Guiding Children’s Social Development and Learningcollege.cengage.com/early_childhood_education/course360/... · 2010-11-12 · 190 Guiding Children’s Social Development and Learning

Guiding Children’sSocial Development and Learning

Marjorie J. Kostelnik, Ph.D.University of Nebraska–Lincoln

Kara Murphy Gregory, Ph.D.Michigan State University

Anne K. Soderman, Ph.D.Michigan State University

Alice Phipps Whiren, Ph.D.Michigan State University

SEVENTH EDITION

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Guiding Children’s Social Development and Learning, Seventh EditionMarjorie J. Kostelnik, Ph.D., Kara Murphy Gregory, Ph.D., Anne K. Soderman, Ph.D., and Alice Phipps Whiren, Ph.D.

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• The role of adults in facilitating children’s play.

• Communications with family members about children’s play.

• Pitfalls to avoid in facilitating children’s play.

Chapter 7Play as a Context for Social Development and Learning

• What play is and what it is not.

• Different types of play.

• Developmental trends in play.

• How play contributes to social competence.

Objectives

On completion of this chapter, you should be able to describe:

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Chapter 7 Play as a Context for Social Development and Learning 189

society, we treat play as a luxury because it does not

produce a specifi c academic goal in the short term.

Play is brain food, however, with children achieving

physical fi tness, performing executive functions,

engaging in complex communications, and practicing

social skills. As you read the rest of this chapter, ask

yourself what would happen to the children and to

society if children did not play.

❘■ The Nature of Play Any defi nition of play must take into account the

gleeful chase of toddlers, the intense dramatization

of an irate father played out in the housekeeping

area, the boisterous, rough horsing around of young

boys, the concentrated practice of a 10-year-old

shooting basket after basket, the chanting cadence

of the jump-rope rhyme, and the patience and strat-

egy of the school-age child accumulating wealth in a

Monopoly game.

Play has certain defi nitive characteristics (Klein,

Wirth, & Linas, 2004; Segal, 2004). Play is essentially

enjoyable; although players may not be actively laugh-

ing, they are having fun. Children are actively engaged;

they are deeply involved and not easily distracted.

Play is intrinsically motivated; there are no extrinsic

goals. The process is more important than the ends.

Play events are separated from everyday experiences

by a play frame that let’s all players know it is “not for

real” (Johnson, Christie, & Wardle, 2005). Play is vol-

untary; to be play, the activity must be freely chosen by

the child. It is not serious or does not “count” from the

child’s perspective.

Play is determined as play by the players. Players

may begin, end, or alter the activity in progress con-

sulting only the other players. Adult-directed activity

is not play, though it may be enjoyable. The opposite of

play is reality, or seriousness, rather than work. People

play at their work, enjoying it thoroughly, and work

hard at developing play skills necessary for a sport.

Six- and seven-year-old children readily distinguish

between work and play, yet they describe “in between”

characteristics of play that are more “work-like” and

work that is fun (Wing, 1995).

Genetic Foundations Play is a species behavior (Power, 2000). All mam-

mals, including humans play. Adaptability, behav-

ioral fl exibility, and physical fi tness have had great

survival value and are practiced and enhanced

throughout play. Overall, the individual animals that

Situation: Two children are playing family roles of hus-band and wife. Anne: (Looking at rocking horse) Gotta go.

Phillip: Go?

Anne: Gotta go to work.

Phillip: No, you cook.

Anne: Can’t cook, gotta go to work. (Climbs on the horse and begins to rock)

Phillip: No, you cook and stuff. I’ll go to work. (Holds the reigns of the rocking horse)

Anne: Gonna be late for work. You stay and cook.

Phillip: Don’t you know? You cook, and I go to work.

Anne: (Trying unsuccessfully to rock) Drop you off on my way to work.

Phillip: (Mounts the horse behind her)

The play of these children nearly fl oundered for

lack of a shared meaning about the roles that they

were playing. Fortunately, they were able to agree on

both riding the horse to work even though they did

not fully realize the diffi culty of their differing percep-

tions of the roles of wives. Anne’s mother had been

employed throughout Anne’s 4 years of life, and Phil-

lip’s mother was a full-time homemaker. Yet, through

play, these two children discovered a means for coping

with their differing points of view.

Play is both common and complex. It is the pre-

dominant social activity of early childhood and con-

tinues to provide a vehicle for social interaction as

children mature. Within the context of play, children

plan to meet for play, decide the details of what to

play, determine how to play, negotiate the rules of

play, and develop roles to carry out within their play.

Because play is such an important aspect of chil-

dren’s lives, adults need to understand the nature of

play and their part in supporting play throughout

childhood. Unfortunately, play is frequently misun-

derstood, neglected, ignored, or replaced with adult-

driven agendas. Opportunities for play are being

squeezed out of schools. Recess has been eliminated

or reduced in time for many children. Pretend play

and block play are disappearing from grades K–3;

time for whole group instruction is increasing; and

there is increased emphasis on facts and narrow skill

sets (Planta, Cox, & Snow, 2007). At the same time,

free play at home is increasingly restricted with fam-

ily members working more hours and adult fears of

unsupervised (unprotected) play in the neighbor-

hoods. Increasingly children are overscheduled. As a



190 Guiding Children’s Social Development and Learning

have a complex relation, with new learning being both

generated in the context of play and practiced on other

play occasions. Play leads development and calls forth

opportunities for new competencies to be explored,

modifi ed, practiced, or even discarded for more effec-

tive strategies. For instance, as children mature, they

recognize fair and unfair treatment, and they gradually

develop ethical identities (Edmiston, 2008). They plan

ahead for their play, as Linda did when she brought the

long jump rope to school. Ultimately, they learn self-

control and to infl uence their playmates so that the play

continues smoothly. In fact, there is no element of social

competence to which play does not contribute (see

Figure 7-1).

As you read this chapter, you will gain further

insights into the particulars of how play supports each

category of social competence. Let us begin by explor-

ing how the spontaneous play of children is impacted

by children’s gender, their degree of social participa-

tion, and their status in the playgroup.

Gender. There are no gender differences in play in

the fi rst 2 years (Power, 2000). After children establish

their gender identity and can reliably identify others

as boys and girls, the nature of their play changes

forever (Fagot & Leve, 1998). The style of play and

the choices of themes differ though the amount of

play is the same. Most boys tend to play more vig-

orously and more aggressively than girls. They also

range further away from adults than do girls. Social

culture for boys tends to be organized into compet-

ing groups or coalitions, whereas the social culture

for girls is consistently more communal. Girls tend

to focus on relationships and social support, dem-

onstrating more nurturing and empathy in their

play (Geary, 2004). These naturally occurring gen-

der differences are reinforced through social learn-

ing. While children are growing up, family members,

the media, and other social institutions provide clear

cues as to appropriate gender behavior. Thus, boys

and girls receive strong messages about appropri-

ate play for a child of their sex. Through words and

actions, adults let children know what is expected.

Moreover, parents (and fathers in particular) punish

the play of both daughters and sons that falls outside

of gender stereotyped roles (although greater lati-

tude is offered for girls to play with trucks than for

boys to play with dolls) (Honig, 1998). Media and toy

manufacturers reinforce stereotypical gender-related

behavior in the play materials created for this age

group as well (Willis, 1999).

As a result of these infl uences, it doesn’t take long

for prekindergarten children to begin to prefer to play

play a lot appear to be in better physical condition,

have stronger social networks, and are more socially

adjusted to their group (Bekoff & Pierce, 2009). Play

has its own distinct communication signals and social

conventions. Similar object play, play-fi ghting, and

play-chasing behaviors are common among children

as well primates (Power, 2000). Most importantly,

play is essential to the growth and development of

the social brain (Panksepp, 2008).

Social Development and Play

Gary saw Charles enter the 3- to 4-year-olds’ classroom with anticipation and excitement. He ran toward him, eager to play, and tackled him around the knees, sending him to the fl oor with a crash. Charles cried and sought to get away from Gary. In dismay, Gary noted, “He don’t want to play with me.”

Linda entered the playground holding a rope long enough for two others to swing for jumping rope. She told the other girls that she had learned how to jump doubles from her older cousins. As Olivia and Angeline twirled rope, Linda started to jump, inviting Kathleen to join her. With many stops and starts and Linda’s coaching, the girls fi nally began rhythmic jumping together. Franny stood by, waiting and watching. After a long jumping sequence, Kathleen made a misstep and Franny got her turn. Angeline and Olivia turned the rope more smoothly at an even, slow pace. Franny started jumping right away without the missteps that Kathleen made at the beginning.

Fergus and Paul were at the water table in the kinder-garten room. Pouring water into containers holding 8 ounces of fl uid, Fergus noticed that Paul kept pouring water into an overfl owing salad dressing bottle and said, “When it’s full, it’s full. You can’t fuller it no more. Dump it or use another one.” Paul noticed his full bottle, dumped it, and began fi lling it again.

Gary learned from the consequences of his own behav-

ior that a tackle is not a suitable approach to initiate

play. Linda learned to coach others as they attempt

new skills and also how to keep the other players

interested. Olivia and Angeline cooperated in twirling

the rope, delaying gratifi cation in anticipation of their

own turns. Franny learned how to jump doubles from

the errors of Kathleen. Fergus learned that he can give

information that can help another, and Paul learned to

accept help.

Each child in these examples has either learned a

new social skill or practiced one. Play and social learning




that both boys and girls view exclusion of other chil-

dren solely on the basis of gender as wrong, based on

it not being “fair,” even when the materials to be used

in the activity are stereotypical (Theimer, Killen, &

Strangor, 2001).

School-age children continue the trend in role

selection, but often incorporate media or literary

fi gures into their role play. Gender-specifi c por-

trayal is clearer and more detailed as knowledge of

with gender-specifi c materials and with same-sex

peers. Girls participate more frequently in housekeep-

ing settings enacting social roles, and boys engage in

pretend play in garage, spaceship, or work-related

settings focusing on power relationships (Howe et al.,

1993). Children have no diffi culty in discriminating

sex-stereotyped toys for boys and girls, even though

they may not choose to restrict themselves to the toys

intended for their gender. It is also interesting to note

PLANNING & DECISION-MAKING SKILLS S

ELF-REGULATIO

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POSITIVE SELF-IDENTITY INT

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ON

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KILLS

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LIG

ENCE

SOCIA

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Ethical identityFair play vs. unfair playExploration of nurturer/provider: aggressor/victim roles

Gender identityStatus in play groupUses fantasy to explore emotions and rolesExperiences powerful and powerless situations safelySense of worth enhanced by successful playConfidence and competence in movement play

Controls impulsesSets limits for play partners, accepts limits set by play partnersFollows game rules appropriately for ageShares materials or takes turnsMaintains role in pertend episodesAbides by game rules

Reads & sends nonverbal cuesEngages in stress reducing physically vigorous playDisplays an array of emotions in psychologically safe wayLearns to win and to lose in gamesExplores emotionally laden roles and situations in play (birth, death, divorce etc.)

Gender specific behaviorShare cultural information and valuesCope with diversity of understanding/perspectives/ abilities

Plans for play: gathers materialsChooses play participation, activity, playmatesContributes to plans of othersSocial problem solving

Takes another’s perspective in role playCoordinates own action with others to facilitate playExchanges play ideasNegotiates roles and rulesLearns from peer observation, interaction, feedbackCoaches other players, initiates, maintains, and terminates play

CU

LTU

RA

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MPETENCE

FIGURE 7-1 How Play Contributes to Social Competence.

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Social participation. Children’s participation in

play ranges from lack of involvement to individual

engagement to group activity. These forms of social

participation are acquired in sequence, yet each

type of participation has independent, important

characteristics that have value in their own right

(Parten, 1932):

1. Unoccupied behavior: The child is not engaged

in any task or social participation. Most of the

time is spent looking around or wandering

around, but with no specifi c task.

2. Onlooker: The child actively observes other

children and sometimes talks with them.

3. Solitary play: The child plays with toys alone

and independently, without interacting with

others. Children use their intelligence and prob-

lem-solving abilities to engage with objects or to

pretend alone (Bornstein, 2007).

4. Parallel activity: The child plays independently,

but other children engaged in the same activity

are nearby. Nonverbal contact is common. Two

children putting puzzles together on the same

table is typical of this type of play.

5. Associative play: The child interacts with other

children around a similar, but not identical, activ-

ity. For example, Niki rides his truck back and

forth near a block construction where Dennis and

Mark are working together. Occasionally, he stops

to comment and then continues his “deliveries.”

6. Cooperative or organized supplementary play:

The child plays in a group to make some mate-

rial product or to strive for some common goal.

Ring-around-a-rosy is cooperative play, as is the

play of Dennis and Mark, who are engaged in

building.

Solitary play and the various forms of group play

are not hierarchical categories. In fact, solitary play fos-

ters the formation of novel behavior patterns and exer-

cises creativity, whereas social play serves to enhance

the bonds between individuals (Dolgin, 1981). Solitary

play is the most common form of play for toddlers,

partly because they lack experience and opportunity to

interact with peers and partly because there is a point

at which toddlers switch from treating peers as objects.

Midway through the second year, toddlers are capable

of mutual involvement, turn-taking, and repetition in

playful activities between two children (Hay, Ross, &

Goldman, 2004).

You may see all forms of social participation in play

in any setting. For example, the onlooker, although not

sex stereotypes and awareness of gender constancy

become uniform above age 7. Increasingly, children

have more detailed information about the specifi c

characteristics of their appropriate sex role and how

to act accordingly as well as what physical activities

are for boys or girls (Bem, 1985; Schmalz & Kerstetter,

2006).

In general, older girls’ play activities generate

rule learning, imitation, task persistence, bids for rec-

ognition, compliance, remaining close to adults, and

help-seeking behaviors, whereas boys’ play activities

force them into creative problem-solving behaviors,

exploration, and the restructuring of prior learning

(Block, 1979). These behaviors usually are consid-

ered by society to be typical for their sex role. Both

boys and girls engage in competitive play, with boys

engaging in more direct open competition, and girls

scheming for position or status, often at the expense

of others’ hurt feelings as they try out different social

roles (Goodwin, 2006). Still, there remain substan-

tial individual differences—healthy male children

often engage in nurturing and communal behavior,

and healthy female children participate in the asser-

tive vigorous physical play most often associated

with boys.

Within the roles of pretend play, children learn how to demonstrate empathy to others and how to display and read others’ pretend and real emotions.

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Certain levels of maturity are required for both solitary and group play, and most preschool children participate in both types.

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socially involved, may be acquiring the knowledge that

later will enable him or her to participate more directly.

Some children need time to wander through the play

setting to see what their choices are before making a

decision. Parallel play frequently occurs prior to an epi-

sode of cooperative play. Therefore, each kind of social

participation has something to contribute to the child’s

social development.

Social status. When children play together, they

invariably learn about status in the group, dominance

roles, and other power relationships. Their play pro-

vides a safe way to explore their own position among

the players and also to indirectly comment on the exis-

tence of power relationships (Pellegrini, 2004). Children

also may resort to applying specifi c classroom rules

in situations where another player might thwart their

wishes. For example, a child might call forth the rule

of “no guns” when another child has constructed a

weapon and playmates are intrigued. Such assertions

as “Only four can play,” “Take care of what you get

out,” and “First come, fi rst served” may be recalled and

applied by young children only when they serve the pur-

poses of the child calling on the rule (Jordan, Cowan, &

Roberts, 1995; Winther-Lindqvist, 2009). Other less

overt strategies are equally effective. For example, Toby,

who faces Jeanette and announces, “Let’s play house,” is

communicating her desire to play, but also is excluding

Marie, on whom she has turned her back. This message




Children engaging in exploratory behavior are scan-

ning the environment, scrutinizing, feeling, smell-

ing, mouthing, shaking, hefting, moving, operating,

probing, or otherwise investigating the nature of the

objects at hand. Exploratory play generally consists

of three general patterns: procuring objects, manu-

ally investigating, and asking questions (Power,

2000). The questions being addressed are the follow-

ing: What can this do? How does it work? What is

the nature of this object or situation? Exploratory

behavior of novel objects precedes true play behavior

(Hutt, 1971). The amount of exploration with novel

objects remains consistent, but studies suggest that

strategies used show developmental change becom-

ing more systematic over time (Power, 2000). Adults

use this understanding to support this progressive

change.

The complexity of the objects seems to be closely

related to the time taken to investigate them. Complex-

ity increases with the number of parts (consider the

variety of puzzles or model cars), responsiveness or pli-

ability (sand or water is more pliable than a toy truck),

and the number of possible uses (a ball is more versatile

than a hockey stick). Novelty is also a major factor, with

is equally clear to all concerned. Toby has established

her role of leader by initiating the play activity and may

continue by defi ning the ongoing play.

Children who have high status in the group tend

to direct their messages to specifi c players. Often they

do this with more than one playmate, each in turn. Pre-

ferred players, though, must be contingently respon-

sive to other children to maintain the play. Even when

rejecting a play idea, the high-status child may offer an

explanation or an alternative rather than an outright

rejection, thus continuing the interaction (Hazen &

Black, 1989). High-status players also decide which

rules apply to a particular game. For example, the rule

of equal numbers of players per team may be ignored

if a friend of the dominate child wants to play, making

one team larger (Winther-Lindqvist, 2009).

Competent school-age children behave in ways that

are relevant to the ongoing activity and are sensitive to

the nonverbal cues of playmates and responsive and

appropriate to the social initiations by their peers. Less-

effective children have poor emotional regulation and

situation knowledge, are less attentive to social cues, and

are much more likely to engage their peers in aggres-

sive or coercive cycles. They are frequently rejected or

isolated by their playmates. These lower-status children

appear to be less connected to the group and unable to

“read” the social situations or the emotional tenor of the

group in order to coordinate their activities with others

(Pettit & Harrist, 1993). Children use all social partici-

pation strategies and incorporate their social identities,

such as status in the group, special skills, and friendship

networks, into all types of play.

❘■ Types of Play

Exploratory Behavior

Renzell, age 4, picked up a stethoscope, blew into the bell, looked at the earpieces, put the earpieces in his ears, tapped the bell, and then walked over to a doll and announced that he was a doctor. He played out this role with several dolls, listening to their bodies all over. When Michael entered the area, Renzell said, “I think you are sick,” and began to listen to Michael’s arm. Michael told him, “Listen right here,” pointing to his chest. Renzell listened to Michael’s chest and said the thing didn’t work. He then listened to Michael’s chest in different places, asking, “Can you hear that?” every now and then. He also listened to the radiator, to the hamster, and to other children, momentarily forgetting his doctor role.

The fi rst step in learning about objects and problem solving is investigative exploration.

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experiences of all the children as well as the terrain,

plants, or other objects in the physical space suggest

content and type of play outdoors (Reifel & Yeatman,

1993). In addition, the quality of the play context is

highly associated with children’s social problem solv-

ing (Goleman, 2007).

Playthings are reduced in size and simplifi ed

(such as a toy stove), replicated (such as a toy truck), or

structured to make basic concepts clear (such as a set

of various-size colored rings on a cone-shaped holder).

They vary from very realistic (miniature furniture for

toddlers) to more abstract forms (sculpted animals for

older children). Toys are also symbolic: They represent

family relationships, provide cues for appropriate sex-

role behavior, represent the child’s own self-identity,

and transmit cultural values. For example, children

learn social values when they recognize that other chil-

dren from around the world play with toys that they

enjoy as well.

Children’s motor competence, cognitive function-

ing, and social skills affect how they engage with oth-

ers and with playthings.

Developmental changes in the use of objects. Objects are fi rst explored, then combined with other

things functionally related, and then used in pretend.

Toddlers use objects in bids for interaction with age-

mates. Having possession of desired objects or play

space keeps even a low status player in the game, or

pretend play. Following is the sequence of object use

children showing wariness of objects that are too novel.

Children still explore when they encounter the same

object after a time interval or objects that are similar to

more familiar ones. Computer games incorporate both

novelty and complexity with the many options built

within some of the software stimulating both explora-

tion of the software program and game play.

Babies explore with mouths, hands, and feet using

all their senses. Prekindergarten children explore paste

by tasting, smelling, and smearing before using it to

adhere pieces of paper. Water and sand are poured,

patted, tasted, and smelled. Six- to seven-year-olds

are more precise in manipulating things and engage

in careful visual or auditory exploration as well. For

example, when they encounter a manual potter’s

wheel, children will swirl it around with their fi ngers,

examine it closely to see how it works, and try it out

with a bit of clay before trying to make something with

the wheel. Older children explore very deliberately,

but are quicker. All children explore alone and in small

groups, frequently shifting between examination and

calling on friends to share discoveries.

Children shift from the question, “What does this

object do?” to a slightly different question, “What can

I do with this object?” Children incorporate objects

into their play, where they determine the meanings

and uses of the artifact. Like Renzell and his stetho-

scope, children shift from exploration to imaginative

play repeatedly during a single episode. Play is never

“just play,” but an important activity for the devel-

opment of all children. Adults play multiple roles

in enabling the play of children, including intensive

intervention for those children whose play skills

interfere with their social development. These are

summarized in the Social Support Pyramid shown in

Figure 7-2.

Play with Objects Children of all ages will play with anything: real

things (utensils, furnishings, leaves and sticks, ani-

mals); reconstruction materials or instructional

materials (memory games, puzzles, stacking toys);

construction materials (blocks, paints, clay, card-

board); fl uid materials (water, sand, snow); toys (cars,

dolls, and other miniature replicas); sports equipment

(balls, mallets); board games (Monopoly, Chutes and

Ladders); and media games (handheld electronic

games, computer games). Play behavior occurs every-

where: the bus, yard, playground, prekindergarten,

lunchroom, classroom, or hallway. The play context

includes space, materials, time, and other people. The

Teaching & CoachingDeciding: When to Intervene When Not to Intervene How to Intervene

Providing: Time Space Materials

Supportive Environments

Accepting: Children’s Play Styles Themes Cultural Differences

Positive Relationships

Social Support Pyramid

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FIGURE 7-2 Social Support Pyramid: Enhancing Children’s Play.

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Transform means to substitute one object for

another. For example, a 3-year-old might use a pen-

cil, a stick, a tongue depressor, or a screwdriver in the

absence of a spoon to stir a drink or to feed a doll.

The fi rst six behavior patterns are sometimes

combined and practiced to gain mastery over an

object. Mastery play or practice play is repetitious,

but may have slight variations until the properties of

the object are understood and thoroughly mastered.

One 2-year-old manipulated a set of seven nesting

cubes in 30 different ways. Each cube was combined

with one, two, and three other cubes, in addition to

the full set. She also tried stacking the cubes. Mas-

tery play, as well as exploratory behavior, is common

when people of any age encounter objects that are

novel and complex. Older children engage in similar

play with newly introduced technologies. Children,

as young as 30 months, cooperate in attaining mas-

tery over playthings.

Style differences in object use. Children’s play

style appears to develop between ages 2 and 3 and to

carry on as a preferred mode of play throughout child-

hood (Shotwell, Wolf, & Gardner, 1979). Some children

respond to the symbolic potential of objects more read-

ily than others. Their play style has been called the

that you will see if you work with young children.

Older children continue to use objects in play simi-

larly, with ease.

1. Motor behavior is repetitive, and mouthing is

used.

2. Objects are systematically explored.

3. Actions begin to be appropriate for objects.

4. Objects that have functional relationships are

combined.

5. Action patterns are combined to form larger

sequences (stirring in, pouring from, and wash-

ing a bowl).

6. Action patterns are applied to self (may be

simple pretending—e.g., eating or sleeping).

7. Action patterns are applied to others or to rep-

licas (doll “eats”).

8. The ability to act is attributed to replicas (doll

“feeds” teddy bear).

9. Objects that are not present, but are needed

to complete a logical sequence are “invented”

(pretends a spoon to stir with).

10. Objects are transformed for use in sequences

(uses pencil for spoon).

This little person is engaged in solitary play and problem solving using the reconstruction toy of stacking cups.

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child appears to be using before insisting that chil-

dren divide up the materials and share them. A better

approach to a patterner is to suggest the sequential use

of materials. A dramatist is unlikely to be disturbed

by sharing the material as long as there is enough to

enact the story he or she has in mind. These children

also fi nd it easier to put materials away because their

imagination is the true source of the play, not the mate-

rials themselves.

Dramatic Play Dramatic play, or pretend play, probably is one of the

most apparent forms of play seen in children. Pretend

play may begin at about 1 year of age, and the amount

of time spent at it peaks between the ages of 5 and 6,

and then drops off as children are in school for longer

periods of time. Pretend continues throughout child-

hood as older children engage in literary fantasy play

or fantasy media play, but school and group games

take more of their time. If time and opportunity per-

mits, they maintain the story line over several days or

weeks.

Pretend play with others, or sociodramatic play,

in which children share goals, a theme, and materials,

dramatist style. The dramatist uses objects to further

the narrative of the story being portrayed or imagined.

The dramatist builds simply, just enough to construct

the house or store where the people live and shop. The

patterner of the same age combines blocks in larger,

more complex, more elaborate structures, experiment-

ing with line and balance. Children using the pattern-

ers style are interested in the color, texture, shape,

form, and other physical characteristics. The dramatist

approaches materials with the question, “What story

can I tell with these things?” The patterner approaches

the materials with the question, “How can I arrange

these things so that they are beautiful?” Pattern-

ers communicate meaning by the spatial location of

objects. Concerned with design elements and the func-

tions of the structures or arrangements that they make,

a child who is a patterner may use all the trucks and

arrange them by size, color, function, or other criteria.

Adults who do not recognize this style of play some-

times expect the child to give up some of the trucks to

other players, who could be satisfi ed with using one if

they use the dramatic style. However, the removal of

several units of the design would totally disrupt the

purpose of the other child’s play. Observant adults

who supervise children should note which style the

If given the opportunity to play with others, young children will often engage in sociodramatic play, in which they share goals, a theme, and materials.

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In a recent review of cultural infl uences on social

play, there appeared to be variati ons in the timing of

skill development and in the preferences for particu-

lar themes in cross-cultural studies, as well as those of

subpopulations inside the United States (Power, 2000;

Gaskins, Haight, & Lancy, 2007). When play is under-

stood as a cultural activity, it is easier to see how the

relationship of the child’s culture (economic conditions,

characteristics of the community, the value placed on

play by adults, and child-rearing practices) infl uence

both the skills of the players and the content of the play

(Göncü, Jain, & Tuermer, 2007). Apparently pretend

play is more sensitive to instruction and encourage-

ment from the adults in the environment than are other

forms of play (Smith, 2005). However, there appears to

be little difference in the types of play children choose

when all types of play are available (Ramsey, 1998).

Object substitution. Children develop several

skills before they can easily preten d with skilled chil-

dren. First, they must acquire the ability to substitute

one object for another or transform one object into

another. The closer the substituted object resembles

is possible by age 3 if children have acquired the

skills to do so and will continue throughout child-

hood. Onset of this challenging form of play is

delayed for those children whose opportunities are

more limited. Adults are able to successfully coach

children in developing the play skills that they have

not already acquired. There are differences in style

with which children enact events in their pretend

play, as detailed in Table 7-1 (Rosenberg, 2001). Style

refers to features of the behavior that occur indepen-

dent of the content of the play. As with object play,

style tends to be consistent over time with a player.

Some children use both styles or do not appear to

have a preferred mode.

When interrupted for a transition in a group set-

ting, the pragmatist simply stops and complies with

adult requests. The fantasizer, however, has diffi culty

leaving the imaginative mode and may resist change

by ignoring the adult—incorporating the adult request

into the fantasy—and may appear distracted or dis-

tressed at the interruption when forced to comply.

Such children need suffi cient warning to complete

their imaginative episode prior to transition.

Characteristic Traits

Fantasizer 1. Child is thoroughly into the imaginative play. She cannot be distracted, has no concern about

failure, and lacks self-consciousness. She is focused and riveted.

2. There is an internal locus of control with a lack of concern for the adult leader or supervisor,

who seem to be ignored.

3. There is self-talk during the play where the child appears to have conversations with his

“other self.” He may take multiple roles.

4. She usually has vivid images with details drawn from her own experience, but frequently

imagines what has never happened. She oscillates between memory and fantasy with the

memories providing a stimulus for elaboration.

5. Fantasizers jump right into the activity and begin to play, or they choose not to participate.

6. They seem to be very sensitive to sensory cues and won’t engage when there is a bad smell

or they do not feel well.

Pragmatist 1. This child is concerned with the real world around her and can be distracted by nearby

activity.

2. There is a concern for the audience. He may seek approval and may need to be encouraged

by the caregiver.

3. She may ask for clarifi cation or permission from the adult in the midst of play and then start

up again. The play is less intense.

4. He engages in self-talk, but it is generally self-evaluative or a comment on what he has done,

“I really don’t like this hat.”

5. The pragmatists enact what has happened in their lives. Their imagery is general, such as

any cat, rather than a specifi c cat.

6. She will play under more adverse conditions and does not appear to be concerned with the

temperature or sensory characteristics of the space.

7. She tries hard to fi nd a useful procedure to carry out the activity, is predictable, and seeks

adult approval.

TABLE 7-1 Dramatic Styles of Children in Imaginative Play.




babies can’t iron or they’ll get burned. Debbie climbed

back into her bed, said: “Grow, grow, grow. I’m the

big sister now,” and returned to the ironing board,

condensing many years into a few seconds. Time and

place have no restrictions except in the information of

the players.

Role-playing. The young player must learn to take

on a role. The simplest kind of role is the functional

role (Watson & Fisher, 1980). The child becomes

a person who is driving a truck. This role does not

contain a permanent identity or personality, but

is defi ned by the person in the present situation. A

child taking on a character role, however, engages

in many behavioral sequences appropriate for the

part. Character roles include family roles (mother,

father, sister), occupational roles (fi refi ghter, doctor),

and fi ctional roles (superhero, witch). Family roles

are played with much more detail than the others.

Younger children tend to limit themselves to roles

with which they have had direct experience (baby,

parent), but older children are more likely to act out

roles that they have observed (husband, wife) and try

more occupational roles. Lastly, preschool children

are able to portray multiple roles. One 30-month-old

girl was observed playing “mother” to “baby” and

“wife” to “husband” while coaching “husband” in

how to perform the role of “father” (Miller & Gar-

vey, 1984). Upper-elementary children are capable of

assuming a broad variety of character roles. Role and

action representations initially are affected by the

availability of realistic props.

Cultural and experiential differences in children. Children bring to the play expe rience their cultural

background and lifestyle as sources of information.

They may play out life experiences that are unfamil-

iar to their teachers, such as cocktail parties, cruises,

foreign travel, being evicted, gang fi ghting, family

violence, and burglaries, as well as explicitly sexual

activities. Adults may not feel comfortable with some

of this play in the group, but children may need to play

out their experiences. Children may be redirected into

other aspects of family role behavior such as going to

work or cleaning house. However, for play to fl ourish,

they should not be scolded or shamed about theme or

role depiction.

In addition, the ways boys and girls establish

common ground necessary for sociodramatic p lay

are quite different. Boys tend to use statements about

themselves or about what they are going to do to

defi ne a common play situation: “I am the bus driver,”

acclaimed Milton as he manipulated chairs and blocks

the object needed for the dramatization, the more

likely the child will be to use it. A shell can be sub-

stituted for a cup, but not for a bat. Between 2 and 3

years of age, children can substitute one object in their

play, but not two. For example, an abstract wooden

object might be used for a horse and a cup for a drink-

ing trough, but the play breaks down if the child is

given the abstract wooden object and a shell. In the

third year, children will substitute a cup for any con-

tainer: potty-chair, bowl, hat, or dish. Adults know the

child is substituting because the object is renamed or

because the action with the object is clearly an action

appropriate for the object being substituted for. How-

ever, 4-year-olds tend to use objects more realistically

(Trawick-Smith, 1990). They are more likely to engage

in sociodramatic play, in which all the players must

agree on the meaning of each pretend object. There

are obvious complications in having many substi-

tuted objects during group play.

Object invention. Next, children need to be able

to invent an object—to imitate i ts use through actions

even when no object is at hand. Object invention is

simple pantomime, and in its simplest form, only one

pretend object at a time is used. A child may use a stir-

ring action above a bowl to invent a spoon, or twirl an

arm above the head to symbolize a rope. Younger chil-

dren fi nd it very diffi cult to mime without a placeholder

object (a real object that takes the place of another real

object, such as a stone used as a car). Between 3 and 4

years of age, they pretend with nothing to hold onto.

School-age children do it readily.

Children who have not learned how to pretend

may approach toys in an exploratory mode and then

respond to them as if they were real. In one preschool

room, Emily entered the housekeeping area and exam-

ined the model stove, turning the knobs, gingerly

touching the burners, and opening the oven to peer

inside. Then, she pulled the stove from the wall and

examined the back. Putting her hands on her hips in

great disgust, she addressed the teacher, “This damned

stove won’t work!” She was upset when the adult

responded that the toy stove was not supposed to

work like a real stove.

Changes of time and place. Children also learn

to transform time and settings. The y might substitute

a climber for a spaceship in fl ight or pretend that the

sandbox is a beach during the period when prehistoric

animals lived. Players are very aware of this conven-

tion and tend to play consistently with it. For example,

Debbie, the “baby,” climbed out of her bed to iron on

the ironing board. Her “mother” admonished her that




to form a bus. Other boys joined the play theme by

either assisting in the construction of the bus or sit-

ting in it. On the other hand, girls usually focus on

the group or the relationship and frequently establish

the relationships between players as a means to begin

play. “Let’s pretend we are lost and scared,” quivered

Jean to her companion. The girls took hands and hid

under the table.

Accepting the cultural diversity in a group of

children is basic to accepting the children . Race, eth-

nicity, religion, age, gender, family composition, life-

style, economic circumstances, presence of disabling

conditions, sexual preferences of familiar adults, as

well as specifi cs related to the local community may

appear in children’s play content. One 11-year-old

sought information about what to call the grandchil-

dren of her father’s second wife by her fi rst husband

and whether or not they should be invited to the wed-

ding that she was enacting with adult fi gures. Adult

responses of surprise, shock, or confusion can usually

be reduced when such adults seek to understand the

cultural milieu of all the children. Play behavior is built

on variations of serious behavior, then repeated, com-

bined in a number of ways, reduced to unimportance

through humor, or magnifi ed through play ritual. Chil-

dren must use what they know, regardless of content.

Less-experienced children usually play like younger

children until they acquire the skills that others of

the age group demonstrate. Experienced, knowledge-

able adults take gender and cultural expectations into

account when setting up and guiding play.

Rules children construct for themselves in social pretend play. Between 2 and 6 ye ars of age, children

gradually generate rules to allow them to engage in

pretend play in groups. Two- and three-year-olds

do not see the need for the rules until they begin to

engage in more sophisticated themes and stories or

with more players. Some who have diffi culty in enter-

ing and maintaining complex social play have not yet

perceived the need for some rules, do not know the

rules, or have not quite understood how to put the

rules into operation. There may also be variations

among groups of children as they develop the social

rules. Needless to say, children need time and oppor-

tunity to interact with each other in supportive play

settings to construct or modify the internal rules of

social play (see Box 7–1).

Peer communication about pretend play. Meta-

communication, a commun ication about co mmuni-

cations, are either statements or actions that explain

messages about how a behavior should be interpreted

(Farver, 1992). They indicate if the behavior should be

taken seriously or playfully. Verbal metacommunica-

tions often set the scene or conditions for play: “Let’s

pretend this fi re is real.” Nonverbal metacommuni-

cations are less explicit, such as a child “shoveling

snow” in the middle of summer. Metacommunications

explicitly separate the real from the pretend and work

frequently to maintain the play (Göncü, Patt, & Kouba,

2004). Even when players step out of the play frame or

outside the adopted roles to provide information or a

rebuke, other players do not seem to experience confu-

sion (Dockett, 1998). Examine Table 7-2 carefully. You

will see how the child’s purpose for using metacom-

munication to further the play works with samples

of verbal and nonverbal communications. Messages

about the narrative or the setting frame play so that

it is socially defi ned as play and is not, therefore, “for

real.” To maintain play, some messages must be said

“out of frame” to share information so that the play

can continue.

Older children try to integrate the ideas of the

players within the shared text by using i mplicit sig-

nals to regulate the play drama (Dunn, 2009). Explicit

Implicit Rules

1. Children maintain the distinction between fantasy and reality while operating withi n the fantasy context.

2. Unless playing alone, children engage others in the pretend game in progress.

3. Childr en maintain the pretend sequence by creat-ing and continuing an adequate story lin e and by accepting the fantasy proposals of others. (Curran, 1999, p. 49)

BOX 7-1 Explicit and Implicit Rules.

Explicit Rules

1. A chi ld who is fi rst to arrive in the dress-up area, or who fi rst proposes an idea for a game, becomes the director of the play.

2. All children must ask to play.

3. All children must take on some role within the story.

4. All children must play fairly (although what is fair is not clearly defi ned; it is usua lly used in the context of taking turns, sharing, and not being bossy).




The play frame encompasses the scope of the play

event. Included in the play frame are all the objects and

peo ple relevant to the play scenario. Players within

the frame are linked by communication and by their

shared goals. For example, if a child is involved in an

episode where he or she must leave the “restaurant” to

get some more “food” from across the room, the child

is still in the frame. If a photograph were taken of the

pretend play episode described at the beginning of the

chapter, the photographer would automatically move

back to include the children and the rocking horse.

metacommunications are used when the narrative and

roles are negotiated during a preparation phase. During

the enactment phase, children try to maintain the illu-

sion of a different reality using mime, nonverbal cues,

role enactment, and storytelling strategies. More explicit

strategies are sometimes used if they encounter a break-

down in the story line, and also in the concluding phase

where a problem is resolved (Dunn, 2009). Each player

has to adjust what he or she does to all of the other play-

ers’ roles as well as to the narrative. This requires con-

siderable complex thinking and self-regulation.

Child’s Purpose Verbal Communication Nonverbal Communication

Initiating the play “Wanna play?”

“Let’s run.”

Enters a play setting and engages in behaviors

that start the play such as “cooking” or

“offering” blocks to another child

Establishing a theme “Let’s pretend we are in space and we

get lost.”

“I am the doctor. Is your baby sick?”

Uses props that suggest a theme such as a

menu for a restaurant or a cash register for a

store

Transforming settings or

inventing them

“It’s night, and dark here.” “This can

be my house and over there is your

house.” “Mission control is at the

table.”

Engages in actions that suggest a setting, such

as making water-fl ow noises while aiming a

hose

Establishing a role “I’m the mom.”

“I’ll get this ship working.”

“This will be the biggest building I

ever did!”

“Comforts” a doll

Carries the “tool box” over to the ship

Builds with blocks

Establishing another’s role “You better watch where you are

going.” “You be the daddy.”

Hands another child the objects to be used,

such as the fl owers in a “fl ower shop”

Establishing joint roles “We are just kids, and we are running

away.”

“You get to be the monster, then I do.”

(Used only with children who play together

frequently)

Acts as though experiencing great pain and

falls to the ground in front of another player

Transforming objects or

inventing them

“Take this ship to Mars” (while sitting

in a nest of large blocks).

“Here is the money” (while the child

gestures only).

Uses a teacup to feed or water model animals

in the “farm” constructed of blocks

Making plans about the feelings

or the behavior of another

“Let’s say you are really mean.” Uses facial expressions and gestures to convey

feelings

Making plans about his or her

own feelings or behavior

“This place is really scary so I better

hide.”

Voice and gesture are used to convey feelings

Establishing their joint feelings

or behavior

“We can put this fi re out really fast.

Get another hose.”

Voice and body movement are used to convey

feelings and ideas

Terminating play with

communication about theme,

role, props, or settings

“I don’t want you to chase me anymore.”

“Let’s play . . .”

“Put the stuff in the box and let’s have

a snack.”

Walks away

Looks away, attends to something else

Shakes head or uses other gestures to indicate

disengagement

TABLE 7-2 Purpose of Metacommunications about Play with Verbal and Nonverbal Examples.




breakfast now; . . . (whispering) no, you have to cook

the eggs before I eat.”

Formal pretend proposals sometimes are embed-

ded into ongoing play, as in “Let’s pretend the family

goes to the bea ch.” The suggestion for play variation

usually is used when the play scenario is becoming

repetitive or falling apart. Usually, the more indirect

methods are preferred after a play sequence is begun.

These are summarized in Table 7-3.

When children pretend using small fi gures and

blocks or a dollhouse, nearly all of the story line is pro-

vided by narr ative rather than by action of the dolls.

When children themselves are the actors, however,

they are more able to use nonverbal communicators as

well to supply the content of the play.

Role selection. The social relationships in a group

of children are refl ected in their play. High-status

children join ongoing play by imperiously adopting

a role or defi ning an activity (“I’ll be the aunt, com-

ing to visit”). Lower-status children must ask per-

mission to join the play (“Can I be the sister?”) and

may be restricted to particular roles. Often, higher-

status children will assign lower-status children

to the roles they may play (“You can be Grandma,

who’s sick”). The roles assigned may refl ect actual

status in the group. Play leaders also use rejection

statements (“You can’t play here”) and counter

defi ning statements (“We aren’t in a forest—we’re in

a jungle”).

This would be so, even though other persons might be

in either the foreground or background of the photo.

Persons and objects nearby—but not linked by com-

munication and common goals that further the play—

are out of the play frame.

Infl uencing the direction of play. Children tend

not to expose their pretend illusion unnecessarily. If

po ssible, they keep their communications “within

frame,” but metacommunications lie on a continuum

from deeply within frame to completely out of frame

(Griffi n, 1984).

Children use ulterior conversations, which might

appear to be role enactment, but do alter the course of

the play. The query “Is it nighttime?” from the “baby”

effectively initiates a caregiving sequence from the

“mother.”

Underscoring provides information to other play-

ers (“I’ll get the dinner now,” spoken in character

voice). One ex ample is “Wash, wash, wash” for dishes

or laundry. This making of “magic” is done in a rhyth-

mic, singsong voice.

Storytelling frequently is couched in the past

tense and often is spoken in cadence. It allows for the

development of more elaborate plots: “Let’s say this

spaceship went up, way up . . . and the computer went

out . . . and the moon wasn’t there.”

Prompting is a technique in which one player

instructs another on how to act or what to say, often

in a stage whis per or a softer voice: “I’m ready for

Strategies Description Example

Ulterior conversations Statements are a part of pretend play and

also suggest what the other players should do

next.

“These children are really very hungry.”

Underscoring Statements made by one player to inform the

others about what they are doing are usually

used when nonverbal enactments may not

work.

“I will go to work, then I will come home

again.”

Storytelling Statements elaborate the theme or set up a

problem that must be solved within the

theme.

“Smoke! Smoke! The house is on fi re, and

we gotta get out of here fast!”

Prompting One player informs another on what to do or

say. This is often in a stage whisper, but may be

mimed or communicated through gestures.

(Whispered) “That’s the bride hat. If you

want a hat, put on this one for the groom.”

Formal pretend proposals One player suggests a major shift in the play to

the other players. The intent is to remain in the

play sequence with all the players, but change

the theme.

(During house play) “What do you say

that this family goes on a vacation to the

beach?”

TABLE 7-3 Summary of Strategies Children Use to Redirect Play within the Play Frame.




are typical. Favorite schemes such as “comforting the

baby” could appear in all of these, and often do, as chil-

dren signal each other to repeat a preferred sequence.

Episodes tend to have a story-like structure with a

clear beginning, development of the problem, resolu-

tion of the problem, and an end. When children know

each other well, have many shared play schemes, and

have had the opportunity to develop all of the skills

mentioned in this section, the pretend play can extend

for substantial periods of time.

School-age children play more elaborately, with

more characters, and with more detail when they are in

an environment tha t allows them to pretend (Curry &

Bergen, 1987). They also select more dramatic problems

such as capture and rescue. Seven- to twelve-year-olds

are able to increase the layers of pretend play, such as

when writers and actors are performing in the theater.

The pretend play of rehearsal and script writing may

take much longer than “the play” they are producing.

They may also engage in improvisational contests or

act out storybook or television themes. The pretend

play of children requires cooperation, coordination of

effort, organization of resources, and complex social

interactions.

Construction PlayObjects stimulate pretend play and also construction.

Some aspects of this have previously bee n described as

childre n’s handling of objects as dramatists or as pat-

terners. Construction play occurs when children make

or build something. All forms of social participation are

common depending on the setting and available players.

Young children. Real construction begins during the

second year when the child learns to connect objects

together (such as threading beads or attaching the

pieces of a train) and develops the corresponding abil-

ity to disjoin objects (such as snap beads). Children

also learn to stack and knock down blocks and to build

both vertically and horizontally.

Between 2 and 3 years of age, children make con-

structions and name them “houses” and may combine

various construction mat erials, such as mixing blocks

with cars or toys. This often is done for the purpose of

initiating pretend play. Given the guidance of support-

ing adults, they also will learn tool use, such as knives

and rollers for clay, cookie cutters, scissors, and ham-

mers and nails to make things. At this age, children’s

constructions are very simple; they are more interested

in the process than the product.

By the time children are 4, their constructions

become more detailed and elaborate. They might

The role play of children is very complex. They

must participate as writer-directors of their imagina-

tive play from outsi de the play frame and enact make-

believe roles and events within the play frame.

Children tend to resist certain kinds of make-

believe. They are much more willing to change gen-

erations than to change ge nder. Boys prefer male roles,

whether they are baby or grandparent roles. High-

status children tend to resist taking a lower-status role

in the make-believe play, preferring to be the parent

rather than the baby, the captain rather than the sea-

man. When one player refuses to play an unsatisfac-

tory role, she or he usually is incorporated into the

more desirable role. For example, a child unwilling to

be the victim becomes one of two monsters, and the

victim is invented.

Children resist interrupting pretend play with

reality. For example, if a child trips and falls down, he

or she is likely to pretend a hospital-doctor sequence

rather than interrupt the fl ow of the play to seek adult

help. The child simply incorporates the event into the

play if at all possible.

Combining the pretend play skills. After children

have become skillful players, they modify and extend

their pret end play. Children fi rst use the pretend skills

in short sequences and then combine them into more

complex sequences. These play schemes are named by

topic such as “cooking,” “playing babies,” or “driving

the car.” Generally, these schemes combine pretend

play with action or object and role play into action-

based portrayals of real-life situations (Roskos, 1990).

As children gain in maturity and skill, they join a group

of related play schemes and transform the play into a

more elaborate play episode that is socially organized

and has a specifi c problem to solve inherent to the plot

such as a family going on vacation with no suitcases.

Episodes are tied together through the topic and rely

on language to integrate and hold the play sequence

together.

An episode is played out in stages. First, the chil-

dren ready the play area by handling the materials and

moving the prop s. Second, children share directing

the course of play when the roles are determined, the

ground rules are established, the problem is stated or

implied, and the story is narrated (Roskos, 1990).

Both schemes and episodes are commonly called

sociodramatic play or thematic play and may portray

a variety of topics. Ho wever, in the episode, there will

be a problem to resolve. Problems such as relatives

coming to visit (but there are not enough beds), play-

ing store (where no one comes to buy), or playing post

offi ce (where there is an insuffi cient number of stamps)




Children who are inexperienced in social settings

or who seem to have diffi culty getting along with oth-

e rs often fi nd par allel play with construction materials

satisfying. It provides for conversation now and then

and does not demand the integrated social skills of

pretend play in a group.

Play with MovementYou are familiar with the joyous running, jumping,

and laughing of children coming outside fo r recess.

Most physical play is composed of fundamental motor

skills in combinations that improve strength, endur-

ance, balance, and coordination. For example, main-

taining balance and just hanging on is the fi rst stage of

swinging. Children imitate peers in repeated attempts,

but their movements are not synchronized, and they

have limited success, usually “stomaching” the swing.

Eventually, they adapt their strategies to suit their own

abilities and limitations, frequently kicking the ground

to increase their swinging speed. Then the timing

improves so the swing may be pumped, with unskill-

ful jumping from the moving swing attempted. With

practice, they delight in demonstrating their prow-

ess to their peers, sometimes competing, even though

optimum amplitude is not achieved. Refi nement and

effi ciency of movement occurs as children eventually

construct a house of blank ets, boxes, and blocks, or

a toy world with miniature trucks and soldiers. They

also make music, particularly with percussion instru-

ments. They begin to show interest in their paintings as

products and to cut paper designs. Their strategies are

more organized.

Between 5 and 7 years of age, children have suf-

fi cient small-muscle control to plan and make a variety

of things. Constru ctions are increasingly elaborate and

often require social collaboration. They can do simple

sewing and weaving, use potholders, and cook simple

dishes. At this time, they also begin to make costumes

or other supplementary props for their pretend play.

Older children. Children in elementary school may

be interested in model construction, handicrafts, weav-

ing, wood working, metalworking, bookbinding, bas-

ketry, carving, and a variety of other projects. They

also construct some of their own games and do creative

writing. Skillful pretend players also build sets, make

costumes, and put on their own plays; the planning of

scripts, actors, action, props, and sets may take hours,

days, or weeks, whereas the production itself may be

less than 10 minutes long. This also is the period of col-

lecting and hobbies. School-age children extend their

interests in constructions using a wide variety of mate-

rials, becoming increasingly scientifi c and experimen-

tal (Johnson, 1998).

School-age children extend their interests using a wide variety of materials.

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and other vehicles, dance to music, bounce balls, and

play catch. Between 5 and 7 years, they use stilts, swing

and pump the swing, and jump rope. Older children

are likely to practice for specifi c sports. Skilled perfor-

mance is often a means of engaging in social interac-

tions that might otherwise be unavailable. It requires

technique, memory, practice, and, as children are older,

competition, which by its nature requires cooperation.

It contributes to a children’s identity and sense of com-

petence among their friends.

Maintaining interest in movement play. The

selection of a play activity usually is based on its poten-

tial challen ge for the child. The challenges undertaken

are those that require slightly greater skill than the

child already possesses. Usually, the child observes the

action, tests his or her ability to do it, seeks instruction

or help if necessary, and then practices the skill until it

has been mastered. Children who are obese, clumsy, or

disabled fi nd the natural movements of much younger

children challenging and need additional support and

encouragement to attempt even those simpler skills

(Javernik, 1988).

Because play is not “for real,” children are free to

drop a task that is too diffi cult for them without loss

of self-resp ect. Sometimes, this is verbalized as “just

playing around.” Interest in the action remains high

until mastery is complete. If a mastered skill, such as

dribbling a ball, can be varied and incorporated into

other skills, such as evading and running, interest may

remain with the activity for long periods of time. In

this sense, challenge comes from within the players

and is a test of their own skills. At its best, challenging

play helps children to understand themselves and their

competencies and to recognize their own accomplish-

ments against the background of previous behavior.

Understanding risk. There frequently is some risk in

play with motion. Skiing is defi nitely more risky than

runni ng. Some children seem like monkeys, climbing

high into trees; others of the same age are frightened

of simple climbing frames with padded mats beneath.

Temperament and previous experience infl uence the

willingness of children to take risks in play. Toddlers

have little sense of potentially dangerous situations

and must be protected. Preschool children, however,

should be provided many opportunities to try skills in

supervised play to learn just how competent they are.

By the age of 7, most children can judge the risk

involved in any activity and are unlikely to go beyond

their ability un less urged to do so. For example, Gwen-

dolyn was well coordinated for a 7-year-old, was an

excellent swimmer, and could ride a two-wheel bike.

Jeff, only 2 weeks younger, moved easily enough, but

attain security in their own skills and become capable

of experimenting with “bumping” or other possibili-

ties with the motion or the swing itself (Fox & Tipps,

1995). In a safe setting, with opportunities to observe

more skilled players, and with practice and time, chil-

dren attain movement skills. Such skills tend to be

admired by peers and make positive social interaction

more likely.

The feeling of sheer splendor experienced by a

child racing down a hill, feet thudding on turf, wind

blowing through the hair and on the skin; the care-

ful placement of each step as a timid child threads the

way up to the top of the climber; the amazingly empty

feeling in the stomach of a child on a zooming sled all

involve play with motion itself. The children may or

may not laugh, but they are exquisitely satisfi ed and

pleased with their performance. Less-abled children

are often most successful in movement play with age-

mates where demands for emotional regulation, lan-

guage, and social skills are lessened.

Play with movement begins in infancy and contin-

ues throughout adulthood, as is evidenced in the pop-

ularity of swimming po ols, ski facilities, and bowling

alleys. Four aspects of movement play will help you

better understand how to safely supervise children’s

play: practice play, challenge, risk taking, and rough-

and-tumble play.

Respecting repetitious activity. Practice play

begins in infancy and continues throughout childhood.

Quite simply , it is a behavior repeated over and over,

usually in the presence of peers. For example, Esther,

age 5, wanted to try the high slide in the park. An adult

went with her and offered to catch her the fi rst time.

Hesitant and timid at fi rst, Esther went up the slide and

down with growing satisfaction and pleasure. She took

21 turns on the slide without ever repeating exactly

her previous performance. She varied the placement of

hands and feet; went down on her belly, bottom, and

back; climbed up the slide forward and backward; and

went down feet fi rst and head fi rst. The adult observed

her, commented on her performance, and stood close

to the slide when concerned for Esther’s safety. This

child, who began hesitantly, left the experience with

satisfaction and greater confi dence in her ability.

From infancy to adolescence, what the child prac-

tices varies, but the process remains much the same.

Toddlers walk, run, m arch, throw, climb, and dance.

Between 2 and 3 years, children jump from low heights,

hop on one foot, balance on a beam, and hang by their

arms. Between the ages of 3 and 4, they begin to catch

balls, climb jungle gyms, and ride tricycles. Between 4

and 5 years of age, they roller skate, swim, ride scooters




opposite sex, get him or her down, say, “Kiss or kill?”

and proceed with the kiss or the “strike” as the downed

player prefers. Rough-and-tumble play is most likely

to occur after the children have been engaged in set

tasks or after prolonged sedentary activity. When older

children participate in rough-and-tumble play, it most

frequently fl ows into games with rules, not aggression

(Pellegrini, 2004). Children play with friends peaking

in frequency during middle childhood (Smith, 2005).

Tag or other running games often follow rough-and-

tumble chasing. Interestingly, rough-and-tumble play

is closely associated with social competence and high

status in older boys. Unpopular boys, on the other

hand, don’t seem to be able to discriminate between

aggression and rough-and-tumble play. Apparently,

they have not learned to distinguish the appropriate

cues, and they respond to playful acts with aggressive

ones (Pellegrini, 2004).

Both children and helping professionals must

be able to discriminate between real aggression and

rough-and-tumble play or play fi ghting. The differ-

ences often are apparent only in facial expression, such

as a smile, a silly face, or a frown. Laughter and noise-

making (such as “monster sounds”) often signify that

an activity is playful. Other play signals also are used

couldn’t swim or do gymnastics. He spent more of his

time at indoor activities. When the children were play-

ing together outside, Gwendolyn climbed a tree and

invited Jeff up. After being urged and called a scaredy-

cat, Jeff attempted the climb. He fell three times because

he couldn’t catch the branch with his hands and pull

himself up by his arms as Gwendolyn could. Bruised

and shaken, he clung to the trunk once Gwendolyn

had pulled him up. Apparently realizing that the tree

was too risky for Jeff, Gwendolyn swung down and

procured a ladder to help his descent. Children fre-

quently assume that an activity that is easy for them

will be easy for an age-mate and may need guidance

in recognizing the difference between being supportive

to peers and challenging them to perform potentially

dangerous activities. Children rarely attempt feats that

are beyond their abilities unless pressured to do so.

Supporting social and physical testing. Many

children participate in rough motor play, which

increases both the c hallenge and the risk. At a high

pitch of activity, children run, hop, jump, fall over,

chase, fl ee, wrestle, hit, laugh, and make faces, which

is sometimes embedded in superhero play (Pellegrini,

2007). Played in a group, rough-and-tumble play dif-

fers from aggression, which includes such behaviors

as pushing, taking things, grabbing, genuine intimida-

tion, and staring down another in a real confrontation

(Pellegrini, 2004).

Play fi ghting is similar to rough-and-tumble play

in that the participants know it’s not real. Play fi ghting

is carried o ut in interrupted sequences or in incomplete

actions. For example, a child will say “Bam!” while

striking at another, but without following through with

physical contact. Play fi ghting has clear metacommu-

nication signals to let the participants know that it is

play and not aggression. For example, one third-grade

child passed a note to another girl, making her inten-

tions quite clear (see Figure 7-3).

All preschool children engage in rough-and-tum-

ble play, although boys do so more often than girls.

Boys tend to play in l arger groups at the perimeter of

the play yard, and girls are more likely to carry out

rough-and-tumble play near equipment. Shrieks,

shouting, howling, and laughter accompany this play.

Rough-and-tumble play at this age frequently is com-

bined with character roles of superheroes. Usually,

young children spend more time watching this kind of

play than participating in it.

School-age children usually play with children

of the same sex, unless the play specifi cally requires

a member of the opp osite sex. One game, called “kiss

or kill,” requires one player to chase another of the

FIGURE 7–3 A Written Play Signal for Rough-and Tumble Play That Was Passed between Two 9-Year-Olds in School.

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children whose knowledge of violence from the sur-

rounding community is limited are likely to respond

to these inner pressures.

Professionals are responsible for guiding children’s

play into channels that lead to social competence and

to positive me ntal health. You may observe enactments

of physical abuse as a part of the role of spouse, parent,

or sibling. Simple redirection or discussing alternative

ways to get people to cooperate is suffi cient for imi-

tative play of this sort. Prolonged, repetitive, detailed

enactments of violence on another may be an indica-

tor that the child is living in an unwholesome environ-

ment that requires additional attention.

The roles of rescuer, superhero, or soldier are all

powerful ones that enable the child to explore many

facets of the fea rful situation. A “superhero” may be

selected by a young child as a protector and used in

new or potentially threatening situations. You help

most when you provide accurate information about

real incidents and when you reassure the players that

they are safe and the environment is stable. Often other

children will portray roles of nurturer and comforter,

or offer reassurance.

Television and electronic games have increased

in the number and intensity of violent incidents in

programs. Play based o n them usually is purely

imitative with little elaboration based on the child’s

imagination, cooperation among players, or the use

of problem solving and verbalization. It appears to

be of the “hit and fl it” variety and does not emerge as

more advanced forms of sociodramatic or rough-and-

tumble play. Characters may be stereotypic, racist

(usually toward beings of strange colors or mutants),

and sexist and hopefully would not be emulated by

children.

Young children do not comprehend the “moral les-

son” delivered at the end of a television program and

tend not to perceive that fantasy heroes are particu-

larly helpful, kind, or gentle (French, 1987). Adults can

restrict access to television, guide and redirect play into

more productive forms, and limit the time and place for

superhero play. Eliminating superhero toys and weap-

ons, providing other sociodramatic play opportunities

and information for alternatives, and assessing the

individual needs of children that make superhero play

so attractive are other strategies (Kostelnik et al., 1986;

Ritchie & Johnson, 1988). However, superhero min-

iatures are highly valued by school-age boys and are

used to initiate orderly fantasy play in some groups,

so judgment is needed before setting rules against all

such play. Teasing and bullying are not related to play.

Hurting others under the guise of play is aggression as

discussed in Chapter 12.

to indicate the intent to play rough-and-tumble, such

as “Let’s play chase!” The adult’s task is to help chil-

dren indicate to peers whether or not they want to play

(“Don’t chase me—I’m not the dragon anymore,” or

“I’m not playing”). Often, safety zones must be estab-

lished to avoid inadvertent involvement of unwilling

players.

Three social functions are served through rough-

and-tumble play, especially for boys. Children engaged

in rough-and-tumbl e play are usually laughing, smil-

ing, and joyous. Rough-and-tumble play contributes to

maintaining friendships. In addition, children establish

and maintain dominance within their groups during

rough-and-tumble play, which in the long run contrib-

utes to reducing confl ict by clearly defi ning the social

structure. Lastly, such roughhouse play contributes to

children’s abilities to accurately read the nonverbal

messages and subtle cues from others. Rough-and-

tumble play also contributes to motor training, par-

ticularly in physical fi tness and strength, which in turn

enables the children to be successful in game play dur-

ing adolescence (Pellegrini, 2007).

Adults usually want to squelch rough-and-tumble

play, perceiving it as aggression. Experienced profes-

sionals note that ch ildren not allowed rough-and-

tumble play in one setting (school yards, recreational

settings) do so in others (bus, neighborhood, back-

yards). It is better to supervise this play to minimize

the risks to children’s safety.

Violent combinations of dramatic and rough-and-tumble play. Not all children’s play is pleasant,

cooperative, or peaceful. Violent content comes from

several sources

• Imitation of observed adult behavior

• Portrayal scenes of violence in news media such

as earthquakes, car accidents, war, and crime

• Acting out behavior relate d to children’s inner

needs to cope with their feelings of aggression

and helplessness

• Imitatio n of scripts based on electronic games

• Real aggression masked as play

Play is a vehicle for expressing stron g feelings,

attaining mastery over stress and an xiety of a small

powerless chil d in situations beyond a child’s con-

trol, and allowing for the expression of wishes and

fears (Davies, 2004). Children are able to work out

a variety of solutions to terrifying situations in play,

thus developing some control of their feelings and to

some degree have empathy for the feelings for others

(Kostelnik, Whiren, & Stein, 1986; Davies, 2004). Even




impulsiveness such as all the basemen running after

the ball rather than staying on base to catch it after

someone else has retrieved it (Davies, 2004). Older

children, more concerned with outcomes, enjoy intel-

lectual games such as charades or trivia and are more

likely to participate in organized teams. The roles older

children take in games are likely to depend on special

skills, such as playing guard in a basketball game.

Children who frequently ignore the rules, blow up in

the middle of a game, or otherwise disrupt everyone’s

play risk peer rejection (Davies, 2004).

Games are based on chance (most dice games),

skill (baseball), or strategy (checkers). Many games of

mot or skill have bec ome sports in which the play is

administered and directed by adults rather than by the

children. Both the content of the rules and the process

of playing are external to the children. In this book, we

will focus on the informal games in which children can

follow, make, modify, or change the rules themselves.

Young children do not approach a game in the

same way that adults and older children might. Chil-

dren aged 3 to 5 play gam es in much the same fashion

that they participate in movement play. They observe a

particular way to move and imitate it. They are, in fact,

frequently confused. In the game of tag, for example,

a young child will run to avoid getting caught, but is

likely to have diffi culties if tagged and declared to be

GamesGames involve other players, have rules, and are emi-

nently social. Games develop gradually as children’s

s ocial skil ls mature, from the simple turn-taking of

toddlers to the complex games of older children. What

makes a game fun? Movement play in the game, a

sense of inclusion with other players, and often the

element of surprise or chance enhances the enjoyment

of children between ages 3 and 8. Seven- to twelve-

year-olds are pleased to show off their skills and

physical or mental competence, and actually winning

becomes increasingly important as children mature.

They achieve acclaim and status through performance

(Winther-Lindqvist, 2009).

Children between the ages of 3 and 5 play hide and

seek or any number of games with a central person,

such as tag. Th ey take turns if the wait isn’t too long.

With more experience, they change roles, playing vari-

ous versions of hide and seek such as “kick-the-can.”

Between 5 and 7 years of age, children play games of

acceptance and rejection, such as “farmer in the dell,”

and of attack and defense, such as snowball fi ghting.

Seven- to nine-year-olds add games of dominance and

submission such as “Mother may I,” complex card

and board games, and sandlot sports such as modi-

fi ed forms of softball and kickball. Young school-age

children make mistakes based on their excitement and

Rules and strategy are hallmarks of older children’s games.

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Adults provide materials, space, and time for play

for children of all ages. They explain how the game is

played and what the rules are as well as demonstrat-

ing as necessary to show children how to play. Playing

as one of the players is also very helpful in the earlier

phases of learning the game. When the children seem

to have the idea, take on an observer’s role, prefer-

ably at some distance, but within sight of the action.

Help children identify the problem when there are

different interpretations of the rules, and ensure the

safety of children (such as when a ball rolls into a

street or parking lot). Otherwise, children should play

independently.

HumorAdults usually do not fi nd the humor of the very

young amusing, even if they recognize that the child

is t rying to j oke. Children’s humor is limited by their

experience and their cognitive development, so their

performance changes over time. Humor strengthens

group bonds, rechannels feelings of aggression into

socially acceptable humor, and provides a way for

children to control people and situations (Scarlett et al.,

2005). Understanding that humor is always dependent

upon the context, and the development of children’s

use of incongruity will help you appreciate attempts at

humor by the very young (McGhee, 1979).

Incongruity in children’s humor. When an arrange-

ment of ideas, social expectations, or objects is incom-

patible wi th the normal or expected pattern of events,

it is incongruous. Although incongruity is not the only

ingredient in humor, it may be the most common ele-

ment in children’s humor. Incongruity does not always

elicit amusement, however. Children may react with

interest, curiosity, anxiety, fear, or amusement.

Humor, like other play forms, is framed by clear

play signals. The younger the child, the clearer the play

signals need t o be—laughter or a traditional joke open-

ing such as “Knock, knock”—if the incongruous state-

ment is to be treated as humor. Otherwise, the child

will ignore it or treat it with curiosity.

Exaggeration. The enlarging of the story or motion

so that it is beyond belief is exaggeration. Children

often en gage in slapstick actions or draw gigantic ears

on a dog and laugh at their own joke or at others’ antics.

Older children use exaggeration in their verbal jokes,

such as when a 10-year-old imitated the “announce-

ment voice” from a public speaker at school: “Will

the person with the license plate BL 72958109936210

please remove it from the parking lot? It is blocking

the drive.”

“It.” At this point, a very young child may refuse to

play or may just stand there. If older players are willing,

they may allow the little one to tag them so the game

can go on.

Three- and four-year-olds frequently perceive rules

as an interesting example of how to play rather than a

required behav ior. When playing together, they have dif-

fi culties regulating sequential turn-taking. Nor are they

concerned with what other players do; they simply are

interested in their own actions. Each player is on his or

her own. This is not the same as cheating, although you

might interpret it as such. Kindergarten-age children

understand clearly that a cheater cheats to achieve a

favorable outcome. Some children believed that cheating

in a board game was appropriate in some circumstances,

particularly playing with someone else who cheated

(Holmes, Valentino-McCarthy, & Schmidt, 2007). They

tended to view fair play as malleable rather than static,

could identify players and actions that violated the rules

of games, and that pressures can be applied on others

to play fairly, most typically calling “no fair” (Holmes,

Valentino-McCarthy, & Schmidt, 2007).

Seven- and eight-year-olds begin to be concerned

with problems of mutual control, winning, and los-

ing. They are likely to discuss the rules before play, but

may have confl icting notions on what the “real” rules

are. Confl icts may break out; these can be handled

as discussed in Chapter 8. Children of this age often

regard rules as sacred and untouchable, emanating

from adults and lasting forever (Piaget, 1976; Sutton-

Smith & Sutton-Smith, 1974). Rules may vary for some

games, especially those that are passed on verbally by

children themselves. The game rules may be followed,

changed, ignored, enforced, and invented according to

the context of the game or what children think is fun,

fair, or acceptable. Usually no single person is in con-

trol of the rules, and group consent to alter the play is

necessary. For example, if all the skilled players are on

one side in a softball game, some may switch in the

middle because there is no real competition. How play

rules are altered also contributes to the social hierarchy

of children’s groups and establishes ideas of what is

and is not acceptable (Freie, 1999; Winther-Lindqvist,

2009). Children develop skill in negotiation as they

decide among themselves what the rules are to be.

Games are varied and are combined with many

other forms of play. There are singing and dancing

games, games using a varie ty of objects, movement

games, games associated with dramatics (charades),

language games (Scrabble), and games that involve

construction (Bug). Fortunately, most public libraries

have good collections of books on games suitable for

children to play in groups or individually.




features, disfi gurements, or noticeable handicapping

conditions. They also laugh when someone falls in a

funny way. Because of their cognitive limitations (very

young children are less able to empathize in unfamiliar

situations), it is not intended to be cruel. Children who

are very active and have short attention spans tend to

initiate behavioral humor, or slapstick.

In the fourth stage, children are less dependent on

objects and play with words—the sillier the better. This

period also is the beginning of producing nonsense

words from regular words: “Doggie, loggie, moggie,”

“Lyssa, missa, rissa,” “Hamburger, samburger, ram-

burger” or inventing new nonsense words. For

example, children might set out to capture a “torkel”

with great glee. A 5-year-old might tell a fanciful story

about an elephant made of spaghetti to her friends’

amusement.

The fi fth stage in the development of humor, when

children understand multiple meanings of words,

starts at about age 7. They understand that a joke must

resolve something absurd into something that makes

sense. Children begin to memorize jokes, telling them

over and over to their friends, but always enjoying a

new audience (Scarlett et al., 2005). This is the begin-

ning of humor that is most similar to adult humor.

Puns or simple play with the meaning of words begins.

“Why are ghosts like newspapers?”

“Because they appear in sheets.”

Incongruous actions also are incorporated int o the

question-format joke.

“What goes “Zzub!Zzub!?”

“A bee fl ying backwards.”

Jokes dealing with “what is it” questions and

“knock, knock” jokes also appear:

What’s black and white and red a ll over?

A sunburned zebra. (older children)

A newspaper. (younger children)

Knock, knock. Knock, knock.

Who’s there? Who’s there ?

Ether. Stella.

Ether who? Stella wh o?

Ether Bunny. Stella ‘nother E ther Bunny.

Older school -age children, having well -developed

cogn itive abilities, are ab le to enjoy humor based on

illogical beha vior, such as a person buying a cat when

they don’t like cats so they can use up the cat sham-

poo that they got on sale. They prefer an element of

Humor is social. Children laugh longer in a group

than when alone. Humor is dependent on the ability

of the child to pret end and to have a playful orienta-

tion toward the situation in which humor occurs. If

children do not have a playful orientation, they may

enjoy exaggeration or incongruity, but not fi nd it funny.

Children also try to share their jokes with people with

whom they already have a close bond. Playful atti-

tudes or moods are more easily maintained in a social

group than when alone, as well. Parents often are

the ones selected to hear a joke, as Chukovsky (1976,

p. 601) reports:

One day in the twenty-third month of her existence, my daughter came to me, looking mischievous and embar-rassed at t he same time—as if she were up to some intrigue. . . . She cried to me even when she was still at some distance from where I sat: “Daddy, oggiemiaow.” . . . And she burst out into somewhat encouraging, somewhat artifi cial laughter, inviting me to laugh at this invention.

Developmental trends in children’s humor. Humor, like other aspects of development, proceeds

sequentially. At fi r st, babies laugh and smile, without

humor involved (Stage 0). Then they laugh at their pri-

mary provider who makes a funny face or in peek-a-

boo (Stage 1). In the second year (Stage 2), the child

simply uses an object in a way known to be inappropri-

ate, applying nonverbal humor. Picking up a parent’s

shoe and using it as a telephone might lead to laugh-

ter, as might putting a bowl on the top of the head, if

the child is in a playful frame of mind—the fantasy is

known to be at odds with reality.

The third stage of children’s humor frequently

overlaps with earlier forms as language is used to cre-

ate the incongruity with an object or actions. Children

simply give names to objects or activities known to be

incorrect. For example, children enjoy calling a cat a

dog or an eye a foot. Between the ages of 3 and 4, chil-

dren delight in exaggeration. For example, a drawing

of a cat with no ears is funny. The distortion must be

clear, but enough normal elements must be present for

the child to recognize the familiar object. Another form

of humor typical of this stage is to call someone by the

wrong name. Older preschoolers who have mastered

gender-related concepts may fi nd it funny to call a girl

a boy. However, this is threatening to some children

and may be taken as an insult.

Preschoolers are perceptually oriented. A drawing

of a bicycle with square wheels or stories of a “back-

wards day” or an e lephant sitting on a nest all are per-

ceived as funny. In the same way, young children are

likely to laugh at people with disproportionate facial




as volleyball. Use real things such as dishes, hammers, and baby blankets in the pretend play area.

3. Provide the props, the materials, and the neces-sary information for children to create a variety of sociodramatic play scenarios. Offer props that sup-port play themes that revolve around family activities (camping, gardening, traveling), community activi-ties (postal services, hospital, veterinarian clinics), and literary characters (Three Pigs, Goldilocks, or Madeline). Read and reread good children’s literature and information books that provide the background for play. Tape favorite stories so that children can lis-ten independently. Provide specifi c props critical to the stories. Children who have a rich source of play materials will not be so dependent on electronic sources of stimulation for their play episodes.

4. Encourage exploration of materials. Use nonverbal strategies such as smiling, watching, and offering or accepting mate rials. Assume that children may do any-thing with the materials that is not expressly prohibited by the setting, unless the well-being of others is at stake or property could be damaged. Delay any demonstration

Skills for Supporting, Enhancing, and Expanding Children’s Play

children to stop being silly or quit fooling around

inhibits the development of humor. Because children

frequently imitate humor, adults who also use simple

exaggeration or incongruity humor during the day

provide a model to emulate. Humor helps defi ne the

child as a member of a group, enhance the member’s

position in the group, or increase morale. In the early

phases, children’s humor isn’t recognizable to many

adults, who may then ignore, suppress, or even rep-

rimand children for attempts at humor. Although the

content of humor changes as the individual matures,

the skill and confi dence that children develop in this

area enables them to participate successfully in a vari-

ety of social situations.

Even though each type of play has its own

sequence of development in childhood, all require the

support and guidance of c aring adults if the quality of

the play is to become optimal for each child. Adults

coach children in the strategies that they have not yet

developed as well as providing the time and materi-

als to develop complex play. Are you ready to assist a

child who wants to play and does not know how to do

so? Think about how you might carry out these roles

using the skills that are described next.

intellectual challenge. Younger children imitate older

ones in attempts to generate humor. However, they

frequently forget the punch line or substitute a logical

answer to the question, thereby “destroying” the joke.

Humor also may be used as a means for gratifying

sexual aggression or inappropriate desires. For exam-

ple, young children often use words related to bowel or

bladder functions shortly after control has been estab-

lished. Young children might say, “Pooh, pooh,” “Pee,

pee,” or “Doo, doo,” to the merriment of their peers.

Older children fi nd jokes about any dichotomy funny,

such as gender role confusion (man obviously walk-

ing funny in high heels), power problems of authority

fi gures (the hapless policeman or adults outwitted by

children), and immensely incongruous humor that is

typical of slapstick. They are also able to enjoy humor

in poetry and literature (Fuhler, Farris, & Walther,

1999). Ten- to twelve-year-olds modulate their humor

behavior based upon their audience as well and begin

to share insider jokes with friends (Scarlett et al., 2005).

Valuing children’s humor. Accepting adults who

understand the child’s attempts at humor listen atten-

tively and sm ile or laugh at their jokes. Admonishing

Setting the Stage for Children’s Play

1. Demo nstrate warmth, acceptance, genuineness, empathy and respect in chil dren’s attempts at humor, pretend, or game play. Relax and enjoy the children. Children play best when they are relaxed and without external pressures.

2. Provide a variety of quality playthings to encourage exploration and imagination (Klein, Wirth, & Linas, 2004). Childre n will play with anything, and some of the most interesting are from nature, such as sand, water, and mud. Provide materials for construc-tion, such as bristle blocks, unit blocks, and paints of various types, paper, musical instruments, clay, and dough. Give young children realistic props; offer older children less realistic materials. Offer jump ropes, balls of various sizes, and other appropriate materials such as tricycles, ice skates, or basketball hoops for move-ment play. Provide different types of games: those that require cooperation (lifting one child in a parachute); those that encourage competition; some that are played in small groups indoors, such as checkers; and others that are played in larger groups outdoors, such

continued




southwestern plains. Make sure that the culturally relevant materials from all groups are represented over time (Jones, 2004).

5. Encourage social interaction among children. Set out two sets of Lego blocks instead of one. Have enough dress-up clot hes for several children to play. When too many children want to play in the housekeeping area, suggest that some of them construct a home next door so that they can play neighbors. Other children are by far the most novel, interesting, and complex resources for play. Older children enjoy many of the new games that emphasize cooperation and working together. As children mature, they are able to play in larger groups, and materials such as cards and board games can be played with as many as six players.

6. Help children identify problems with their play and to seek information or help from peers. For instance, “It seems yo ur car does not roll very far on the carpet. Ask Soo-Jin what she thinks might be used to make it go farther.” Soo-Jin might suggest a cardboard runway, boards, or movement of the car to a harder surface, or the adult might do this. Let the children try things out, even if they try something like a scarf, which you already know will not work. Make a general request for new play ideas: “Angelo needs some money. Does anyone have an idea of what to use?”

7. Encourage children to communicate in writing as well as orally. Add writing and literacy materials to all play centers . Use blueprints of buildings in the block area and provide the appropriate paper, pencils, straight edge and other related tools. Use grocery list note pads in the kitchen area as well as real cookbooks. There are many kinds of writing implements and papers than can be incorporated into children’s play.

Helping Children Acquire Skills through Your Direct Involvement as a Player

1. Play with materials. Children lov e to see adults smear the fi nger paint or build in the sandbox. Com-ment on your p lay, saying things like: “I’m smearing my paint all over,” or “I’m glad the sand is wet so my house stays up.” Then, wait for children to comment on what they are doing. When modeling, respect your own play. Bring your play to some closure: Flat-ten the sand castle or announce that you are through. Children should not expect you to give way to them automatically when they want to play or when they

of material use until children ask for assistance. Refrain from setting limits until children actually misuse the materials. Point out new or interesting uses of materials by other children when appropriate.

5. Ensure the physical and psychological safety of all children. Involve children in determining rules for keeping safe t o prevent physical and psychological injury for themselves and for others. Encourage chil-dren to paint, tell stories, or deal with issues of vio-lence that emerge in their play in nonthreatening ways.

6. Stand or sit near children at play. Keep children in view from a little distance. Remain adjacent to the play space fo r children of all ages. Avoid hovering over children because it stifl es their play. However, avoid standing at one end of the play yard while chil-dren are dispersed far away from you.

Maximizing the Play Potential of the Materials Available

1. Mix unrelated toys together. Fasten butcher paper on to the wall of the building outdoors where chil-dren usually ri de tricycles, and provide paints. Put Lego® blocks and other small construction toys into a pretend play area set up as an offi ce or hospital. Think of all the possible and then the not-so-possible recombinations of materials. Materials need not have any obvious relationship. Stimulate the creative potential of the children.

2. Introduce novel toys and materials gradually. Avoid putting out all the new things at the same time. The stimulus valu e of each one competes with the others, becoming stale too soon.

3. Rotate playthings. Remove some play materi-als. When brought out again, they will generate increased interest. Similar to simple rotation is the practice of having a special set of toys in the child-care center that are used only in the late afternoon. The “new” materials, although similar to those used in the morning, generate much better play than would the same materials played with earlier.

4. Provide culturally relevant materials. Select play materials related to the occupations in the commu-nity, the family t raditions of children, the geographic location of the community, or the group membership of children in the program. For example, preschool children in fi shing villages will fi nd more play poten-tial in fi shing-related objects than children from the

Skills for Supporting, Enhancing, and Expanding Children’s Play—continued




6. Participate fully in the game. Play by the rules as you understand them and participate fully, taking turns, or runnin g. Children learn some games, especially games of strategy such as chess, only by observing better players. Discuss the play as other players do, pointing out what you did and why, if appropriate. Be careful not to become so engrossed in your play that you for-get that your goal is to support the play of the children.

Helping Individual Children Change the Level of Social Participation in Play

1. Note patterns of play alone and with others. Con-sider age, experience, and culture in deciding whether t o interven e. For example, if a child between 24 and 30 months spent most of the time watching older chil-dren play, this level of play is very appropriate. Except for exhibition games or waiting for turns, prolonged observation by a 10- or 11-year-old is not. Children who demonstrate skills in all levels of social participa-tion should be left alone to choose how to play.

2. Focus on the process of play so that the play may be extended or elaborated (Klein, Wirth, & Linas, 2004). To provide t he child clues for imaginative play with others, use statements such as “Do you need help with this crying baby?” or “What will happen to these animals when it rains? You could ask Brian to help build a barn.”

3. Note cues that a child is unsatisfied with his or her level of social engagement. Cues indicating that chil-dren may ne ed help might be prolonged observation of a group at play (more than 10 minutes); following more skillful players from one activity to another; forceful crossing of the play boundaries or disruption of others’ group play; crying, complaining, or stat-ing that they want to play, too. Allow children who appear to be satisfi ed with their level of participation to continue if they appear to be relaxed, happy, and fully involved in what they are doing.

just grab your materials. Simply tell them, “I’m nearly fi nished, and then you can have this place,” as you complete whatever you are doing.

2. Use verbal or nonverbal prompts from outside the play frame. Mime the action that might be appropri-ate to the child af ter you have caught his or her eye. This is especially useful for children who are about to move to another level of play on their own or to those who really do not want adults to interfere. Such actions are “throwing” in movement play, big smiles in humorous situations, or a physical enactment in pretend play. Using a stage whisper for giving direc-tion or prompting also is helpful for some children.

3. Take a role to encourage pretend play. Select either a behavioral role, such as saying “Varoom, varoom” as you “drive” a truck down a block highway, or a charac-ter role, such as becoming the parent or the spaceship captain. Use a variety of techniques to infl uence the direction of the play, such as engaging in ulterior con-versations or storytelling. Respond to the role cues of other children, and remain in character while in the play frame. Gradually take a less active part until you can exit the play frame altogether. Give a clear metacom-munication to indicate that you are leaving the play, “This lunch was good. I have to be a teacher again.”

4. Enter into play imaginatively when play between children appears to disintegrate (Jones, 2004). Take action and use sc ripts to enter the play. For instance, knock on the door and say, “I am a traveler and am lost and hungry.”

5. Demonstrate movements as necessary. If you should see a 2-year-old attempting to jump down a step, but walking it inste ad, the most playful thing to do is to jump yourself, with feet together, landing with knees slightly bent and using your arms for balance. Demon-strations provide information, and if briefl y and play-fully done, it can be a part of the ongoing play. Give prompts, such as “Bend your knees when you land,” and then resume the game or movement play.

continued

Meet Jonathan

Jonathan is a child other childre n ignore. Whethe r indoors or outside, the other children treat him as invisible. No one is intentionally mean to him, but no one invites him to engage in playful activity. He complains to his third-grade

Challenging Behavior

teacher: “No one wants to play with me.” The teacher knows if this pattern persists, he is likely to remain iso-lated. Clearly he needs better play behavior. Based on the following skills, what would you do if you were Jonathan’s teacher to facilitate his social participation in play?




players in the group. Consider ulterior conversations, underscoring, storytelling, prompting, or formal pretend proposals. For example, when one player seems exas-perated with the inability of another to play a role cor-rectly, lean over the props and stage whisper directions: “Whisper to the mail carrier that she is supposed to give the letters to other people, not read them herself.” Or perhaps if the play theme seems to be fl oundering, suggest the storytelling approach to one of the players: “Think what would happen if there were an earthquake, and the city had to be rebuilt. Tell the story.”

Demonstrate how to use nonverbal play signals when they would facilitate the play. For instance, show a child how to “fal l ill” just outside the pretend hospital by making moans and holding a part of the body as if in pain. Show a child how to portray being a sad “baby” outside the housekeeping area as a way to get a response from other players. Some children may need much more support and direction than others, but play skills can be learned and enhanced.

3. Encourage 9- to 12-year-olds to “go with the flow” when their ideas for the text or narrative of the play are denied o r rejected by other players. Sug-gest that they use mime or actions to contribute to the story agreed upon, adjusting it by increments. Once started, older children prefer less explicit statements so as to maintain the illusion that the play is for real.

4. Withdraw from the play and resume the role of observer after the play is well underway. Think of a way to exit the gam e gracefully. (“Let’s pretend that I am a teacher, and I have to go to work now”) or step out of the play and state clearly that you aren’t playing anymore. If you have a central role, such as pitcher in a softball game, you might just say that your turn is up, and ask who would like to pitch.

Becoming Directly Involved in Children’s Playfulness

1. Demonstrate a nonliteral approach to resources. Playfull y respond to the environment and to common-place situations . For example, Mr. Phipps used to sing little songs or make up verses about ordinary things as they occurred during the day: the rain on the win-dowsill, blocks falling down, parents going to work, or children not wanting naps. He did this quite uncon-sciously to amuse the children. No one noticed until

4. Encourage children to observe other more-skilled children at play when they are learning a skill, “See how Laurie moves the pieces of the puzzle around.” Traditional games are handed down locally from one child to another, so this pattern of the observer con-tinues throughout childhood.

5. Match the play participation goal to the child’s level of skill. Allow children to practice playing alone or in parall el play until they are comfortable. If a child cannot catch a ball that he or she is bouncing, it is unlikely the child will be able to play catch. Notice when individuals shift from parallel play to short epi-sodes of greater social interaction. Usually, parallel play is unstable and will shift into more direct inter-action or solitary play.

6. Play with the child yourself. Less-skilled players per-form more easily with a predictable, responsive adult than with other children. Give clear play signals, and use a variety of metacommunications. Remember that a substantial number of children enter elemen-tary school without knowing how to so this.

7. Invite the child and a second, similarly skilled player to play with you, and then ease yourself out of the situation. Avoid trying to match the best player or the most popular child with the least-skilled player. The disparities in skill may be too great for the play to continue. Remember that children are sensitive to social status in developing their play roles.

Escalating the Quality of Play Gradually by Varying Your Play Performance or by Giving Cues through Play Signals or M etacommunications

1. Extend object play by imitating what the child is doing, and then vary the activity a little. Incorporate the chil d’s ideas into your modeling. Use the same object in a slightly different way, such as tapping a maraca with your hand instead of shaking it, or talk-ing to a doll in an emotionally expressive tone of voice instead of a normal tone or monotone.

2. Suggest that children use specific play signals to ini-tiate or sustain play. Tell the least-skillful player what to sa y, “Tell James, ‘I’ll be a policeman.’” This active approach is more likely to lead to success than the more general question, “Do you want to play?” Select the type of play signal that is commonly used by other





2. Add a necessary prop. Children “going on a vacation” need a suitcase, and the play may break down with-out it. Get the suitcase from storage, and place it near the play area. Do not leave children unsupervised for long periods of time while you search for materials, but when possible, make such impromptu additions.

3. Introduce new players from outside the play frame. Say something simple and direct, like “Mary has been watching you p lay and would like to play, too.” The children participating in the play may or may not accept Mary. It’s their choice. Should they not want Mary to play at this time, help Mary fi nd another place to play, providing several alternatives. Small-group games and pretend play are much more diffi cult to enter than are activities such as artwork or block construction because the children have already established roles and relationships. Do not force acceptance of another player; the play may completely disintegrate if established roles, themes, and relationships are disrupted. Play, by defi nition, is child directed and voluntary.

Offer a new character role for a player joining the group (“Here is the grandmother, coming to visit”). Additions of mail carriers, meter readers, relatives, guests to a party, and so on, can be incorporated into the ongoing play. Do not give the entering child a role that overshadows the other players, such as a spaceperson landing in the yard. The new player is likely to be “killed off” or rejected.

4. Teach players to use a clear signal when leaving the play frame. Say: “Tell Sarah you don’t want to be the monster any more,” or “John doesn’t know you don’t want to chase him. Tell him that.” Such suggestions will allow children to exit the play and will reduce the likelihood of the nonplaying child responding to rough-and-tumble play with aggression.

5. Offer specific help when it is needed to maintain play. For example, if a child’s block construction is wobbling, poin t out the area where the problem is occurring. If children are confused about how a game should proceed, restate the relevant rules. When children are involved in superhero play, suggest that they think about the problem and talk about the char-acteristics of the true hero. Identify ways other than physical might to solve problems, or remind them to identify children who are and are not playing.

6. Talk about play events that disintegrate for older children who are rejected playmates or isolated by their peers. Ass ist them in identifying the social cues that they misinterpreted, and suggest alternative

parents commented that their children could make up songs and poetry by themselves and wondered what the school was doing to promote such creativity.

Another way to do this is to propose impossible conditions: “I wonder what if . . . ?” What would hap-pen if so much snow f ell that the houses were cov-ered? What would happen if all of us grew wings and could fl y? Encourage children to be expansive and to try to imagine all the possibilities. This often gen-erates a lot of laughter. Show your interest in each child’s contribution regardless of how silly it is.

2. Be accepting of young children’s humor. Smile and show interest even if you do not have the least idea of what the jok e is. When group glee strikes, with every child laughing uproariously, laugh along with it. They will quiet themselves down eventually. It is not at all unusual for the children not to know what they are laughing at either.

3. Explain that a child was only joking when someone misinterprets the meaning of what was said or did not recognize a pl ay signal. Help less-mature chil-dren recognize play signals. For example, to call a boy a girl is a serious insult, except in a joke, which is typical of children age 4 or 5. Nonsense names or other names used to address people may be very dis-tressing to children not in on the joke or too young to understand it. Tell them that it is a joke, and point out the play signal if necessary.

4. Use affective reflections when preschool children laugh at disfigurement, falls, or handicapping condi-tions, and then provide brief, but accurate informa-tion. Say, for example, “You thought Mr. North walked very funny. He cannot help that because one leg is shorter than the other. People who cannot help the way they walk feel sad when other people laugh at them.”

5. Point out the play signals to children with special needs. Children with autism, learning disabilities, or development al delays often have diffi cultly under-standing nonverbal cues and words not taken liter-ally. Point them out quietly, “Jacob does not really think that John is a rotten turnip. See how they are both laughing.”

Coaching Children Occasionally from Outside the Play Frame

1. Suggest a related theme. Extend the theme by sug-ge sting that children go on a picnic, go to a movie, go on vacatio n, or engage in some other family-related activity if the housekeeping play is disintegrating.

continued




conditions such play will be permitted. Make your expectations clear and consistent. Consider limit-ing such play to a specifi c area or space as well as allowing it only during specifi ed periods of the day. After clear limits as to time and place for rough-and-tumble play are made, use the following guides to help children toward more pleasant experiences.

2. Decrease the violence in all play instead of try-ing to eliminate rough-and-tumble play. Avoid toys that suggest violen ce or themes that lead to violence. When children “make” weapons of blocks, sticks, wads of paper, or anything else, remind them that they may not “kill” anyone, or use a weapon. Avoid cartoons and television programs that are violent. Treat threats and verbal aggression as suggested in Chapter 12.

3. Ask children to use specific, verbal play cues to initiate rough-and-tumble play. All children must agree to be player s to minimize being frightened or feeling that they are being attacked. Individuals have a right to say no to this type of play.

4. Coach children in how to say no. Give scripts to chil-dren who do not care to engage in rough-and-tumble play. “No,” “I don’t want you to chase me,” or “I want to play something else,” are all statements that chil-dren can be taught to use to decline play.

5. Provide a “safety zone” so that when a child enters the zone, rough-and-tumble play stops. This is simi-lar to tag game s where some object becomes a “safe” place. Children who are playing rough-and-tumble games sometimes frighten themselves and need an easy way to stop playing.

6. Provide information about heroes. Frequently, superhero play focuses on the most violent aspects of fantasy character dramas. Point out the protection of the victim, the plot, and the array of nonviolent characters in the media portrayal. Helping, protect-ing, and honorable motives are central to superhe-roes, but young children often omit these aspects. If children portray real superheroes, their play resem-bles pretend play with bouts of chasing.

7. Suggest that the villain or victim be imaginary. This way all of the children can be runners, and no one needs to be c hased.

8. Remain in close physical proximity to children engaging in rough-and-tumble play. Move toward the action if you see th ree or four children running in a pack, distant from the other children and the play

behaviors. Ask them to tell you what they think hap-pened. Probe for details. Correct misinterpretations, and point out the behaviors that would lead to more acceptable responses and the maintenance of play. Initiating the social interactions, entering an ongoing play frame, and participating during rough-and-tumble play are particularly diffi cult for many children.

7. Teach children games when necessary. Have all mate-rials set up, and know the rules yourself. Invite the chil-dren to pa rticipate. Then, give brief directions, one at a time. For example, in the game of “Duck, duck, goose,” say, “Take hands” (to form a circle). You may have to help by giving more specifi c directions, such as, “Jacob, hold Susan’s hand.” When the children are in a shoul-der-to-shoulder circle, ask them to sit down. After they are all seated, stand up and announce that you will be “It” the fi rst time. Walk around the circle, tapping heads and saying “Duck, duck, duck, goose!” When the word “goose” is said, direct the child to chase you, then run around the circle, sitting in the child’s empty space. Then, direct the standing child to be “It.” With very young children, go with the child who is “It” for the fi rst time as he or she taps heads and says, “Duck, duck . . . goose,” and then run with the child to the empty space of the new person who is “It.” Give directions and dem-onstrate in alternating patterns. With young children, don’t give all the directions at once.

Allow the children to play until all have had a turn or their interest diminishes. Repeat the direc-tions as necessary eac h time you play the game until the children can play it by themselves.

8. Encourage children to solve their own problems and create their own rules during pretend play or with informal games. Use behavioral and affective refl ections to help children clarify social confl icts or problems. Frequently the problems stem from differ-ent perspectives: “Barbara, you think that everyone should play the game the same way; Jason thinks that the rules should be changed a little for the younger children because they cannot run as fast. Tell me how you think you can work this out.” Respect children’s decisions as they interpret, comply with, alter, or cre-ate rules for pretend play and games that may be dif-ferent from the ones that are familiar to you.

Guiding Children’s Rough-and-Tumble Play

1. Decide whether rough-and-tumble play is to be allowed, and if so, wh en, where, and under what





roles. Respect playmate choices whenever possible as both boys and girls develop sex role-related skills in their play. Count out the teams so that they are evenly balanced for gender and skill.

7. Respect cultural and experiential differences in children. Allow children to explore play themes that might be unfamil iar to you. Encourage children to freely express their ideas and emotions in their play. Refrain from responses that automatically reject or diminish others’ cultural experience.

Adapting Play Experiences for Children with Special NeedsIn addition to using all of the skills previously menti oned, the following skills will assist you in supporting child ren who have special needs (Sandall, 2004).

1. Use information from family members and spe-cialists and from your observations to identify the child’s competencie s. Avoid focusing on what the child cannot do. Use previously suggested strategies to fi nd a co-player, select materials, and guide play.

2. Simplify activities. Break down activities into com-ponent parts, reduce the number or complexity of the materials used , simplify directions and vocabulary, or adjust the way the activity is carried out. For exam-ple, reduce the number of cards in a memory game that has a total of 40 pairs to 5 or 10 pairs of cards. Use a series of photographs of a sequence of steps to paint; this is easier for some children to understand than a series of oral directions.

3. Provide a psychologically safe environment in which to play. Use explanations such as, “Dakin has not learned to do th at, yet,” to explain why a child cannot do everything others can do. Note carefully that the child with special needs is not systematically excluded from play. Intervene as appropriate, provid-ing assistance and support. Maintain similar expec-tations for the use of materials. For example, a child who has diffi culty hearing should be expected to pick up toys and wait for the use of materials until others are fi nished (Sluss, 2005).

4. Encourage the children to play with preferred materials. If a child has an interest in trains, alter the nature of the activity over time by adding materials (train tracks or tickets) or encouraging other players to also play with trains. Incorporate trains one way or another in a variety of play opportunities.

5. Use special equipment to enable the child to gain access to peers and materials. Obtain a beanbag,

equipment, because this is probably the beginning of a rough-and-tumble play sequence. The episode is more likely to remain playful than degenerate into overt aggression when an adult is close by.

9. If the rough-and-tumble play ceases to be fun, and someone is hurt or frightened, stop the behavior. It is no longer p lay. Playing must be fun and voluntary for everyone. Protect the children from hurting others or being hurt themselves. Strategies for doing this are discussed in Chapters 4, 5, 10, and 11.

Demonstrating Awareness of Individual Differences

1. Accept the young child’s approach to games with rules. Litt le children are not cheating or committing a moral erro r if they don’t play precisely by the rules. Simply restate the rule in question, and go on with the game. Children learn to play games with rules by playing with better players who know the rules.

2. Provide the time, materials, and coaching that each child needs to improve his or her performance. All children should begin with simple games, roles, and constructions and move on toward more challenging activities as their skills develop.

3. Allow some of the less-skilled players to move into the play setting or attain play equipment for out-door play from ti me to time. This will enable them to initiate the social play experience and make them less likely to be excluded from the play.

4. Accept the child’s play-style preferences. Both pat-terners and dramatists engage in high-quality play. Both children w ith strong fantasy and those with a more pragmatic approach benefi t from their pretend play. Observe the play style of children from cultural groups that are different from your own before inter-vening. If the children are joyful and socially engaged in a nonviolent way, refrain from trying to change it.

5. Provide support for younger boys when girls out-perform them in movement play. Girls’ motor skills often develop faster than boys’ motor skills do until the later elementary grades, when the trend is reversed. Boys may be vulnerable to feelings of failure when the girls run faster, jump farther, and ride bikes earlier. Reassure them that they too will be able to do all of these things soon. Use similar strategies for developmentally delayed children.

6. Support children in their choice of play activities; do not limit play to sex stereotyped choices. Encour-age children to explore a wide array of materials and

continued




sing to number songs and alphabet ditties. Play

is only play when it belongs to the children, is

voluntary, and is fun. If children choose to put

together an alphabet puzzle, fi ne; however,

a clown puzzle is just as good from a playful

perspective.

3. Watching for mistakes. Play is not serious, so

mistakes in play simply do not count. By all

means, assist a child when asked to do so, but

never point out mistakes to a playing child. Let

the child discover the error independently. Many

interesting products were invented out of mis-

takes that someone played with.

4. Making demands for specific responses. Les-

sons about materials, for example, should not be

substituted for play with m aterials. For exam-

ple, you may present a lesson on the effects of

mixing paint colors and ask the child to predict

the color to be produced. The scientifi c approach

❘■ Pitfalls to AvoidWhen you try to use the skills described here, some-

times certain atti tudes and behaviors may i nterfere

with your abi lity to carry them out in a truly playful

spirit.

1. Believing that children learn only what they

are taught. Learning is something that chil-

dren do for themselves. Ad ults may structure

the learning, but the information learned by

direct instruction is limited compared with the

information children acquire from the environ-

ment, from their families and friends, and at

play. Adults can facilitate children’s learning to

play, but they should not require children to per-

form to specifi cation.

2. Organizing play primarily to meet academic

ends. Children learn from all of their play experi-

ences. Adults should not try to limit the songs they

with a few comments about the developmental sig-nifi cance of the event. Write glad notes when a child fi nally participates successfully in a game with oth-ers. Let adult family members know where budding friendships might be encouraged through discussion at home. Describe a play event that illuminates the child’s comprehension of ideas.

3. Provide information about suitable play materi-als for the age group with whom you are working.Written resources are a vailable from your state coop-erative extension service, as well as from the Asso-ciation for Childhood Education International and the National Association for the Education of Young Chil-dren. In addition, many good articles are published in family magazines in November of each year.

4. Encourage families to participate in community-wide events that support children’s play informally for all age groups. Send information about events in the community home during breaks or holidays. When other agencies or groups participate in park cleanup days, attend yourself and ask families to join you.

5. Ask about the child’s play at home and in other set-tings, as well as what the child mentions about play in your settin g. Parents’ observations are likely to be very useful to you and may help in the planning and supervision of each child at play.

which will allow a child typically in a wheelchair to be at the same level of other players. Help typically developing children to understand specialized equip-ment used by one child such as a hearing aide. Incor-porate samples of special tools into exploratory play when possible.

6. Encourage peer support. Assign a job as helper for the day. Eric could not grasp the die or markers or move his marker when it was his turn. Ned was his partner for the day and would place the die in Eric’s hand, then move the marker as indicated looking back at Eric for approval. Eric played, and Ned helped.

Sharing Information with Family Members about Children’s Play

1. Respond with information about the value of pla y to children’s overall development when family mem-bers ask, “Why d o they spend time playing?” Pro-vide information and then follow it up with specifi c details relevant to the child’s development in your program. Remain calm and present your response with logical statements. Respect the right of the par-ent to have a different perspective from your own.

2. Write notes about children’s success in a play epi-sode informally throughout the time the child is in the program. Sha re photos of children’s constructions





of others, and other necessities of group liv-

ing are essential prerequisites of quality play.

Children who do not have limits spend most of

their time in social testing to see just where the

boundaries of acceptable behavior are rather

than in productive play. You will learn about

setting limits in Chapters 10, 11, and 12.

9. Ignoring play. Given the right conditions, play

probably will develop without adult prodding.

However, quality play—th at which stretches

the imagination and the social and cognitive

abilities of the player—does not develop in a

vacuum. Writing lesson plans, cleaning cup-

boards, or chatting with other adults unrelated

to the ongoing activity while the children are

engaged in play is inappropriate.

10. Directing play or games too soon. Children

learn from the process of deciding on rules

or setting up a fantasy play s ituation. It may

take longer to do these tasks than you think is

necessary. Unfortunately, adults often move in

too soon and usurp the planning and organiza-

tional functions. Unless children ask for help,

or unless confl ict erupts that the children are

unable to resolve themselves, you should show

interest, but remain uninvolved.

11. Asking children to explain their humor. This

quickly kills all the fun of a joke. If you do not

“get” the joke, a soc ial smile, social laughter, or

a simple pleasurable expression are all appro-

priate responses.

12. Admonishing children to be quiet or to quit

being silly when engaged in humor. Some-

times, adults are annoyed by child ren’s laugh-

ter, especially if it occurs in the wrong time

and place. In such cases, let children know

you understand their merriment (“You kids

are having a great time telling jokes”) and then

explain why their humor is inappropriate (“I’m

concerned that the bus driver won’t be able

to drive safely in this traffi c with all the dis-

traction”). Do not just set limits on children’s

humor in a general, disapproving way.

13. Becoming too involved in the play your-

self. You may fi nd yourself having so much

fun playing that you forget that the purpose

of participation is to stimulate children’s high-

quality play. Play should go on nicely after

you have ceased to be so active. If it does not,

you might have been dominating the play, the

activity might have been above the children’s

level, or the role you had chosen might have

to pigments should be separated from the cre-

ative activity of painting a picture, in which

some paints might become mixed. Answer ques-

tions if asked; otherwise, leave the child alone.

The distinction between curious investigation

from a scientifi c perspective and playful explo-

ration often is not clear. If the child has control,

and you only respond to inquiries, then you are

behaving appropriately. However, if the child is

passive, and you are talking quite a bit, requir-

ing answers from the child, or giving a series of

directions, then this is a lesson, not play.

5. Expecting the play performance to be the same

within a group. Cultural differences become

apparent in play. So do diff erences in style.

Though there are general differences between

boys and girls, the range of individual differ-

ences are very great. Having uniform expecta-

tions of children is not appropriate.

6. Setting too many restrictions. Children cannot

play if they are expected to maintain silence,

not move, create no diso rder, never touch one

another, remain clean and tidy, and never create

a mess. Play requires action. Action inevitably

leads to disorder, messes, noise, joy, conversa-

tion, and, usually, jostling about. When adults set

unreasonable restrictions on play, they simply

are trying to prohibit play altogether. Of course,

even the youngest player can be expected to

clean up after the play, but that is a task in social

responsibility, not play.

7. Squelching the creative use of materials. Con-

sider whether there actually are reasons of safety

or economics that rest rict the use of a particular

material. For example, poker chips make better

money to carry in purses than do puzzle pieces,

most children would rather use them, and puz-

zles are ruined if pieces are missing. However,

the same thing does not apply to macaroni,

strings, Lego blocks, or other small items. The

challenge is in planning to manage the proper

return of the items after play is fi nished for the

day. One teacher maintained a pail for small

items, and children deposited them there when-

ever they were found. Later, they were returned

to the appropriate storage area.

8. Having no constraints at all. Play is planned dis-

order, or organized, rule-governed interactions

that do not fi t adult predetermined conceptions.

Play simply does not fl ourish when there are no

rules or means of controlling its scope or param-

eters. Rules regarding safety, rights and feelings




Individual differences in the ways in which chil-

dren play were highlighted. The strategies that chil-

dren use to frame the play, move the story forward,

and terminate play were described. Humor is an addi-

tional aspect of playfulness and contributes to the

child’s social position in the group.

The role of the adult is to facilitate play for all the

children in the group. This means that the adult must

establish a n atmosphere conductive to play, provide

appropriate materials and facilities, and guide the skill

development of the children toward increasing levels

of performance. Responsiveness to children’s observed

behaviors is essential to this role, as is communication

with children’s parents. Several pitfalls were identifi ed

so that you can avoid them as you begin to support

children’s play.

Summary

individual needs for play. Play is one area that

most children can experience some success.

15. Omitting mention of play performance when

conferencing with families. Parents are inter-

ested in the social relationsh ips of their chil-

dren, which are typically displayed during

play. They can best support their child’s devel-

opment if they understand what skills their

children do or do not have.

been so central to the theme that the play can-

not continue without it.

14. Restricting the activity of children with spe-

cial needs to “lessons” or ignoring these chil-

dren as they play. All chi ldren benefi t from

play, and children learn from engaging in play

with more skilled peers. Some children may

need assistance or coaching during play, and

some activities may need to be adapted. Plan for

Play is the context of social engagement during child-

hood. Play is voluntary, fun, and involves children

in using al l of their physical, mental, and emotional

resources as well.

There are several types of play: play with move-

ment and objects, construction play, and imaginative

play. Within each play form, sequences of development

were suggested through which children pass before

they become skillful players. Most of these sequences

occur in early childhood, with older children using

early skills in new combinations for more complex

forms of play.

The rules children create to further their play and

the strategies that they use to initiate, develop, or

change their pl ay were discussed as well as some sug-

gestions as to how adults might use their understand-

ing of play to assist less-skilled children.

Key Terms

associative play

character role

complexity

construction play

cooperative play

dramatic play

dramatist s tyle

exaggerat ion

fantasizer

formal pretend propos als

functio nal role

games

met acommunication

no velty

object i nvention

object substitution

onlooker

pa rallel activity

patterner s style

play epi sode

p lay frame

play sch emes

pra ctice play

pragma tist

prompting

rough -and-tumb le play

sociodrama tic play

solitary play

storyte lling

style

transform

ul terior convers ations

unde rscoring

u noccupied behavior




Field Assignments

11. Explain the contribution of play to the seven ele-

ments of social competence (social values, positive

self-identity, interpersonal skills, self-regulation,

planning and decision making, emotional intel-

ligence, and cultural competence). Use your own

life experience for examples or observations from

children’s play.

12. Referring to Appendix A, NAEYC Code of Ethi-

cal Conduct, determine if the following situations

pose an ethical dilemm a. Identify the section that

infl uences your answer.

a. A teacher leaves the children unattended on the

playground with the intent of watching them from

a window and ass umes that, if there is an emer-

gency, one of the children will come to get her.

b. Three children are having a noisy confrontation

while engaged in dramatic play. The teacher

does nothing.

c. One tea cher complains to a colleague that Ms.

Gace (another colleague) runs a room that is just

too structured, and t he children don’t get any

real play time.

d. A little girl is playing house, and another child

comes in and wants to be the mother. The chil-

dren agree to have two mothers playing in one

house. The adult intervenes and insists that

families have one father and one mother in each

house.

1. Why is it unlike ly tha t play can ever be eliminated

as a human behav ior?

2. Look at Fig ure 7-1, How Play Contrib utes to Social

Competence. What do you think would be the con-

sequences if childre n do not have suffi cient time

to play? Project what these consequences might be

for the child, the schools, and the community.

3. Describe the characteristics of play, and give exam-

ples of playful and nonplayful behavior.

4. Why aren’t the concep ts of work and play oppo-

sites? Why is it more accurate to contrast play with

seriousness than wi th work? Use your own life

experience to elaborate on this topic.

5. List the skills needed for children to participate in

dramatic play. Give examples of each skill.

6. Describe style differences in construction and pre-

tend play.

7. What does metacommunication mean? Describe

play sign als that are nonverbal and verbal.

8. When a young child starts to tell a joke, but forgets the

punch line and then laughs, how should you respond?

9. When a group of school-age children of mixed

ages are playing softball and are not following the

Little League rules on their own, how should you

respond?

10. When older children are fully involved in play and

everything is running smoothly, what should you do?

Discussion Questio ns

1. Using simple, direct statements that you would

use with the children, write out the directi ons to

a game. Indic ate where you would demonstrate

what to do or play along with the players for them

to get the idea of the game. Th en try out the game

with a group of children. How well were they able

to follow your directions? What would you do

differently?

2. Observe a group of young children over several

days. Record whether or not you have observed

the following behaviors for each child:

a. Substitutes an object for another during pretend

play

b. Invents objects and uses gestures or movements

to indic ate existence

c. Transforms time or age of player(s) or self

d. Transforms place

e. Takes on a behavioral or functional role

f. Tak es on a family or fantasy character role

N ow arrange to play wi th these children, and

devise strategies to e ncourage the development of

these skills. What m aterials will you need? How

will you coach them? If they can perform the basic

skills, what should your role be?

3. Collect materials that would be useful to parents in

making toy selections for specifi c age groups.

4. Become direct ly involved in play with children.

Use the techniques suggested in the text to infl u-

ence the direction o f play. Note the effect that your

participation has on the children.



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