion in Hellenistic Poetry. Hellenistica Groningana 16 (Leuven, Paris and Walpole, MA,2012), 130.

clats: C. Cusset and E. Prioux (edd.), Lycophron: clats dobscurit (Paris, 2009).Furley/Bremer: W.D. Furley and J.M. Bremer, Greek Hymns, vols. I, The texts in Translation and

II, Greek Texts and Commentary (Tbingen, 2001). Numbering of hymns and other texts is the samein both vols.

Graf: F. Graf, Nordionische Kulte: Religionsgeschichtliche und epigraphische Untersuchungen zuden Kulten von Chios, Erythrai, Klazomenai und Phokaia (Rome, 1985).

Holzinger: C. von Holzinger, Lykophron Alexandra, griechisch und deutsch mit erklrendenAnmerkungen (Leipzig, 1895).

IACP: M.H. Hansen and T.H. Nielsen (edd.), Inventory of Archaic and Classical Greek Poleis(Oxford, 2004); referred to by either inventory no. or page no.

I. Labraunda 1 and 2: J. Crampa, Labraunda Swedish Excavations and Researches Vol. III Parts 1and 2, The Greek Inscriptions (Lund and Stockholm, 1969 and 1972).

Jost: M. Jost, Sanctuaires et cultes dArcadie (Paris, 1985).Nommer les Dieux: N. Belayche, P. Brul and others (edd.), Nommer les Dieux: Thonymes,

pithtes, piclses dans lAntiquit (Rennes, 2005).Parker (2003): R. Parker, The problem of the Greek cult epithet, Op.Ath. 28 (2003), 17383.Parker (2011): R. Parker, On Greek Religion (Ithaca, NY and London, 2011).Rennes database (of cult epithets): see below, n. 17.Schachter, Cults: A. Schachter, Cults of Boiotia, 4 vols. (London, 198194).Schade: G. Schade, Lykophrons Odyssee: Alexandra 648819 (Berlin, 1999).Scheer: E. Scheer, Lykophronis Alexandra, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1881, 1908).Schwabl: H. Schwabl, RE 10A (1972) cols. 253376, Zeus I: Epiklesen, reprinted as final section

of Schwabl, Zeus (Munich, 1978; no new pagination).Usener: H. Usener, Gtternamen. Versuch einer Lehre von der religisen Begriffsbildung (Bonn,

1896).

Classical Quarterly 64.1 91120 The Classical Association (2014) 91doi:10.1017/S0009838813000578

lists of epithets piled up in asyndeton. This phenomenon first occurs early in the1474-line poem, and this occurrence will serve as an illustration. At 1523,2 Demeterhas five descriptors in a row: | ,Ennaian Herkynna, Erinys, Thouria, Sword-bearing. In the footnote I give the prob-able explanations of these epithets. Although in this sample the explanations to most ofthe epithets are not to be found in inscriptions, my main aim in what follows will be toemphasize the relevance of epigraphy to the unravelling of some of the famous obscur-ity of Lykophron.3 In this paper, I ask why the poet accumulates divine epithets in this

Wentzel: G. Wentzel, sive De deorum cognominibus per grammaticorum graecorumscripta dispersis (Gttingen, 1890), expansion of 1889 Gttingen thesis which had as secondword of title. The book version has an appendix listing cult epithets in scholiasts and grammarians. Inboth versions, chapter pagination begins again at 1, so in what follows, Wentzel 2.3 = ch. 2, p. 3.

Wide: S. Wide, Lakonische Kulte (Leipzig, 1893).2 All refs. to line nos. of Lykophrons Alexandra (abbrev. Lycoph.) will be given in this simple

form. In the nn. below, = a or the scholiast (e.g. 1225= scholiast on line 1225), and sometimes,for brevity, includes Tzetzes commentary. The main scholia vetera are in the best MS of Lykophron,namely Marc. 476, ed. G. Kinkel (Leipzig, 1880, with scholia at end); modern ed. of scholia: P.A.M.Leone (Lecce, 2002). For Tzetzes, see Scheer vol. 2. In my text and footnotes, the scholiast or donot imply there was only one.

3 As usual (see III below for this pattern in the poem), the first epithet is not too hard: it was atEnna in Sicily that Demeters daughter Persephone was carried off.

The Sicilian location of the abduction did not feature in Hymn. Hom. Dem., or in any poet earlierthan Callim. (Hymn 6. 30 and fr. 228 line 43 Pf.) and the present passage. But it probably featured inTimaios, as appears from a comparison of Diod. Sic. 5.3.2 and [Arist.] Mir. ausc. 82. See J. Geffcken,Timaios Geographie des Westens (Berlin, 1892), 104 and esp. L. Pearson, The Greek Historians ofthe West: Timaeus and his Predecessors (Atlanta, GA, 1987), 58 and n. 17. And it is hard to believethat Timaios invented it. Might it go back to Stesichoros? Note that in Pindar (Nem. 1.1314) Zeusgave the island of Sicily to Persephone as a wedding present. G. Zuntz, Persephone (Oxford,1971), 70 n. 4 argued that a mid 5th-cent. coin of Enna (HN2 137, Demeter in a chariot) depictedher seeking her daughter, and held this to refute the view that the rape of Persephone was not localizedin Sicily before Timaios, who (he believed) recorded a tradition current in his homeland. The con-clusion is likely enough, even if Zuntz over-interpreted the coin.

For (Demeter) Herkynna, a Boiotian goddess, see Schachter, Cults 1.1567; cf. R. Parker,Polytheism and Society at Athens (Oxford, 2005), 223 n. 35. The cult of Herkyn(n)a, daughter ofTrophonios, had its centre at Lebadeia (Livy 45.27.8, Paus. 8.39.23; Hesych. 5931 Latte).Herkynna may be an old Indo-European goddess, a cognate of Norse Fiorgyn, mother of Thor andmistress of the wooded mountains; both names may be related to that of the storm god Perkunas.See M.L. West, Indo-European Poetry and Myth (Oxford, 2007), 243.

Demeter was Erinys at Arkadian Telphousa (she is at 1040): Paus. 8.25.4, quotingAntimachos (fr. 35 Wyss = 33 Matthews); see also Callim. fr. 652 Pf., quoted by Lycoph. 152(and more fully at 1225). Demeter Erinys appears on the citys coins, cf. IACP no. 300 atp. 534, citing HN2, 356 (but the identification of the goddesss head is inference from Paus. Thename Erinys does not appear). See U. von Wilamowitz, Glaube der Hellenen (Berlin, 19312),1.398407; Jost, 6270, 30312; L. Breglia Pulci Doria, Demeter Erinys Telphoussaia traPoseidon e Ares, in P. Lvque and M.-M. Mactoux (edd.), Les grandes figures religieuses (Paris,1986), 10726; E. Aston, Mixanthrpoi: Animal-human Hybrid Deities in Greek Religion. KernosSuppl. 25 (Lige, 2011), 99, 108, 184; and see VI for the evidence of Linear B. At 669, Erinysis Skylla.

In antiquity, Thourian was explained in terms of Demeters frenzied () grief for her daugh-ter (), or else (the older paraphrase of Lykophron, printed in the left-hand column of the text inScheer vol. 1) as an inexact reference to the Greek west and thus to Enna (above), because ofThourioi in S. Italy. But A. Schachter, A Boeotian cult type, BICS 14 (1967), 15, at 6, andCults 1.151, cf. 44 n. 1, suggests instead a Boiotian cult, related to Apollo , for whom seen. 63 below. With Lykophron, one must always reckon with the possibility of deliberately unstablemeanings.

Demeter Xiphephoros, sword-bearer is Boiotian (). Schachter, Cults 1.171 (under DEMETER[UNSPECIFIED]) thinks, with acknowledgement to L. Farnell, Cults of the Greek States (Oxford,18961909), 1.325, of a warlike Demeter, located in the southern and western fringe of the

SIMON HORNBLOWER92

special way. I also ask whether the information provided by the ancient scholiasts, aboutthe local origin of the epithets,4 is of good quality and of value to the historian of reli-gion. This will mean checking some of that information against the evidence of inscrip-tions, beginning with Linear B. It will be argued that it stands up very well to such acheck. The Alexandra has enjoyed remarkable recent vogue,5 but this attention hascome mainly from the literary side.6 Historians, in particular historians of religion,and students of myths relating to colonial identity, have been much less ready to exploitthe intricate detail of the poem, although it has so much to offer in these respects.7 Thepresent article is, then, intended primarily as a contribution to the elucidation of a dif-ficult literary text, and to the history of ancient Greek religion. Despite the articles maintitle, there will, as the subtitle is intended to make clear, be no attempt to gather andassess all the many passages in Lykophron to which inscriptions are relevant. Therewill, for example, be no discussion of 114174 and the early Hellenistic LokrianMaidens inscription (IG 9.12 706); or of the light thrown on 599 by the inscribed pot-sherds carrying dedications to Diomedes, recently found on the tiny island of Palagruzain the Adriatic, and beginning as early as the fifth century B.C. (SEG 48.692bis694); orof 7334 and their relation to the fifth-century B.C. Athenian decree (n. 127) mentioningDiotimos, the general who founded a torch race at Naples, according to Lykophron; orof 57085 and the epigraphically attested Archegesion or cult building of Anios onDelos, which shows that this strange founder king with three magical daughters wasa figure of historical cult as well as of myth.8

A cult epithet is ordinarily a second word attached to a gods name, thoughLykophron usually omits the actual name, and these elliptical adjectival designationsmust have created puzzles or riddles of identification even among the poems first read-ers or hearers,9 who knew much more than we do. The epithet is usually an adjective,such as Aphrodite Euploia, of fair sailing (that particular one is not actually inLykophron), and among such adjectives, some are in effect ethnics: AphroditeTroizenia and Dionysos Phigaleus (610, 212), from Troizen and Arkadian Phigaleia.Substantives may do duty as epithets, such as Apollo Iatros, the Doctor (discussedbelow), perhaps , King, for Zeus. An interesting subclass of epithets is formedfrom names of other gods, like Athena Hephaistia, Athena who in some sense partakes

Kopais. explains that sword-bearer relates to the way the god was depicted in the relevantBoiotian sanctuary, wherever that was; Schachter, Cults 1.171 n. 3 rejects this as worthless etymolo-gizing, but it is plausible enough, and is accepted by Parker (2003), 174 n. 7.

4 On this information see Wentzel. For this books thesis, see below, VII.5 Some of the most important work published since 1992 is listed in my bibliographical additions to

the late P.M. F[raser]s entry Lycophron (2) in OCD4 (Oxford, 2012).6 On Cusset and Kolde, see below, n. 48.7 Honourable exceptions are T. Scheer, Mythische Vorvter: Heroenmythen im Selbstverstndnis

kleinasiatischer Stdte (Munich, 1993); I. Malkin, The Returns of Odysseus: Colonization andEthnicity (Berkeley, 1998), 1735 (Odysseus), 21314 (Epeios), 21426 (Philoktetes) and 23457(Diomedes); and R. Lane Fox, Travelling Heroes: Greeks and their Myths in the Epic Age ofHomer (London, 2008). The approach taken in the present article resembles (I believe and hope)that which I. Petrovic, Von den Toren des Hades zu den Hallen des Olymp: Artemiskult beiTheokrit und Kallimachos (Leiden and Boston, 2007) has, in a brilliant book, successfully used forKallimachos and Theokritos.

8 For Anios see F. Prost, Peuples, cits et fondateurs dans les Cyclades l poque archaique, inV. Fromentin and S. Gotteland (edd.), Origines gentium (Bordeaux, 2001), 10921 (esp. 110 for theinscribed dedications). See already E. Rohde, Psyche: The Cult of Souls and Belief in Immortalityamong the Greeks (London and New York, 1925), 152 n. 102.

9 Recitation (about two hours of it) is a possibility, as will be argued elsewhere.

LYKOPHRON AND EPIGRAPHY 93

of the character of Hephaistos.10 This particular example is curious if we try to makesense of it through myths, given that Hephaistos attempted to rape Athena. I will returnto the conceptual categories implied by all these name types.

The topic is religiously important. Robert Parker says that learned poets workedepithets and aetiologies for them into their verses in great numbers; LycophronsAlexandra in particular is a major source.11 Of all Hellenistic poets, Lykophron is eas-ily the richest in this respect. Apollonios Rhodios Argonautika also has many divineepithets: Zeus Phyxios, god of exiles/refugees, is said by the scholiast on 2.1147 tobe Thessalian, though the cult is more widespread than that in fact.12 In Euphorion,in some ways the poet who perhaps most resembles Lykophron in teasing allusiveness,Tainarie is Artemis (fr. 11.11 Lightfoot). Kallimachos has some cult epithets, but theyare not piled up asyndetically, even in the Hymns (see below for the way in whichhymns generally, including Theoc. Id. 22, to the Dioskouroi, are characterized by divinepolyonymy). One epithet in a fragment of Kallimachos Iambi is found in Lykophronalso and is attested epigraphically, and so will also feature briefly in VI below. Itis Aphrodites epithet , derived from Mt Kastnia in Pamphylia. She is men-tioned twice as Kastnia by Lykophron, and is said to be a plural goddess byKallimachos (Aphrodites). Coins, and especially an inscription from PamphylianAspendos, satisfyingly confirm this.13 Such convergence of different types of evidencemay indicate that an epithet for Aphrodite which seems obscure to us may have beenmuch less so to Lykophrons intended audience, whatever that was. In passing, wemay note here an important point: Lykophrons version of the name () is notquite the usual one, although would also have fitted into an iambic line;we must be prepared for other such small divergences from otherwise attested spellings.

10 For this category of epithets see R. Parker, Artmis Ilithye et autres: le problme du nom divinutilis comme piclse, Nommer les Dieux, 21926.

11 Parker (2003), 174 (this short article is the best modern discussion of Greek cult epithets). Bycontrast, Usener, who was just too late to use Holzinger, made very few references to Lykophron,even when discussing Kassandra/Alexandra at 1767. Useners theory (see esp. 216 and 279) thatcult epithets originated with an earlier category of functional gods, Sondergtter, can not be dis-cussed here; see Furley/Bremer 1.52 n. 138. For that tr. of the German word, see M.P. Nilssons pref-ace to the 1948 printing of Usener.

12 Divine epithets in Ap. Rhod.: Wentzel 7.38. For Zeus of fugitives or exiles, see J. Schmidt, RE20.1179. on 2.1147 (207.20 Wendel) says this was a Thessalian Zeus, . But he also had cult at Argos, Paus. 2.21.2, and Sparta (Wide 14). See also 4.119with Livrea, who cites the mention in SEG 7.894 (and cf. 35.1570), Gerasa, first cent. A.D. also features (in the order ) at Lycoph. 288. For Apollonios epithets see D.Feeney, The Gods in Epic (Oxford, 1991), 613.

13 Lycoph. 403 and 1234; Callim. fr. 220a Pf. (from Strabo) = Ia. 10, with A. Kerkhecker,Callimachus Book of Iambi (Oxford, 1999), 2079 for doubts about how much is reallyKallimachos. The inscription: SEG 17.641, Aspendian dedication of Roman date to with L. Robert, Monnaies et divinits dAspendos, Hellenica 1112 (Paris, 1960), 1847. Parker (2011), 66 n. 4 compares LSS 95.4 (Demeters, in plural).

There are, naturally, cult epithets in Kallimachos Aitia also; see e.g. fr. 110.57 Pf. (Zephyritis i.e.Arsinoe-Aphrodite, cf. Epigram 14 GowPage HE [= V Pf.]), fr. 43 Pf. (= 50 Massimilla) 117(Dionysos Zagreus), fr. 100 and 101 Pf. (Samian and Argive Hera), fr. 75 Pf. 601 (ZeusAlalaxios, of the War-cry). Demeter Pylaie in Epigram 39 is the familiar amphiktionic deity. ForHermes Perpheraios, see fr. 197 Pf. (= Ia. 7) line 1. Most of these epithets are transparent, in thesense that they are accompanied by the gods standard name. in fr. 485 (a brief frag-mentum incertae sedis) probably refers to Apollo Maloeis on Lesbos, for whom see Thuc. 3.3.3 andSGDI no. 255.20 = IG 12.2.284 (date: Imperial Roman); cf. also Isyllos of Epidauros (Powell, Coll.Alex. pp. 1334 with R. Hunter, The Shadow of Callimachus [Cambridge, 2006], 1112). ForKallimachos see further n. 125.

SIMON HORNBLOWER94

After this Introduction (I), I consider the nature of and direction taken by modernwork on divine epithets (II). Then (III) I discuss the ancient Greek vocabulary for cultepithets, , , and so on. After that I look (IV) at polyonymy in ancientGreek religion generally, and why it occurs where it does. Then I turn to Lykophronsepithets in particular (V). I shall ask if there is any literary pattern to the poems firstuse of multiple epithets, and will suggest that there is. I also ask whether they have astructural literary function in the poem; the answer to this is not so clear. Having arguedthat the poet takes care over the choice and positioning of cult epithets I will then andthis will be the core of the paper from the historical aspect ask how far epigraphy canbe invoked as a control on these specifications of polis cults (VI). I also ask (this, too,is in part a literary problem) how appropriate the local epithets are to their immediatecontext in the poem. VII will examine the source and reliability of the detailed localinformation provided by Lykophrons paraphrasers and commentators, chief amongwhom is the Byzantine scholar Tzetzes. Finally, I offer suggestions as to how the mater-ial in the poem and its ancient commentaries might bear on the tension between localand Panhellenic religion (VIII). A Conclusion (IX) offers a suggestion as to whythe poem deploys chains of cult epithets in this highly distinctive way, and why theseepithets are of value to the historian.

The importance of the scholia and Tzetzes (n. 2), is that they show that many cultepithets in the poem are tied to particular places. The problem of Lykophrons cultepithets is thus inseparable from that of the scholiastic information, which is presentedin the form of local specification, thus: Amphibaios: Poseidon among the people ofKyrene, ( 749). I will return to that example. We might hopethat Lykophron would help us to decide whether cult epithets proliferate in numberand geographical extension in the Hellenistic age. As for number, it may be that whatproliferates is relevant epigraphy itself, not the phenomenon it attests, a familiar eviden-tial trap. As for geography, the eastern expansion of the Greek world after Alexander is disappointingly not reflected in the poems divine epithets, any more than in thepoem as a whole, though so much of it is about Greek overseas settlement. The eastern-most places mentioned are Sarapta in Phoenicia, a little-known place between Tyre andSidon (1300), and the strong citadel of Myrrha, that is, Phoenician Byblos (829). Bycontrast, South Italy and Sicily, areas long colonized by Greeks, are overwhelminglyprominent in Lykophron; indeed, the poem may in my view have originated in SouthItaly, not (as is usually assumed) Alexandria,14 while showing clear knowledge ofAlexandrian culture. But unlike Apollonios Rhodios, Lykophron seems not to beaware of the Rhone valley and Massilia, that is, the Phokaian colonial zone. (But at663, Peukeus is said by the scholiast to be an epithet of Herakles in Iberia. Thiscan be either a district in Transcaucasia or else Spain perhaps likelier for Herakles;so this would either be the poems easternmost or its westernmost cult epithet; butthe true reading may be Abdera instead. Note in any case 63347, Boiotian settlementof the Balearic islands, including at 643 a clear reference to Spanish Iberians in.) Lykophron is well aware of three other Greek colonial areas, NorthAfrica and Cyrenaica (see 648 and 877902, and below for Poseidon Amphibaios),the Black Sea (for traces of Achilles, see 190201), Chalkidike (for Torone, see 115

14 See n. 116. But in favour of Attalid Pergamon, see E. Kosmetatou, Lycophrons Alexandrareconsidered: the Attalid connection, Hermes 128 (2000), 3253. For the god of Sarepta (sic), epi-graphically attested at Italian Puteoli, see P. Lombardi, Mediterraneo Antico 14 (2011), 392431,esp. 424 for Lycophron.

LYKOPHRON AND EPIGRAPHY 95

16) and Thrace, notably Abdera, where the Apolline epiklesis Derainos at 440 isAbderite. Indeed it had been known, from the scholiast on Lykophron, that Derainoswas a place , and that Pindar in the paians had mentioned Derainos asan epithet of Abderite Apollo, long before the relevant poem, Paian 2, was discoveredon papyrus in 1906.15 In a small but valuable way, this confirmation encourages faith inthe explanatory material about cult epithets, and about their local affiliations, which isprovided by the Lykophronic scholia.

II. CULT EPITHETS IN MODERN WORK

Divine cult epithets,16 which subdivide and categorize gods according to locality, func-tion, or preferred mode of sacrifice or other type of honour (), offer a means to thebetter understanding of ancient Greek polytheism. That is why they have been the objectof close study in recent years, culminating in the establishment of a valuable database bya team at Rennes university in France.17 Scholarly efforts have been made to categorizesuch epithets, and so impose taxonomic order on a huge variety, but this is, as they say,like herding cats. A crucial distinction, already made in antiquity (see III below) isbetween poetic epithets and cult titles. This will not concern us much, because somany of the epithets in Lykophron are said by the scholia to be place-specific, andthat implies cult. One other main and valuable distinction has been hinted at already:that between epithets which are really, so to speak, the ethnic of the god (thus at 610Troizenia alone designates Aphrodite i.e. she is a citizen of the polis of Troizen,see above), and functional or power epithets like Apollo Iatros, the doctor god18 (heis Iatros alone at 1207, 1377).19 But we soon run into trouble at the level of detail;thus although Apollo is the healer god par excellence, Iatros or Doctor was also atitle of his son Asklepios, unsurprisingly, and also, more surprisingly of Poseidon.Philochoros, quoted by Clement of Alexandria, says Poseidon was Iatros on the

15 Apollo at Abdera: Lycoph. 440 with : ; see Pind. Pae. 2.4, ] []. There was no circularity in the identification of the poem, because it mentionsAbdera in line 1, and calls itself a paian in line 3. Again (see above on Kastnia) there is a smallbut insignificant difference in spelling.

16 By divine I mean divine: Lykophron mostly confines the piled-up asyndetic cult epithets to gods.Very few heroes or heroines are treated in this way, apart from Kassandra herself (below, VIII for herepiklesis Alexandra). Achilles at 177 gets two descriptors, Pelasgian Typhon (i.e. Thessalian giant)but these are not cult titles.

17 P. Brul, Le langage des piclses dans le polythisme hellnique (lexemple de quelquesdivinits fminines). Quelques pistes de recherche, Kernos 11 (1998), 1334; Nommer les Dieux.For the CRESCAM (Rennes) database of cult epithets, see P. Brul and S. Lebreton, La Banquede donnes sur les piclses divines (BDDE) du Crescam : sa philosophie, Kernos 20 (2007),21728. Googling crescam bdde leads to the database. The criterion for inclusion as an epiklesisis receipt of cult; cf. below. Note: I consulted the database in mid 2012, and checked it again inJanuary 2013, at which time the site was said to be still under construction (en dveloppement con-tinu). I have therefore refrained from noting the many Lykophron-related omissions or partial omis-sions which still remain in the database, because they may have been put right by the time this articleis published.

18 This epiklesis is specially common in Ionia and its colonies: Graf 250 and n. 251. See generallyUsener 14955.

19 Cusset and Kolde 14, attempting to pin Lykophrons Apollo down to a mantic role, seek toderive Iatros not from , I heal, but from e.g. , I cry out. This seems over-ingenious,if that word can ever be used where Lykophron is concerned.

SIMON HORNBLOWER96

Kykladic island of Tenos. We have no idea why.20 This raises a general problem, butone specially acute with respect to Lykophrons scholia, namely that on the evidenceof the grammarians and scholiasts, functional/descriptive epithets, on the one hand,and local epithets, on the other hand, overlap, sometimes bafflingly. The challenge isto explain the local variation, answers to which might give us a handle on the polis-specific character of Greek religion and its tension with Panhellenic religion.21 ThusHesychios says that Artemis is Kaprophagos (Boar-eater) at Samos, and thismeans that wild boar were abnormally sacrificed to her there, on a principle whichParker has explained with reference to Hera Aigophagos, goat-eating Hera, atSparta.22 Discovery of an inscribed sacred law might confirm these implications.

Let us return to Lykophrons , which the scholiast told us was Poseidonamong the Kyrenaians.23 This epithet has been speculatively identified as a synonymfor or , which is (this is yet more speculation) none other thanthe familiar Gaieochos, Earth-shaker or Earth-holder.24 One might be tempted to dis-miss this as a poetic epithet: surely there was no cult to the Earth-shaker any more thanto Zeus Cloud-gatherer? But in fact there was cult to the Earth-shaker (I am assuming thatis the right translation, rather than e.g. Earth-holder) at one classical city, namelySparta, according to Hesychios and Pausanias; that rare thing, a lengthy fifth-centuryB.C. inscription from Sparta, namely the Damonon inscription, bears this out by men-tioning a festival Gaiaochia in an agonistic context.25 (At Athens the cult is not attestedbefore the second century B.C., and in so well-documented a religious centre, thisabsence in earlier centuries has some weight.26 A late sixth-century B.C. potsherd

20 FGrH 328 Philochoros F 175, Poseidon Iatros at Tenos, with Wentzel: 4.4 and Parker (2011), 87n. 59 (archaeological support). M.P. Nilsson, Geschichte der griechischen Religion 13 (Munich,1967), 452, suggested that this Poseidon was predecessor of the famous Panagia Evangelistria ofTenos, whose church is still a place of pilgrimage. For a healing Dionysos, see Paus. 10.33.11(Amphikleia in Phokis), with Furley/Bremer 1.128 n. 100, discussing their no. 2.5, for which seebelow n. 95 (Dionysos as Paian, healing god).

21 For an illuminating approach in terms of social network theory, see E. Eidinow, Networks andnarratives: a model for Ancient Greek religion, Kernos 24 (2011), 938.

22 Parker (2003), 1789 n. 46. Kallimachos (fr. 220a Pf.) says that swine were, abnormally, sacri-ficed to Aphrodite Kastnietis.

23 Amphibaios = Poseidon at Kyrene: Lycoph. 749 with .24 This is given as hard fact in LSJ9 under : epith. of Poseidon at Cyrene, =

[this word only was corrected, in the Revised Supp. (1996), to ], , Tz. ad Lyc.749. This is misleading: Tzetzes and are authorities only for the first part (up to the comma),not for the equation of Lykophrons epithet with . The latter and crucial point evidentlyderives from Holzinger, who cited F.G. Welcker, Griechische Gtterlehre, 3 vols. (Gttingen,185763), 2.679. Welcker wrote statt Geochos sagte man auch , von , also statt [bare ref. to Lycoph. 749 in footnote], nach Tzetzes in Kyrene. (Welcker does not actuallysuggest emending to , as Schade 154 n. 301 says he does.) This is bold (what about the ?),but the identification has been repeated by many scholars (e.g. Wide 37 and n. 1, and F.Schachermeyr, Poseidon und die Entstehung des griechischen Gtterglaubens [Salzburg, 1950], 31and n. 53). The 1996 change in LSJ to (with land on both sides) is not explained:Martin West suggests to me that its likely author, E.A. Barber, may have wanted to produce a refer-ence to Kyrenes harbour (Apollonia, cf. IACP p. 1236). But even with the change, the ultimate der-ivation from is by implication retained in LSJ.

25 For Poseidon Gaiaochos at Sparta see Paus. 3.20.2, Hesych., and IG 5(1) 213.9;cf. I. Mylonopoulos, . Heiligtmer und Kulte des Poseidonauf der Peloponnes (Lige, 2003), 229.

26 IG 22 3538 (second cent. B.C.), 5058 (time of Nero). C. Sourvinou-Inwood, Athenian Myths andFestivals: Aglauros, Erechtheus, Plynteria, Panathenaia, Dionysia (Oxford, 2011), 6872 can citenothing earlier than these, but nevertheless argues that the Athenian cult of Poseidon Gaieochos ante-dated 450 B.C.

LYKOPHRON AND EPIGRAPHY 97

from Mende in Chalkidike bears a heavily restored inscription which might be relevant,but it is not certainly cultic.27) It is tempting to connect the Spartan cult with the areaswell-known proneness to earthquakes. Sparta was, via Thera, the grandmother city ofKyrene. Thus a cult which was appropriate in a colonizing city was inherited by the col-ony and then the colonys colony, even though Kyrene is not seismically active, and wewould expect the Theraians to be more worried about the volcano god Hephaistos thanabout Poseidon of earthquakes, unless they knew that earthquakes and volcanic erup-tions are related (as they are).28 So here is an example of a poetic epithet which hadreal cultic force in one city, and of colonies which adopted cultic name and cult withoutthe specific motive which held for the metropolis.

III. VOCABULARY: EPITHET, EPIKLESIS AND OTHER TERMS

In this paper I shall use epithet and epiklesis indifferently. Greater precision has beenclaimed: it is held that indicates actual cult, because of the derivation from, I invoke.29 This, to be sure, would provide us with a convenient and harm-less modern technical term for a cult epithet. But it is not so harmless, if it implies thatless loaded or marked ancient Greek words for name, such as or simple, did not sometimes have cultic force. If that is the implication, it is misleading,for two reasons. First, although can certainly mean a cult epithet (forinstance, Pausanias distinguishes from poetic names, ),30 theword can also, from Homer onward, mean nickname or even just name, with no reli-gious implications.31 Second, different Greek authors have different preferences or nopreference at all: in definitely religious contexts Herodotus once uses andonce , and on a third occasion uses both expressions in the course of a singlesentence.32 The Greek original of English epithet is . Although LSJ9 does notlist divine epithet as a separate sense of the Greek word, it is used by Hesychios andothers in that way.33 And there are many periphrastic expressions such as we have

27 SEG 45.776, from a sanctuary of Poseidon, tentatively restored as [][] [].This looks like a snatch of Homer (cf. Od. 9.528, also in the vocative), rather than a simple dedication,so it is not clear evidence for local Mendaian cult to Poseidon as Gaieochos specifically.

28 See http://www.therafoundation.org/articles/volcanology/abriefnoteontectonicearthquakesrelatedtosantorinifromantiquitytothepresent. For Poseidon as Earth-shaker, see Mylonopoulos (n. 25), 379.

29 Wentzel (preface; not paginated), followed by BrulLebreton and the Rennes database (n. 17).30 See Paus. 7.21.7 with Parker (2003), 173. For the term epiklesis see e.g. Paus. 3.15.11, Spartan

cults of Aphrodite, . Cf. Hdt. 1.19.1, the burning ofthe temple of Athena at Assessos near Miletos (IACP p. 1058), .

31 Hom. Il. 22.506 on Skamandrios, , , and I. de Jongscommentary (Cambridge, 2012) on 22.29. But note 9.562, . Thucydides (1.3.2)uses both and in the same breath when discussing the absence of any single earlyname for Hellenes.

32 For meaning (local) cult epithet in Hdt. see n. 30, and for , see Hdt. 5.45.1, . Both terms used of Aphrodite Xeine: Hdt. 2.112.2.

33 See e.g. 352, , where Leone (n. 2) adds in between the other two; Hesych. 1967 Hansen, , orEustathios on Il. 2.25: . Cf.FGrH 244 Apollodoros F 102 (f), from Cornutus, on names for Hades: , . (For Polydegmon, see Lycoph. 700.)

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already encountered above (god x is honoured at Kyrene and the like); despite theirlooseness and informality, these certainly imply cult.34

IV. DIVINE POLYONYMY

By many names men call us;In many lands we dwell [Dioskouroi]

The gods who live for everHave fought for Rome this day.These be the Great Twin BrethrenTo whom the Dorians pray [High Pontiff]

(Macaulay, The Battle of the Lake Regillus)

O Venus regina Cnidi Paphique (Horace, Odes 1.30.1)

Multiple epithets form a subcategory of polyonymy. The Dioskouroi, Kastor andPolydeukes (Latin Castor and Pollux) were polyonymous to an exceptional degree.Other names for them were the Guests (, their epiklesis at Sparta, according tothe scholiast on Lykophron),35 the Tyndaridai, and the Anakes; if we look up to thesky they are the Twins (but there were other Greek candidates for the constellationGemini, which may anyway represent cultural transference from BabylonianMash-Mash);36 and if we look back to Indo-European prototypes they are theIndo-European Ashvins. This is an aspect of polytheism which we could call poly-polytheism. Multiple asyndetic epithets are occasionally found in inscriptions, withno special emotional charge. In a sacred calendar from fourth-century B.C. Kos, a heiferis to be sacrificed to Hera Argeia Eleia Basileia.37 But in literary contexts, accumulationof divine epithets can have special power. This is specially true of prayers. There aremultiple epithets or divine ethnics in Homeric prayers: King Zeus, Dodonaian,Pelasgian, you who live far off, , , , (Hom. Il. 16.233), where Pelasgian is vague, but not interchangeable with or a mereelaboration of Dodonaian. That is a prayer by Achilles (the most solemn inHomer, according to Janko),38 and it is easy to see why in prayers a supplicant should

34 Above, p. 96. There are various roundabout expressions, e.g. a god is honoured as [x] by theLesbians, , or is so called by the Thebans, .

35 563: , registered as an epiklesis by Wentzel, 7.50. Lines5645 of the poem say that Hades and Olympos will receive them on alternate days as guests for ever, . This is an elegant allusion to the special proneness of theDioskouroi to theoxeny, god-entertainment: R.C.T. P[arker], Dioscuri, and E. Ke[arns], theox-enia, in OCD4.

36 G.J. T[oomer] and A. J[ones], OCD4, constellations and named stars, para. 3.37 P.J. Rhodes and R. Osborne, Greek Historical Inscriptions 404323 B.C. (Oxford, 2003),

no. 62 B, line 5.38 R. Janko, The Iliad: A Commentary, Vol. IV: Books 1316 (Cambridge, 1992), 348. An ancient

scholar (Aristarchos?) remarked that Homer has few cult epithets derived from places, , and commented that he never mentions them in his own person but always through a heroiccharacter: Il. 5.422, with R. Nnlist, The Ancient Critic at Work: Terms and Concepts ofLiterary Criticism in Greek Scholia (Cambridge, 2009), 11719, explaining this as due to Homersdesire to avoid anachronism (the places did not exist at the time of the dramatic composition of thepoem).

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wish to catch the god in as many manifestations as possible. But the attempt at com-pleteness can bring its own risks: what if you miss one god who turned out to bevital?39 A well-known story told by Xenophon about himself in the Anabasis (7.8.4)shows that it had been a mistake, in the opinion of the seer whom he consulted, tohave sacrificed to Zeus the King to the neglect of Zeus Meilichios. Burkert remarksthat, in Greek prayers, as much as possible, epithets are heaped one upon another.40 Tragedy reflects this type of polyonymy, perhaps taking its cue from epic.Euripides in the Trojan Women (a play well known to Lykophron, and one which fea-tures Kassandra prominently) has Zeus invoked by Hekabe as 12889 as Son ofKronos, Phrygian lord, ancestor, , , (and compareAndromache 886, , which may allude to the line of the Iliad quoted above).The same is true of divine invocations in oaths. Kretan inscribed inter-polis oaths of theHellenistic period are specially rich in this sort of catch-all polyonymy.41

Lykophron extends this technique to descriptive narrative, and characteristicallytakes it to extremes. But for an example of multiplied divine epithets in Lykophronwhich do form part of a genuine narrated prayer, see 35960, where Kassandra invokesAthena as helper, , to save her from her intending ravisher Ajax. We shallreturn to this important passage. See also 5367 where Zeus, too, is an withmany epithets.

Hymns regularly celebrate a god as having many names, . Among theOrphic hymns, that to Hekate is specially dense in epithets, and there is muchHellenistic evidence, both literary and inscribed. The literary model for all suchhymns must be the shorter Homeric hymns, for instance no. 1 to Hermes; but all thisevidence (prayers as well as hymns) must reflect real-life religious behaviour.42 Someevidence suggests awareness of the puzzles generated by plural divine naming.Prometheus says his mother is Gaia and Themis, a single form with many names, , .43 An unusual metrical inscription from LykianOinoanda, dated to the second century A.D., is an oracular response concerning the

39 D. Aubriot, Linvocation au(x) dieux dans la prire grecque: contrainte, persuasion outhologie?, Nommer les Dieux 47390 esp. 482 (Orphic hymns) and 484 for precision as limitation:what if you miss one god who turned out to be crucial? (cf. Furley/Bremer 1.52). One solution was toadd and all the gods: see Furley/Bremer 1.38 and A. Harder, Callimachus Aetia (Oxford, 2012),2.806. For a similar problem (the perpetual threat of inadequacy) in connection with the lists ofbody parts and so on found on curse tablets, see R.L. Gordon, Whats in a list? Listing inGreek and Graeco-Roman malign magical texts, in D. Jordan, H. Montgomery and E. Thomassen(edd.), The World of Ancient Magic (Bergen, 1999), 23977 at 269. Lycoph. 1410 is very relevantto the question of divine polyonymy (what shall I call the god? etc.; cf. Aesch. Ag. 1602).

40 W. Burkert, Greek Religion (Oxford, 1985), 74.41 Parker (2011), 67; A. Chaniotis, Die Vertrge zwischen kretischen Poleis in der hellenistischen

Zeit (Stuttgart, 1996), no. 6, early third cent. B.C. (Zeus invoked by four separate epithets); cf. Brul,Nommer les Dieux 14373.

42 See e.g. the hymn to Adonis in Theoc. Id. 15, esp. 109 with Gow, who cites Pind. Isthm. 5.1 andArtemis request to Zeus for at Callim. Hymn 3.7 (cf. the fragmentary third-cent. A.D.Samian hymn to Artemis, IG 12(6) no. 604 line 5, ]); also Callim. Hymn 2.6970.Theoc. Id. 22, in effect a hymn to the famously polyonymous Dioskouroi (above, p. 99), piles up pre-dicates asyndetically (24; 136). The word and idea recur in the first-cent. B.C. hymn to Isis, SEG 8.548line 26, cf. P.M. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria (Oxford, 1972): 1.6712 (tr.) and 2.940 n. 436 (Greektext); see also the first-cent. A.D. hymn to Apollo from Susa, SEG 7.14.28. Gow (above) says numer-ous attributes and cult titles confer prestige. See also Furley/Bremer 1.52, who suggest that polyo-nymy was partly to avoid the sin of omission (n. 39), but partly a way of showing off, to gods andmen, your technical proficiency.

43 [Aesch.] PV 20910 with Parker (2011), 69.

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nature of god.44 It speaks of the god as admitting no name, having many names, , .

V. LYKOPHRONS CULT EPITHETS: FIRST MENTIONSAND LITERARY FUNCTION

I now turn to Lykophron in particular. The Alexandra is a 1474-line iambic poemascribed to a known tragic poet Lykophron of Euboian Chalkis, a member of thePleiad, who lived in the early third century B.C., in the first part of the reign ofPtolemy II Philadelphos, who was sole ruler from 282246 B.C. But and this hasbeen perceived as a problem since antiquity the Alexandra, the main part of whichis one long prediction after the event, foretells in a famous passage Roman sceptreand monarchy over land and sea (1229). This, unless with some modern scholars wedilute it to the status of vague compliment,45 is impossible at the date at whichLykophron of Chalkis was active, because Rome then had no overseas province. Sowe must posit either an early second-century B.C. deutero-Lykophron (so that theAlexandra becomes pseudonymous or wrongly attributed); or else large-scale interpol-ation. I prefer the first of these two solutions, a second-century poem. The date problemcan, however, be largely ignored here, because even if we think in terms of interpol-ation, the candidate sections (towards the end of the poem) contain little or no materialrelevant to our topic. But in one way the date might be relevant: if we regard cultepithets as proliferating in the course of the Hellenistic age, the likelier a later datefor the poem becomes. Not many cult epithets in Lykophron are inconceivable before200 B.C. But we shall consider one possible example later (below, p. 113 for Komyros).

Now for the poem itself. It culminates in an extended prophecy of east-west conflict,put into the mouth of Priams most beautiful daughter,46 Kassandra, who is called in thepoem by her Spartan epiklesis Alexandra; hence the poems title. The poem begins witha short narrative introduction by the guard who has been set by Priam to watch overKassandra in her stone cell. He describes how she emerged and prophesied. First, shepredicts the fall of Troy to the Greeks, culminating in Lokrian Ajaxs attempted rapeof herself, Kassandra. The second, very long, section tells of the unhappy homecomings,nostoi, of the Greeks; it also recounts their pan-Mediterranean wanderings and foundingof new cities when they cannot get home. This is pan-Mediterranean, because someheroes go to Asia Minor or Cyprus. There is a strong western (Italian and Sicilian)slant to the longest of the nostoi: Odysseus adventures are retold at length from thisviewpoint. Another sub-narrative locates Diomedes, Odysseus accomplice in thePalladion theft, in SE Italy and the Adriatic. The woes of all returning or non-returningGreeks are presented as collective punishment for the crime of Kassandras assault by

44 SEG 27.933 line 2, with A. Henrichs, What is a Greek god?, in J. Bremmer and A. Erskine(edd.), The Gods of Ancient Greece (Edinburgh, 2010), 1939, at 1920.

45 In this para., I forbear to give references to modern discussions of the problem of the poemsdate. See the works cited at Fraser (n. 5), who himself eventually opted for an early second-centuryB.C. date. Add A.S. Hollis, Some poetic connexions of Lycophrons Alexandra, in P.J. Finglass, C.Collard and N.J. Richardson (edd.), Hesperos: Studies in Ancient Greek Poetry Presented toM. L. West on his Seventieth Birthday (Oxford, 2007), 27693 (not, however, conclusive for a third-century date). To Holliss examples of Lykophrons debt to Kallimachos add 9301 etc.(Epeios), cf. Callim. fr. 197 = Ia. 7 an extraordinarily close cluster of similarities.

46 Only in Homer (Il. 13.365), not in Lykophron.

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one man, Ajax (see most explicitly 365, in requital for the sin of one man, ). Her speech closes with a Herodotean reprise of the entire east-west con-flict in myth and history, including prehistoric Greek colonization of Asia Minor.

The piled-up, asyndetic, multiple cult epithets, which are such a characteristic featureof the poem (above, p. 91), have been little studied in recent years.47 The latest study,while full of subtle literary insights, does not concern itself with the evidence of epig-raphy (and thus with the cultic realities); and it restricts itself almost entirely to Apollo,Athena and Aphrodite.48 Many epithets in the poem are not specially euphonious,49 sothat a merely decorative explanation seems implausible. I deal first with a reductivistdismissal of my problem. It might run: Lykophron is full of riddles, especially riddlesinvolving names, and this is just another such riddle, and not worth stopping over. I donot dispute the riddles, which are indeed everywhere (thus the name of the priapic godOrthanes at 538 refers to Priams son Paris, because of his sexual excesses); but my sub-group is a specially formed set of name clusters, and it is the contention of this articlethat some at least of the information they conceal is of religious interest, even import-ance, and can be checked against documentary sources.

We first need to ask if the gods are the only entities so treated in the poem.Hellenistic poets were fond of making lists, a practice known as pinakography, and spe-cially associated with Kallimachos. Lykophron arguably uses the device in one otherway, namely for geographical specification. Four neighbouring regions, Euboia,Boiotia, Thessaly and Lokroi, are alluded to by named enumeration of cities, rivers,mountains and other local landmarks (3735, 6447, 9007 and 11469). Euboia andLokroi are specially important in the poem, because returning Greeks were shipwreckedoff Euboia, and because the tribute of the Lokrian maidens is presented as punishmentfor Kassandras assault by Lokrian Ajax: all the Lokrian towns will mourn their daugh-ters. But this is not the same as strings of divine epithets, because it is standard rhetoricalamplification, parts serving for a whole. Nor are the places listed asyndetically, but arelinked with normal expressions, in the manner of Hesiods list of Okeanids inthe Theogony;50 and that is also true of the various named sibyls and sirens withwhich the guard compares Kassandra at the poems end (14636). So from now onI concentrate on multiple cult epithets. The numerical prize goes to Athena: there aresix at 3559, an emotional passage describing Kassandras assault by Ajax, when sheappealed to Athenas statue the Palladion, which turned away in horror without helping.

47 Of older works, K. Zieglers outstanding RE entry Lykophron (1927) briefly discussed the phe-nomenon at col. 2345; Holzingers index under each god listed epithets at the end of the entry, withline nos.; Wentzel 5.33 gave a useful list of epikletic places in Lycoph., and his whole important ch.5 is about Lycoph. M.G. Ciani, Scritto con mistero (Osservazioni sulloscurit di Licofrone),Giornale Italiano di Filologia 25 (1973), 13248, at 1425 usefully sorted Lykophrons divineepithets into their various categories (those drawn from cult places, those derived from characteristicelements of the relevant god, and so on), but did not seek to relate them to historical realities.

48 Cusset and Kolde. The restriction to those three gods is not explained, but evidently has to dowith Kassandras hostility to Apollo (who wanted sex with her) and to Aphrodite (goddess of sex),and with her hope for help from Athena.

49 Indeed Cusset and Kolde 9 audaciously suggest that Apollos epithet (from the BoiotianPtoion) is intended to be spat out (-) as an expression of Kassandras mockery of the god. On at 265 (Hektor as son of [Apollo] Ptoios) see A. Hurst, Les Botiens de Lycophron, in P.Roesch and G. Argoud (edd.), La Botie antique (Paris, 1985), 193209, at 204, revised version inSur Lycophron (Geneva, 2012), 878: Apollo is Kassandras enemy but also father of her belovedbrother. For Hektors future cult at nearby Thebes, see 121213, cf. below, n. 129.

50 Hes. Theog. 34661.

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The second prize goes to Demeter, who as we have seen has five epithets at 1523;but this is equalled by Athena again at 51920.

A system of sorts is discernible in Lykophrons use of cult epithets. If this is a game,it is a game with rules. Only occasionally does the cluster include the most usual divinename, and the approximate system seems to be as follows. At the first occurrence of agod or goddess, the first name in the first-occurring list is often (though by no meansalways) closest to being a standard title, and is the least enigmatic. The limiting caseof this is where the first appearance of a god in the poem uses the standard namewith no obfuscation at all; this happens with Zeus, Hades and Ares. About half ofthe canonical Olympian twelve, and one or two others, can be accounted for in thisway. Let us now consider Lykophrons treatment of the Olympians and some others(not all: for reasons of space, not every minor deity can be treated); we may beginwith the three who are given their regular names.

Zeus gets special treatment (naturally): he is father of Herakles at 42, his first butindirect appearance, then Zeus without mystification at 80, where he is bringer of tor-rential rain, cf. the full Rainy Zeus, , at 160 (for this title see below VI),and 622 where he is again associated with irrigation () and referred to straight-forwardly: . He is apostrophized by Kassandra as Saviour Zeus, , at512. (But note that Zeus is sometimes Agamemnon and conversely; see below VIII.)

Hades is mentioned early in the poem as a god (fought by Herakles as in the Iliad)not as a place, and with his regular name , 51. But Hades is thereafter used for theplace: 197, 404, etc. He is designated by the epithet Plouton near the poems end (1420).

Ares is just that, , at 24950, where he is personified (and now Ares, the dan-cer, sets fire to the land, leading the song with a bloody tune on his trumpet shell,though it might be objected that those lines are just a fancy way of saying war breaksout); and also at 518. But he will receive three out-of-the way epithets at 9378; for oneof them () see n. 116. The specially blunt treatment of Ares in the earlier pas-sages may be due to the violence which marks so much of the poem; or it may havesomething to do with the rarity of epikleseis for Ares generally.51

Now we may consider gods who are not actually named on their first occurrence, butare nevertheless referred to transparently. First, Dionysos. The familiar Bacchus at 206(compare already Bacchic mouth, , at 28, and , madly inlove with a stranger, at 175) ushers in four much more obscure epithets at 20712,including He who trips, (207), a reference to the myth of Telephos (seebelow, VI). The other three are (212), Potent one[lit. uncastrated],52 Phigaleian, Torch-god.

Athena. The equally familiar Pallas at 355 (the goddess first appearance) precedesno fewer than five much harder epithets for Athena at 357 and 359 ( , the Ox-binder, the Seagull goddess, the Maiden), including one which normally denotes another goddess, Persephone. This is six, the highest score(above). Lists later than the first make no concessions. At 519, Thrice-born goddess( ) is the first in a list, but this time the title is by no meansperspicuous.53

51 Brul (n. 17 [1998]), 30.52 Or possibly dancing, and to be connected with mystery cult in Arkadia; see Jost 431, cf. 85.53 The meaning of the epithet, and its relation to the more usual , is uncertain, and will

be discussed in my commentary, like other epithets in this article whose elucidation is not nowattempted. For Athena Boudeia, see VI.

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Apollo. The very familiar , associated particularly with Miletos wherethere was an important Apolline sanctuary, the Delphinion, is Apollos epithet at 208.That is his first mention in the poem unless we count the two implied references at6, , laurel-eating, she Phoibized (i.e. prophesied), in whichcase Phoibos will be the first epithet, and is also very familiar; indeed, like Bacchos/Dionysos, it is almost another name for Apollo rather than an epithet. Lykophronnever calls him by his two best-known epithets or , his ethnics atDelphi and Delos; but for Boiotian see 265.54

Hekate is obviously the dog-slaying goddess at 77, her first mention. Perhapsbecause she is not an Olympian in any sense (chthonian, and not one of the big twelve)and thus out of the mainstream already, her disguises are never hard to penetrate. Shewill be Brimo and she of the three shapes () at 1176, and Pheraian at1180. These are all familiar designations:55 under the name Enodia, Hekate was thepatron divinity of Thessalian Pherai.

Aphrodite is a halfway case. Arguably, her first mention is as the Homerically famil-iar , 112, but there it means marriage, and so approximates to a category whichwill be considered below: non-riddling non-periphrastic divine names for naturalentities. But it does not quite fit that category because it is strictly an ethnic not aname, and so mildly periphrastic. If Kypris be disallowed, her first mention is as theKastnian, 403, which is not obscure by Lykophrons standards (we saw at n. 13 thatit also makes appearances in Kallimachos and a post-classical Pamphylian inscription)but is not common currency either, as are for example Kythereian or Kyprian.

Other gods do not fit the suggested scheme nearly so well. Artemis does not featureexplicitly until very late in the poem, though she hovers in the background of theIphigeneia narrative which begins at 187. At 1331, she is unmistakably present in thedescription of the Amazon Antiope as she who subdues with the bow, Orthosia (ahint at her patron Artemis under the epithet Orthia, see below), even before the nextline, where Antiopes fellow Amazons are sisters, virgins of Nepounis (= Artemis ofEtruscan Nepe).

Poseidon is introduced as Proteus father at 125 (cf. Zeus as father of Herakles, amuch better-known paternal relationship). Then he is Aigaion at 135 andNaumedon at 157.

Hera is second mother, i.e. stepmother to Herakles, at her first mention: 39.Hermes first mention is as Kadmilos (162, cf. 219, Kadmos), a Samothracian

epithet, well enough attested for Hermes, but hardly transparent (see further below,VI). Thereafter he has several epithets, all out-of-the-way. See below, VI forBoiotian White Hermes, at 680, an epithet which is combined with Nonakrian,Three-headed. The first of these is Arkadian56 and no doubt conjures up Styx andHermes chthonian role; the other is said by Philochoros to relate to Hermes role asshowing the way, i.e he stood at a road junction.57 The line in question immediatelyand appropriately precedes Lykophrons narrative of Odysseus visit to the Underworld.

54 F. Graf, Apollo Delphinios, MH 36 (1979), 222. A. Philippe, Lpithte ,Nommer les Dieux, 25561 adds little (and appears to be unaware of Graf [1979]). See also A.Herda, Der Apollon Delphinios Kult in Milet und die Neujahrsprozession nach Didyma (Mainz,2006). For the Apolline connotations of , see J.D.P. Bolton, Aristeas of Proconnesus(Oxford, 1962), 1345.

55 See A. H[enrichs], OCD4, Hecate for refs. Patron divinity: IACP no. 414 at p. 705.56 Jost 36. But she treats White Hermes as Arkadian also, and this neglects .57 FGrH 328 F 22 a and b with Jacobys comm.

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Hephaistos features only once in the poem, and that doubtfully, as Kandaon, 328.This is certainly obscure, so much so that the name may in fact refer to Ares, or evento Orion. The name Hephaistos occurs en clair at 1158, but as a synonym for fire;see below for this category.

Hestia nowhere features in the poem. Like Ares, she has few epikleseis anywhere inthe Greek world (she shares Boulaia and its equivalents with one or two other gods andgoddesses, notably Zeus, see VI).

Herakles is the lion begotten [by Zeus from Alkmene] in three nights, , at 33, Kassandras very first sentence. At 801, Herakles en clair is not thegod/hero at all, but Herakles son of Alexander the Great and Barsine, a young manwho was treacherously killed by Polyperchon of Tymphaia in 309 B.C. (Diod. Sic.20.28.23). This, incidentally, is Lykophrons only mention by name of a historicalindividual.

In a separate category are divine names such as for Dawn (who at 1619 is per-sonified as leaving Tithonos, so that this means at daybreak, compare above onAres), cf. the similar connotation of at 941; Thetis for the sea (22); andHephaistos for fire (1158). These names are given in non-periphrastic form, but arealready periphrastic in a different way. (See above for .)

We should next ask whether these accumulated epithets perform a particular literaryfunction in the poem; in particular, whether we can detect what Homeric scholars callsignificant denomination.58 One section in particular stands out, the highly chargedauto-narrative of Kassandras sexual assualt by Ajax (34872), and it has been convin-cingly argued that the gods are here designated in deliberately pointed ways.59 The firstof Athenas epithets is neutral and indicative, as we saw: it is Pallas, 355. The next line(356) raises the emotional temperature: . Of these thefirst is not quite a divine epiklesis, but it almost functions as one (cf. at 359):marriage-hater, , at 356 refers both to Athenas own origin from thehead of Zeus rather than by normal female birth,60 and to the role she played in thetrial scene of Aeschylus Eumenides. There she upheld the rights of the male againstthe female (I praise the male in all respects, , Eum. 737,where however she adds except for joining in marriage, , perhapsa reference to her narrow avoidance of rape by Hephaistos). , goddess of spoils/booty, indicates Athenas role as war goddess (also used of her at 985 and 1416). is one of several words for booty, spoils taken from the living, as opposedto , taken from the dead. (Compare Artemis and Apollo Laphria/ios atKalydon in Aitolia, a notorious piratical centre.61) Athena was as guardianof city gates. So the three epithets of 356 are not chosen arbitrarily; they all call atten-tion to crucial points of the scene:62 Kassandra herself as marriage-avoiding virgin andas living booty; Athena as protectress. Much further on in the poem (1207), Apollosmedical epithets and (below, 111 and n. 93) are very apt in theircontext the Apolline oracle which ordered the fetching of Hektors bones to Thebes

58 See I.J.F. de Jong, Studies in Homeric denomination, Mnemosyne 46 (1993), 289306.59 E. Sistakou, Breaking the name codes in Lycophrons Alexandra, clats 23757, 245, arguing

for the suitability to their context of Athenas epithets at 3559 and 520. See also Cusset and Kolde(below) for much sophisticated literary analysis of detail.

60 Aesch. Eum. 736.61 IACP no. 148.62 Sistakou (n. 59).

LYKOPHRON AND EPIGRAPHY 105

for the avoidance of plague (1205, and for the bones and Theban cult of Hektor see nn.49 and 129).

In the same section, Apollos three epithets at 352 have also, but less compellingly,been seen as marked: the gods sexual appetite is held to be alluded to by , onthe hypothesis that that obscure epithet is derived from , semen; and ,god of the seasons, is held to hint paradoxically at the unseasonable nature of hisattempt to have sex with Kassandra.63 For the third epithet, , see above, n. 49.

Again, consider the sequence , at 520 (Athenaagain); the context is the fight between the Spartan Dioskouroi and the MessenianApharetidai. The cult epithets have been held to be specially appropriate here becauseof the last in particular, , which combines Athena with Ares and Enyo (named at51819) so as to indicate the violence which characterizes the episode. Boarmia issaid by the scholiast to be Boiotian, and may be something to do with the yoking ofoxen.64 But perhaps it should rather compare above for the Ajax section be takenin a passive and apotropaic sense: the goddess who does not wish to be yoked in mar-riage.65 This would be thematically appropriate, given that the fight between the twopairs of brothers broke out (on one version of the myth) over the nubile Leukkipides.Longatis is, however, not easily amenable to any such interpretation. The scholiastagain connects it with Boiotia, but the name may rather derive from a poorly attestedSicilian city called something like Longane.66 And generally, we must acknowledgethat Lykophrons divine epithets are not always so well fitted to their literary contextsas are those discussed above. Kassandras agony at 34872 seems to have called for spe-cially resonant treatment of Athena and Apollo. Other individual occurences of cultepithets can be explained contextually, to be sure;67 but there were more than threeOlympians, and many puzzles remain.

The conclusion of this section is that Lykophron can often be shown to have devotedcare and thought to the manner in which the cult epithets are introduced (easy first-timementions); and that sometimes but only sometimes the poet chooses and positionscult epithets with sensitive regard to their narrative context. They are, then, not all

63 Cusset and Kolde 78. But may be a variant form of , god of the beast; seeSchachter, Cults 1.434. Though Hesychios says it is a Lakonian epiklesis, it is likelier to beBoiotian. There was a temple of Apollo Thourios at Boiotian Chaironeia: Plut. Sull. 17.4, whogives one explanation in terms of a mythical female oikist of Chaironeia called Thouro, and anotherwhich identified the beast with the cow which showed Kadmos where to found Thebes.

64 Schachter, Cults 1.134. corresponds to a familiar Boiotian and central Greek epithet ofZeus, namely , for which see n. 83.

65 So Decourt (n. 91), 3856. Hurst (n. 49 [2012]), 74 thinks the reference is to the Apharetidai, apair of mighty warriors. G. Lambin, LAlexandra de Lycophron (Paris, 2005), 226 says that these fourdivine epithets have a force quasi-incantatoire, and he remarks on the play of different vowels in theline.

66 IACP no. 35 (various spellings), cf. Lycoph. 1032. For a possible Boiotian cult of AtheneLongatis see the very conjectural restorations of Athena [ in two Tanagraian dedications(IG 7.553 and 2463, c. 300 B.C.): Schachter, Cults 1.129 (cf. IACP p. 453, entry no. 220, Tanagra).But there is much doubt about these readings (cf. SEG 31.497), and this epithet will therefore notbe adduced in VI.

67 The approach adopted in the present paper is different from that of Cusset and Kolde, whosearguments are of unequal force. The suggestion that at 403, Aphrodites epithets Kastnian andMelinaian (i.e. Pamphylian and Argive respectively) are intended to convey the vast extent of thegoddesss influence (Cusset and Kolde 26) is attractive; add that Pamphylia was an area of Argivecolonization. By contrast, the observation that Apollos three epithets at 352 are in alphabeticalorder (Cusset and Kolde 8) is not illuminating. Lycoph.s chains of epithets are mostly notalphabetical.

SIMON HORNBLOWER106

randomly enigmatic. This conclusion encourages a further stage of inquiry: into theirhistorical authenticity.

VI. THE EVIDENCE OF EPIGRAPHY68

Historians should be curious to know whether all, or some, or any, of these Lykophroniccult epithets are rooted in reality. The main control is, as always with ancient Greek reli-gion, epigraphy.69 But inscriptions have in general (not just in the matter of cultepithets) been virtually ignored by all modern commentaries on Lykophron. To listomissions every time would be tedious polemic; it may be assumed that none of the epi-graphic material cited below, or anywhere in the present article, is to be found in theexisting commentaries unless I say so explicitly. I now look at some relevant examples.

Let us start with Linear B, and with , an epiklesis of Apollo at 522 (Apolloand Poseidon built the walls of the first Troy) and said by Tzetzes to be Milesian,, . A gold vase from Pylos (Tn 316) has the name Drimios,di-ri-mi-jo, who is son of Zeus. This is thought by Mycenaean specialists to beApollo (who may also have been designated in Linear B by some form of the namePaion). Rougemont, in a very full recent discussion of cult epithets in Linear B, doesnot seek to explain or derive it.70 The vowels and are not identical, but Linear Bexperts71 nevertheless offer etymologies for di-ri-mi-jo from either , sharp,piercing; or else , copse, thicket (compare below for Hylates).72Lykophron has, however, played virtually no part in the argument hitherto, thoughsee n. 74. (In regard to spelling, we should recall see p. 94 above on Kastnia thatLykophron sometimes gives epithets in slightly eccentric forms.) There is a slightlink between Miletos and Messenian Pylos, because Neileus son of Kodros, a younger

68 In what follows, I use epigraphy mainly to mean inscribed documentary texts such as dedica-tions, decrees, sacred laws and so on. But no sharp divide separates literature from epigraphy: afterall, some poems are known only from inscriptions, such as the curious 33-line Hellenistic fragmentabout Endymion, PMG 1037, which mentions (sic, paroxytone; i.e. Athena) in line 1;cf. above and n. 53 for at Alex. 519. The same is true of a number of paians and areta-logies; and cf. nn. 42 and 95 (inscribed hymns and paians, whose purpose was cultic).

69 It might have been hoped that the great Louis Robert would have illuminated Lykophron moresuo, but references are few. At Documents dAsie mineure (Paris, 1987), 296321, Lycophron et lemarais dEchidna, Strabon et le lac de Kolo, esp. 2967, he discussed 13515 (Tyrrhenos) in con-nection with the topography of lake Echidna/Gygaia in Lydia. His study of Aphrodite Kastnietis(n. 13) discussed the relevant Kallimachos frag., but did not mention Lykophron. At BE 1943 no.30, reporting the Dionysos Sphaleotas inscription from Delphi (n. 95 below), Jeanne and LouisRobert briefly noted its relevance to Lykophron. At Villes dAsie Mineure: tudes de gographieancienne (Paris, 19622), 314, Robert briefly noted the Lydian village Kimpsos at Lycoph. 1352, inconnection with Nonnus, Dion. 13.465. There are no doubt other such minor items, but I do notthink that Robert ever gave a passage of Lykophron the full treatment.

70 F. Rougemont, Les noms des dieux dans les tablettes inscrites en linaire B, Nommer les Dieux32588, 3389 and 375.

71 J.L. Garcia Ramon, Mycenaean onomastics, in Y. Duhoux and A. Morpurgo, Companion toLinear B: Mycenaean Greek Texts and their World, vol. 2 (Louvain, 2011), 21351, 230;cf. F. Aura Jorro, Diccionario Micnico, vol. 1 (Madrid, 1985), entry under di-ri-mi-jo. I am gratefulto Stephen Colvin for these references.

72 R.A.B. Mynors, Virgil. Georgics (Oxford, 1990), 303 wondered if there was a connectionbetween Cyrenes woodland nymph Drymo at Verg. G. 3.336 and Apollos epithet in the present pas-sage of Lykophron. Oddly enough, the noun first occurs in prose in the Molpoi inscriptionfrom Miletos (5th cent. B.C.), A. Rehm, Milet III: Das Delphinion in Milet (Berlin, 1914), 162406, Die Inschriften no. 133 line 28.

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kinsman of Pylian Nestor, founded Miletos, according to a myth treated in detail byLykophron (1379; see also Hdt. 9.97). So Lykophron, when narrating an episode ofvast antiquity (a episode from long before the main Trojan War), seems to have chosena venerable epithet indeed. In the same line, however (522), Poseidon is Prophantos,lord of Kromna; these designations are not noticeably ancient.73

A different (but even more speculative) approach to the epithet might startfrom the Phokian place name Drymos. An inscribed Hellenistic agreement about finan-cial matters, between Drymos and the Oitaian federation, is best interpreted as having anamphiktionic aspect. This would bring us to Apollo by another route, because one of thecreditors was his sanctuary at Delphi. There is no reason why this approach shouldexclude the other, Mycenaean, explanation: in Lykophron, things are often neithersettled nor stable. Indeed, the Phokian city has featured in explanations of theMycenaean word di-ri-mi-jo.74 Demeter was Erinys in Lykophron, as we saw in I(152, cf. 1040, where she is Telphousia, a reference to the cult of Demeter Erinysat Arkadian Telphousa, and 1225, where Onkaian pit is a further reference to thisDemeter, named from another Arkadian city, Onkai or Onkeion). It is thought that aMycenean goddess e-ri-nu, named on Linear B tablets from Knossos on Krete, precededDemeter, and was eventually assimilated to her.75 This example, however, does not unlike Drimios/Drymas provide new and unexpected evidence for a cult title inLykophron which was otherwise puzzling.

I now turn to Greek epigraphy as conventionally understood, that is, inscriptions inthe alphabetical Greek script. (For some syllabic Cypriot texts, see n. 92.) In the mostrewarding cases, inscriptions not only confirm the historical existence of a cult epithet,but show that it was at home in the geographical area to which Lykophronsscholiast assigns it; in other cases they confirm existence only. A good number of thebetter-known cult epithets used by Lykophron, but as always unaccompanied by theactual name of the god, are naturally epigraphically attested, some of them manytimes over: [Apollo] Delphinios (208) at Miletos and its numerous colonies,76

[Apollo] Zoster or Zosterios (1278) in Attica and elsewhere,77 [Apollo] Ptoios(265, 352) at the Ptoion in Boiotia,78 [Dionysos] Bacchos (206, 273) at Knidos in

73 Prophantos is said by to be a cult of Poseidon at Italian Thourioi; there is no other evidence.The name suggests an oracular deity (for cf. Hdt. 5.63.2 and 9.93.4), and thus more suitedto Apollo than to Poseidon; but the run of the line precludes this. King of Kromnos is also Poseidon. identifies this Kromnos as the Paphlagonian city (IACP no. 734) and says there was a temple ofPoseidon there; but also cites Kallimachos (fr. 384 Pf., see Pf. 1.312, on line 12) for a KorinthianKromnos. This place (not a polis) is now epigraphically attested at Korinth, see SEG 22.219 (latefourth/early third cent. B.C.); cf. IACP p. 466, part of no. 227 (Korinth), citing Lycoph. Poseidonwas well established at Korinth, see esp. Pind. Ol. 13 and the Korinthian-controlled sanctuary ofPoseidon at the Isthmia; but that does not prove s first suggestion wrong.

74 For Drymos see IACP no. 178; for the agreement, see IG 9.1.22630 (after 167 B.C.), with SEG53.491. Cf. A.L. Stella, La religione greca nei testi Micenei, Numen 5 (1958), 267 and n. 27,explaining Mycenean di-ri-mi-jo on these lines (and citing Tzetzes on Lycoph. 533).

75 Linear B attestation: Jost 3034 and Quelques piclses divines en Arcadie, Nommer les Dieux389400, 395; Rougemont (n. 70), 332, 333 n. 36, 367. For the two Arkadian places, see IACP no.300 (Thelphousa) and p. 407 (Onkeion).

76 See e.g. Rehm (n. 72 ), no. 31 line 11 (525500 B.C.); SEG 27.439 (Olbia, cup, 550500 B.C., butinscription may be later).

77 See e.g. SEG 38.124 (c. 265 B.C., epithet restored, but very probably), from the excavated site atHalai Aixonides in S. Attica. See Graf 53 n. 33; Parker (2003), 177 (Zosterios as one of a group ofepithets derived from headlands). Steph. Byz. says that Athena Zosteria was worshipped bythe Epiknemidian Lokrians.

78 Schachter, Cults 1.55 (the gods ethnic varies slightly from period to period).

SIMON HORNBLOWER108

Karia,79 [Poseidon] Erechtheus at Athens,80 [Zeus] Ombrios, the Rainy one (160) atAthens,81 [Zeus] Boulaios, of the Council (435) at many places,82 Zeus Phyxios,of fugitives or exiles (288) at Thessaly and elsewhere (above, n. 12). I shall not lingerover these, because they help to solve no puzzles. My concern is with the light thrownby inscriptions on the more obscure epithets in the poem, of which there are many.

More relevant for this purpose are those inscriptions which attest a cult title whichLykophron attributes to a different god from the inscriptions; indeed, the surprisingZeus Erechtheus may fall into this category, see n. 80. For example (and this wholeVI is intended to be illustrative not complete), Homolois (520) is Athena amongthe Thebans (Tzetzes; incorrectly says Athenians), but that epithet was usuallyapplied, mutatis mutandis, to Athenas father Zeus.83 At 1331, the name Orthosia(attested epigraphically as an epithet of Artemis at several places, such as Athens andRhodes) is transferred to her follower, the Amazon Antiope.84 Hoplosmios (armed)is attested epigraphically as an epithet of Zeus. But Hoplosmia is clearly Zeus consortHera at 858 and less clearly at 614. (We are told by the scholiast on 614 that this was acult title of Athena at Elis, but this may be an error for Hera.85) Hera Hoplosmia featuresin the modern epigraphic literature in connection with a short and partly unintelligibleArchaic Greek inscription from Paestum (Posidonia) in S. Italy. But the epithet, asopposed to the name Hera, is not present, and the connection seems to be a mere modernguess. So I do not claim it as corroboration of Lykophron.86

79 Syll.3 978 (c. 250 B.C.).80 IG 13 873 (Athens, mid fifth cent. B.C.). It is not certain that Lykophron ever mentions this

Poseidon. At 431, Erechtheus is certainly Zeus, and perhaps at 158 also, though this is less clear.Zeus Erechtheus is very odd. Tzetzes and the scholiast say that this Zeus was so called in Athensand Arkadia, but there is no support of any sort in either region. solution might just conceivablylie along some such lines as, that Athenians and Arkadians both claimed to be autochthonous, andErechtheus was earth-born.

81 The seventh-cent. B.C. dedications to Zeus on the graffiti at the sanctuary on Mt Hymettos do notactually call him Ombrios, though that is certainly what he was (M. Langdon, Hesp. Suppl. 16 [1978]with Paus. 1.32.2); but see A. Raubitschek, Hesp. 12 (1943), 723 nos. 1921 for altars in theAthenian agora inscribed , c. A.D. 100. The dedication Corinth 8.1 GreekInscriptions 102 is also Roman.

82 Schwabl, 291: or . If () at 1370 is regarded as a cult epithet and though edd. do not capitalize, and the word can be an adjective of normal type (cf. 91, 382, andEur. Bacch. 1361), it is a broad hint, since the passage is about thunderbolts then Zeus who des-cends i.e. as thunderbolt is well attested epigraphically: Schwabl 322 and Parker (2003), 180. Here,Zeus Lapersios (1369) is actually Agamemnon, cf. VIII. At Plut. Demetr. 10.5 (Athenian flattery ofDemetrios Poliorketes) the original sense is lost, and the epithet assimilates him to Zeus.

83 Cf. Lycoph. 520. For Zeus Homoloios see L. Robert (n. 13), 238 n. 6 (discussing Boiotiannames in -, cf. already Usener 354), and Schachter, Cults 3.1202, 148 and n. 3 (for thefifth-cent. B.C. dedication IG 7.2456, and cf. SEG 26.585). For as a Boitian monthname, derived from Zeus Homoloios, see L. Moretti, Iscrizioni storiche ellenistiche (Florence,1967), no. 64 line 2 (Oropos, 190180 B.C.) Demeter, also, was perhaps called Homolois(Schachter, Cults 1.168). See now R.L. Fowler, Early Greek Mythography II: Commentary(Oxford, 2013), 802.

84 Artemis Orthosia: see IG 13 1083 (fifth cent. B.C., Athens), 12(5) 913 (second cent. B.C.,Rhodes); etc.

85 Zeus Hoplosmios is mentioned in an inscription from Methydrion in Arkadia: Syll.3 490 line 18(c. 233 B.C.); cf. L. Robert, Noms Indignes dans lAsie mineure Grco-romaine (Paris, 1963), 189n. 2. See also Jost, 2778, who at 277 and n. 4 cites (for Hera Hoplosmia) Lykophron and the scholia.A warlike goddess (whether Hera or Athena) at Elis is curious: Llide nest pas une terre de soldats:M. Launey, Recherches sur les armes hellnistiques (Paris, 1949), 130.

86 R. Arena, Iscrizioni greche arcaiche di Sicilia e Magna Grecia IV: Iscrizioni delle colonie Achee(Milan, 1996) no. 19 = L. Dubois, Inscriptions grecques dialectales de Grande Grce, vol. 2. Colonies

LYKOPHRON AND EPIGRAPHY 109

Again, Lykophron does not always confer divine epithets in a straightforward way.At 856 the recesses of Lakinia means the grove at Kroton in S. Italy which Thetis gaveas a present to Hera, whose well-established epithet Lakinia occurs epigraphically butalso in other types of evidence. The rare word (mice or rats) at Lycoph.1306, the first foundation of Troy, inevitably evokes the aetiology of ApolloSmintheus (cf. Hom. Il. 1.39), epigraphically attested at the excavated temple sitenear Alexandreia Troas.87

In the poem, we sometimes meet unrecognizably different forms of familiar, or atleast attested, cult epithets. This may be because they were genuine local variants.Poseidon Amphibaios of Kyrene illustrates this, if he is really a doubly disguised ver-sion of Gaieochos, in which case cultic evidence, corroborating the literary sources,is provided by an inscription from Sparta, the grandmother city of Kyrene (see aboven. 25). But sometimes the reason for selecting the different form is opaque to us.Thus Tzetzes tells us that Keramyntes (663) is Herakles Alexikakos, driver-away ofharm,88 and that he was an apotropaic Herakles who drove away the Keres (the epithetAlexikakos was more usually applied to Apollo or even Zeus). Mythographers knew ofa cult of Herakles Alexikakos, and there is epigraphic evidence for it from Athens,Chaironeia in Boiotia, and probably also from Epidauros.89 But it can hardly be claimedthat these inscriptions shed much direct light on the epithet Keromyntes, and it is toexamples of such direct corroboration that I now turn. The gods are treated in(English) alphabetical order.

I begin with Aphrodite. We have already (above p. 94 and n. 13) discussed her epi-thet Kastnia or Kastnietis, attested by Lykophron (403, 1234), Kallimachos and, spec-tacularly, by a Pamphylian inscription in Greek, of Roman date. Frustratingly, thereis no mention of Pamphylia or any other region in the scholiastic tradition here, althoughZeuss epithet Drymnian at 536 is there said to be Pamphylian (so that that part ofS. Asia Minor was within the scholiasts range of knowledge); this last epithet has sofar resisted explanation.90

achennes (Geneva, 2002), no. 18. This seemingly chimerical attestation of Hera Hoplosmia ishesitantly entered in the Rennes database, but Lykophrons two mentions of Eleian (Hera)Hoplosmia are not. On Hera Hoplosmia, see G. Maddoli, Culti di Crotone, AttiMagna Grecia23 (1983), 313360.

87 LSAG 257 and 261 n. 21 with SEG 34.997 (and cf. no. 998), 550500 B.C.; IACP p. 269. ApolloSmintheus: M. Ricl, The Inscriptions of Alexandreia Troas (Bonn, 1997) nos. 43 and 638 (allapprox. 1st cent. A.D.), and see no. 5 (mid 2nd cent B.C.).

88 .89 FGrH 4 F 104 (cited by the on Lycoph. 469), cf. SEG 28.232 (Athens, c. 350 B.C.), with Parker

(n. 3 [2005]), 414 n. 104; IG 7.3416 (Apalexikakos) with Schachter, Cults 2.2 (stone lost, dateuncertain); IG 42 1.531 (Epidauros; partly restored, probably of Roman date), with Schade 70(n. on 663). SEG 17.451 (Rome) is late, second or third cent. A.D. The cult is attested inHellenistic Skythia (Kallatis on the Black Sea, IACP no. 686): SEG 49.1013 for refs.

90 Schwabl, col. 301. Aphrodites epithet at 832 is very difficult. One suggestion(Holzinger, in his comm.) is that it is related to the unexplained goddess in the Damononinscription (n. 95), line 24; for this goddess see Wide 1412. But that identification is a long shot.So is Holzingers identification of (Aphrodite again, 867) with the Attic Aphrodite, epigraphically attested by IG 22 5119 (theatre seat, precise date uncertain, but surelyRoman). on 867 says that Kolotis was Aphrodite in Cyprus. At 589, Aphrodite is Queen ofGolgoi (on Cyprus), ; cf. e.g. Theoc. Id. 15.100. For the epigraphically attestedQueen (Wanassa) of Golgoi see M. Egetmeyer, Sprechen sie Golgisch? Anmerkungen zueiner bersehenen Sprache, in P. Carlier, C. de Lamberterie, M. Egetmeyer et al., tudesMycniennes 2010: Actes du colloque international sur les textes gens (Pisa and Rome, 2012),42734.

SIMON HORNBLOWER110

Apollo is referred to as at 208. This cult of Apollo is epigraphically verywell attested in Thessaly and nowhere else. But no region is mentioned in connectionwith it, by either scholiast or Tzetzes. It is now thought that the meaning of the epiklesisis not god of gain as has usually been assumed (beginning with Tzetzes), but le Rus,from an adjective for cunning, applied to foxes.91

Apollo is very appropriately called (from a place called near CypriotKourion according to the scholiast, but perhaps really God of the Grove, Silvanus) at448, in the course of the opening sentence of the long Cypriot section of the poem (447591). The important sanctuary of Apollo Hylates at Kourion on the south coast of theisland has yielded many Greek dedicatory inscriptions dating from the middle of thesecond century B.C. to the Roman Imperial period.92 There were three other sanctuariesto Apollo Hylates on Cyprus (at Paphos, at Dhrymou near Paphos and at Chytroi nearmodern Nikosia), and relevant Cypriot syllabic dedications from these places date fromas early as the fourth century B.C. They have the epithet in the form u-la-ta.

Apollo is at 1207 and at 1454; these are ethnics of the Aegeanisland of Lepsia, W. of Karia. An inscription found on the island, and supplementedwith virtual certainty, enables the identification of the sanctuary of Apollo Lepsieus.Also at 1207, (again Apollo) represents terebinth Apollo (named after ahealing drug, cf. Doctor, , at the beginning of the same line, 1207) whose tem-ple features in an important Milesian inscription: .93

Athena is at 359, as we have seen. The mention of a month in aninscribed sale list from fourth-century B.C. Kyzikos in Asia Minor has led to a conjecturethat behind this lurks the Boudeia of Lykophron, and of Stephanus of Byzantion, whosays that Athena Boudeia was a Thessalian cult. At 1261, is the Athena wor-shipped in the Attic deme Pallene; she is well attested in fifth-century B.C. Attic epig-raphy. The League of Athena Pallenis is known to us, not from a survivinginscription on stone, but from one quoted by Athenaeus, probably drawing on theHellenistic epigrapher Polemon of Ilion.94 The cult was of lasting importance.

91 See J.-C. Decourt, Les cultes thessaliens dans lAlexandra de Lycophron, clats 37791(esp. 390, un culte purement thessalien), and list of inscriptions at p. 389 (these include the repliesby the city of Thessalian Larisa to letters from Philip V of Macedon, Syll.3 543 lines 22 and 44, 217and 215 B.C.); see Decourt p. 391 for the meaning of the epiklesis.

92 Greek dedications: T.B. Mitford, The Inscriptions of Kourion (Philadelphia, 1971) nos. 4950(second cent. B.C.) and 10526 (Imperial); P.M. Fraser, Lycophron on Cyprus, Report of theDepartment of Antiquities, Cyprus (1979), 32843, at 333 n. 4; D. Buitron-Oliver (ed.), TheSanctuary of Apollo Hylates at Kourion: Excavations in the Archaic Precinct. SIMA 109 (1996);J.-B. Cayla, Nommer les Dieux, 2325.

Cypriot syllabic dedications: O. Masson, Les Inscriptions chypriotes syllabiques2 (Paris, 1983)nos. 3 (Paphos: Apollo Hylates, fourth cent. B.C.); 856 (Dhrymou: Hylates, no mention ofApollo); 1849 (Kourion: Apollo or the god, but no mention of Hylates); 250 and 250a(Chytroi: Hylates). See further Egetmeyer (n. 90) 429, noting that Lycoph. uses the local form ofthe name with long alpha.

93 SEG 18.386 (second cent. B.C.) line 6: [ (?)] [ etc.; cf. lines 89, ] | [ ]. See G.E. Bean and J.M. Cook, The Carian coast III, ABSA 52(1957), 58146, at 137 (republishing the inscription, whence SEG), and 136 (location of sanctuary).Lepsia: IACP p. 733. Apollo Terbintheus attested at Miletos: Syll.3 633 (c. 180 B.C.), line 79. The tem-ple was at nearby Myous, by that time subject to Miletos. For the medical appropriateness of and to their context in the poem, see above, p. 105.

94 Athena Boudeia Thessalian: Steph. Byz. 136 Billerbeck. See C. Trmpy, Athena Boudeia,ZPE 100 (1994), 40712, prompted by SEG 36.1116.7. For Boudeia see also Decourt (n. 91),3848. Athena Pallenis: IG 13 383 lines 1212, cf. 32830 (429/8 B.C.) and 369 lines 71 and 88(423/2 B.C.); Ath. 234F with D.M. Lewis (ed. P.J. Rhodes), Selected Papers in Greek and Near

LYKOPHRON AND EPIGRAPHY 111

Dionysos is hidden behind the epithet at 207. This refers to the myth ofTelephos of Mysia (NW Asia Minor), who was tripped up (from ) byDionysos on the occasion of the first and misdirected Greek expedition againstTroy. Lykophron says that this tripping up happened not because of divine angeragainst Telephos the usual story but because Agamemnon had prayed toZeus, who therefore helped the Greeks. A mid second-century B.C. inscriptionfrom Delphi, a dedication of a stoa, purports to give the hexameter text of an oracleof Apollo (Loxias) telling Agamemnon to sacrifice to the ,king, where the specification of sacrifice means that looks like a cultictitle. (The common Apolline epithet Loxias is suggested at the start and close of thepoem, at 14 and 1467, but the correspondence hardly amounts to significant epi-graphic corroboration.) This remarkable inscription shows that the mythologicaltradition, as recorded at length in the scholia and by Tzetzes, was correct to associ-ate the epithet with Telephos of Mysia (correct in the sense that this associationwas taken for granted in the Hellenistic period, i.e. Lykophrons own time).Dionysos , the Bull, is similarly attested both in Lykophron (209) and ina verse inscription from Delphi: the cult paian of Philodamos (340 B.C.). (Dionysos as Wine-god, see Lycoph. 1247) is not yet attested epigraphically, butthe related Attic genos of the Theoinidai is so attested, in a late Hellenisticinscription.95

Eastern History (Cambridge, 1997), 91 and 98. The interesting but complex question of the relation of at 1150 to Athena , epigraphically attested at Physkeis in W. (i.e. Ozolian) Lokris (seeesp. the manumissions IG 9.12 67184, and now a further set, SEG 56.5708) is discussed in theLokrian Maidens section of the commentary announced in n. 1.

95 SEG 19.399 (see G. Daux and J. Bousquet, Agamemnon, Tlphe, Dionysos Sphaletas et lesAttalides, RA 19 [1942/3], 11325 and 20 [1942/3], 1940); cf. T. Scheer (n. 7), 1323 andB. Dignas, Rituals and the construction of identity in Attalid Pergamon, in B. Dignas and R.R.R.Smith, Historical and Religious Memory in the Ancient World (Oxford, 2012), 11943, at 135. Forthe date of the dedicated building, see SEG 53.490. For Dionysos in Lycoph. see not only209 but 1238, , with : the maenads wear horns because they are imitatingDionysos, ; see Rohde (n. 8), 269 n. 19,and 258 with 2723 nn. 33 and 35. Dionysos Tauros in Philodamos paian: SEG 32.552 (= Furley/Bremer no. 2.5), lines 23: [, ]| etc. As can be seen, is entirely restored,but for metrical and other reasons the restoration is convincing. It may be objected that although thepaian as a whole is cultic (Furley/Bremer, 1.128), this particular word, never repeated in the otherwiserepetitive poem, is merely literary and poetic (cf. Eur. Bacch. 920, already quoted by ), like theaccompanying epithet ivy-tressed. But there is other evidence. In PMG 871 (from Plut. Mor.299B) = Furley/Bremer no. 12. 1, lines 67, the women of Elis invoke Dionysos with the repeatedcry worthy bull, . This text is thought to be very ancient. Discussing Philodamospaian, A. Jacquemin, Panthon et epiclses delphiques: Apollon et les autres dieux, Nommer lesdieux 24153, at 250 and n. 71, says that the cult of Dionysos Tauros had a particular role at Elis.This is not obviously supported by the study she cites (C. Calame in J.-M. Adam et al., Le discoursan