Thomas Russell a1210828

1

To what do you attribute the lethality and rate of killing in the Rwandan Genocide?

In 1994, a catastrophic event occurred in the small east African nation of Rwanda. Beginning on the

7th of April and ongoing for 100 days, the Tutsi minority group and Hutu moderates were massacred

in a genocide that was largely ignored by the wider world. Although it was perpetrated with no

attempt for secrecy in the most violent bloodbath in history, there was no international reaction. But

why did it happen? And why was it ignored? The reasons for the genocide began in the native past

of the region, and continued throughout the colonial period. Throughout this time, a change in

perception of social demographic occurred and culminated in a violent post-colonial era full of civil

war and racial tensions. This essay will explore how these periods and the people within them

shaped Rwanda of 1994, and why the genocide was allowed to carry on with such unique brutality.

To understand the events of 1994, one must first consider the native and colonial history of the

Rwandan region. There are numerous theories about how the Tutsi/Hutu demographic originated,

but the prevailing explanation is that Tutsi tribes migrated from North African lands approximately

500 years ago1. The migrating Tutsi likely left for the great lakes to find better grazing land for their

livestock. Here, they came into contact with the simple Hutu nomads and farmers. The two tribes

were physically and culturally different, and considering that the Tutsi “were light years ahead of the

Hutu in military know-how, [they] quickly established an ascendancy”2. The regions in and around

Rwanda (Burundi, Uganda and Zaire) then became a feudal society in which Tutsi “Mwamis”

(translated as King) ruled over the Hutu. This oppressive system in which the Tutsi minority ruled

over the Hutu majority remained constant throughout this pre-colonial era, and was “endorsed by

1 Kevin O'Halloran, Pure Massacre: Aussie soldiers reflect on the Rwandan Genocide, (Newport, NSW: Big sky

publishing, 2010), 14. 2 Idib

Thomas Russell a1210828

2

the first Colonial power Germany when it took over in the late 1890s”3. The Colonial era was one of

great change, and saw the creation of the Rwandan nation state, borders, and importantly the

racialization of the Tutsi and Hutu4. This accelerated after WWI when Belgian forces took control of

the nation. The Belgian Colonists were efficient in the way that they brought western civilisation and

social structures to the region, their fixation on labelling race and ethnicities became a defining

factor for the next period of conflict. It is speculated that their attraction to a Tutsi controlled self-

regulated colony led them to conduct nose measurements to legally distinguish between Tutsi and

Hutu, considering that the distinction had been blurred over centuries of interbreeding5.

After the racial lines had been drawn in the colonial era, it took until 1962 for Rwanda to gain its

independence from the Colonists. 10 years later in 1972 a second uprising occurred and a

“Parmehutu” (Hutu controlled) Government came into power6. This was achieved after a period of

fighting in which many Tutsi were slaughtered. 1972 marked the beginning of the post-colonial era

and the first time that a Hutu Government was in power over the Tutsi population. The following 20

years were filled with Tutsi uprisings against President Habyarimana’s oppressive Government that

remained in power undemocratically. This system of dictatorial Government continued until 1992,

when Habyarimana shifted Rwanda towards democracy to create a transitional system of

Government. This early 1990s period saw the creation of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), a

militant Tutsi rebel group led by the now President of Rwanda, Paul Kagame. On October 1, 1990,

the civil war began as the RPF launched their military invasion into Rwanda from Uganda and

captured towns along the Northern border. This assault was designed to overthrow the Hutu

Government and create a new democratic nation that focused on marginalisation and equality

3 Kevin O'Halloran, Pure Massacre: Aussie soldiers reflect on the Rwandan Genocide, 14.

4 Mahmood Mamdani, When Victims become killers: Colonialism, Natvisim, and the Genocide in Rwanda, (New

Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2001), 76-102. 5 Ibid.

6 Verwimp, Philip. "Death and survival during the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda." Population Studies. no. 2 (2004):

233.

Thomas Russell a1210828

3

between the Hutu and Tutsi. However, the Rwandan towns that were captured by the RPF were

emptied as Hutu people fled, and were forcefully displaced from their homes. By the later stages of

the civil war, 950,000 Hutu were removed by the RPF and fled into Southern Rwanda7. The RPF was

met with Government resistance forces including militiamen that had been trained and armed by

the French Government8. The fighting ended on August 4, 1993, with the signing of the Arusha

Accord, a power sharing agreement between the Government and the RPF9. This came to be a

source of fear for the Hutu citizens of Rwanda, as it meant that the militant Tutsi leaders such as

Paul Kagame would be part of their Government. The constant threat of the Tutsi RPF invasion is one

of the catalysts for the genocide, due to the perceived threat of imminent danger felt by the Hutu.

They felt that “the Tutsis are out to kill them, and that is reality. So they act not out of hate as fear.

They think they have only one choice to kill or be killed”10. This point of the civil war being a

“catalyst” is further supported by the fact that Hutu and Tutsi violence also erupted within

neighbouring Burundi after their civil war began. Rwanda and Burundi are similar in many ways,

including geographical location, terrain, social demographics, native and colonial history, and even

the death of their Hutu president Cyprien Ntaryamira, who was aboard the April 6 flight with

Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana11. Genocidal violence against the Burundian Tutsi did not

begin until their civil war erupted in 1993, during a period in which democracy was introduced. The

examples of Rwanda and Burundi show that the genocide of 1994 was largely sparked due to the

coupling of the introduction of democracy and the advent of a successful invasion by Tutsi rebels.

On the morning after the April 6 assassination of President Habyarimana, the genocide erupted with

a rate of murder that was faster than any other mass killings in history. Approximately 800,000 Tutsi,

7 Mahmood Mamdani, When Victims become killers: Colonialism, Nativisim, and the Genocide in Rwanda, 187.

8 Linda Melvern, A people betrayed: The role of the West in Rwanda's Genocide, (London: Zed Books, 2000),

chap. 3. 9 Linda Melvern, A people betrayed: The role of the West in Rwanda's Genocide, 52.

10Mahmood Mamdani, When Victims become killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda, 191.

11 Kevin O'Halloran, Pure Massacre: Aussie soldiers reflect on the Rwandan Genocide, 17.

Thomas Russell a1210828

4

Twa and Hutu moderates were slaughtered over the 100 day period between the initiation of the

genocide and the conclusion when the RPF captured Kigali on July 4 and ended the fighting on the

13th12. Because the genocide occurred so suddenly after the assassination of Habyarimana, the Tutsi

population were largely caught by surprise. It is thought that if they “believed genocide possible,

many more Batutsi would have fled the country by 1994”13. The Genocide was mostly perpetrated

by the Interhamwe and Impuzamugambi militias and local Hutu citizens, with Government soldiers

combating the RPF invasion from the North. The main weapon of choice was the machete which was

cheap to purchase and distribute. This was a major factor in the rate of the killing. In the past,

genocide has mostly been perpetrated by Governments and militias. However, Rwanda became a

nation that had an incredibly high number of civilian perpetrators wielding these machetes, most

likely because of the radio support that was coming from RTLMC radio, a public station. By labelling

the Tutsi as “cockroaches”, strategically broadcasting Tutsi hiding places and inciting violence in the

name of nationalism, the radio stations played a significant role in shaping the genocide.

Furthermore, in collaboration with Catholic priests they were able to gather Tutsis in churches and

announce the location on the radio for citizens and militiamen to go and slaughter them14. The

ultimate effect of this civilian participation is lethal for two important reasons. Firstly, the number of

people taking part in the murder increased dramatically, which meant that the rate of killing could

increase. Secondly, the community knowledge that came from the Hutu population was vast. The

Hutu, having lived side by side with Tutsi people for generations as neighbours meant that no one

could hide. All Tutsi were accounted for when the majority of the population works together for

their demise.

12

Kevin O'Halloran, Pure Massacre: Aussie soldiers reflect on the Rwandan Genocide, 17. 13

Helen M. Hintjens, “Explaining the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda” The Journal of Modern African Studies 37 no.2, 1999. 242. 14

Kevin O'Halloran, Pure Massacre: Aussie soldiers reflect on the Rwandan Genocide, 39.

Thomas Russell a1210828

5

One of the major reasons that this extreme rate of killing and explicit street violence was able to go

on for so long is the absence of resistance from the international community. On the 10th of April,

French, Belgian and US troops arrived in Rwanda with the objective to evacuate all western citizens

from the nation15. Rwandan Tutsi begging for help were ignored and left behind. The international

community was not only absent, but through France, passively supported the genocidal regime.

Despite the fact that the UN Security Council knew enough to stage a nation-wide evacuation of

Western citizens, they denied having the knowledge to deduce whether genocide was being

perpetrated, despite constant testimony from Rwandan victims and reports from Roméo Dallaire,

the head of the UN Rwandan peacekeeping force16. Specifically, The U.S. aimed to distance itself

from the conflict by labelling the killings as “acts of genocide”, rather than “genocide”. It displayed

their agenda to technically avoid the legal implications of genocide and avoid having to stage an

intervention. The failure of the international community to intervene, and the period of passive

support from the French was lethal for the Tutsis in two important ways. Firstly, in an active sense,

the victims of the genocide had no military support until the RPF captured Kigali. This meant that

Hutu militiamen and civilians could indiscriminately murder without having to combat anyone to

claim their kill. To illustrate the UN policy that the few soldiers on the ground had to abide,

Australian UN Corporal Milan Nikolic recounts that during the Rwandan Kibeho massacre of 1995:

“Back in the compound, we watched everything that occurred from behind

sandbagged walls. RPG rounds landed among the stampeding crowd and

10 people would fall. A woman stood up 50 metres from our location with

her hands in the air. An RPA soldier walked down to her and walked her

back up the hill towards us with his arm on her shoulder. He then turned

15

Kevin O'Halloran, Pure Massacre: Aussie soldiers reflect on the Rwandan Genocide, 18. 16

Dallaire, Gen. Romeo. Genocide fax. manuscript., United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda, 1994. www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB53/rw011194.pdf.

Thomas Russell a1210828

6

around and looked at us, then pushed the woman to the ground and shot

her.”17

Secondly, it was foreseeable that there would be no intervention force to stop the Hutu Government

from carrying out their plan. As political scientist Daniel Goldhagen explains, the “cost-benefit”

calculation made by the Hutu provisional Government was such that the benefits of massacring the

Tutsi population was greater than the cost, considering that an intervention would not happen18.

The fallout of this is that not only could genocide be organised and perpetrated, it could be done so

in the most open and efficient way possible. If there was a history of African intervention and

unwavering support by the international community against genocide, the cost-benefit calculation

would have been different. The scale may not have been so large, the killings may not have been so

horrifically violent, open and rapid, or the genocide may never have been initiated.

The Rwandan Genocide took the form that it did due to pressures that began mounting from the

colonial period. It began with the Tutsi tribes emigrating from Ethiopia, and ended with a chopping

Machete in the hand of a crazed, fearful and nationalistic Hutu. Although legally, the blame of the

genocide falls on the heads of those who organised and carried it out, it appears as though the

situation was always going to occur, whether in 1994 or later. Factors that stretched from the Tutsi

Mwamis of native times to the assassination of Juvenal Habyarimana in 1994 are what caused the

phenomenon. Together, these factors made not only genocide, but one that was committed by the

common people. They created a social landscape that made this kind of widespread murder a

possibility, and resulted in a period of massacre that is unrivalled in speed, lethality and horrific

brutality.

17

Kevin O'Halloran, Pure Massacre: Aussie soldiers reflect on the Rwandan Genocide, 117. 18 Daniel, Goldhagen, "Genocide: Worse than war," Web, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w7cZuhqSzzc.

Thomas Russell a1210828

7

Word count: 2152

Bibliography

BOOKS

1. Mamdani, Mahmood. When Victims become killers: Colonialism, Natvisim, and the Genocide

in Rwanda. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2001.

2. Melvern, Linda. A people betrayed: The role of the West in Rwanda's Genocide. London: Zed

Books, 2000.

3. O'Halloran, Kevin. Pure Massacre: Aussie soldiers reflect on the Rwandan Genocide.

Newport, NSW: Big sky publishing, 2010.

DOCUMENTARY

4. Daniel, Goldhagen. "Genocide: Worse than war" Recorded 6 4 2010. Public Broadcasting

Service 4 14 2010. Web, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w7cZuhqSzzc.

JOURNAL ARTICLES

5. Philip Verwimp, "Death and survival during the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda," Population

Studies, 58, no. 2 (2004).

6. Helen M. Hintjens, “Explaining the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda” The Journal of Modern African

Studies, 37, no.2 (1999).

PRIMARY SOURCE

7. Gen. Romeo Dallaire, Genocide fax. (manuscript., United Nations Assistance Mission for

Rwanda, 1994), www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB53/rw011194.pdf.