GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE

IN

ACEH, INDONESIA

A CASE STUDY

United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA)

Women, Peace and Security Initiative

Technical Support Division

Phot

os:D

OC

.YJP

(Yay

asan

Jur

nal,

Pere

mpu

an -

Ind

ones

ia)

ii

iii

CONTENTS

Preface v

List of Acronyms and Abbreviations vi

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1

Chapters

I. Introduction 3

A. Dimensions of Gender-based Violence

B. Methodology of the Case Study

II. Historical and Sociocultural Context 5

A. Historical Origins of Conflict in Aceh

B. Impact of the 2004 Tsunami on Aceh

C. Gender in Indonesia and Aceh

III. Nature of Gender-based Violence in Aceh 9

A. Conflict-Related Gender-based Violence

B. Tsunami-Related Gender-based Violence

IV. Governmental Responses to Gender-based Violence 13

A. Legal Framework

B. Establishment of Multisectoral Services for Survivors

C. Sectoral Accomplishments

V. Non-governmental and Community-based Organizations’ Responses to

Gender-based Violence 19

A. Women’s Organizations

B. Community-based Organizations and Psychosocial Services

C. Women and Peace-building

D. Human Rights

VI. Conclusions and Recommendations 21

A. Gaps in Services

B. Recommendations

iv

ANNEX. List of Key Persons Interviewed in Aceh 24

REFERENCES 25

LIST OF TABLES 1 Data on Violence in Aceh, 1989-1998 6 2 Types of Gender-based Violence in Aceh, 1989-1998 9 3 Reports of Violence Perpetrated against Women, Aceh, 1998-2000 10 4 Joint Decree (2002): Tasks and Responsibilities of Government Bodies

in Providing Services to Victims of Violence against Women 14

5 Strategy of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs to Address the Needs of Women Post-Tsunami 16

v

PREFACE The impetus for this case study was the “Advocacy for Reproductive Health” project of the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). The study was funded by UNFPA as part of the “Women, Peace and Security Initiative” to implement United Nations Security Council resolution 1325. Led by Ms. Sahir Abdul-Hadi, Women, Peace and Security, Technical Support Division, UNFPA, the case study was carried out by Ms. Adriana Venny, Executive Director, Women’s Journal Foundation (Yayasan Jurnal Perempuan, YJP), with the support of the UNFPA country office, Indonesia. YJP is a non-profit organization that advocates for women’s rights through the media. The case study examines the extent of gender-based violence in Aceh Province, Indonesia, where the December 2004 tsunami and many years of conflict between Aceh freedom movements and the Government have worsened women’s already vulnerable status. In recent years, the Government of Indonesia addressed gender-based violence in the Joint Decree (2002), which provides for integrated government services to survivors of gender-based violence, and Law No. 23, Elimination of Domestic Violence (2004), which sets out the ways in which the Government will protect victims of domestic violence and punish perpetrators. Yet the implementation of these nationwide initiatives to protect and promote the rights of women has been limited. The case study reflects the situation in Aceh as of May 2005. It is hoped that this report will raise awareness of gender-based violence in Aceh and generate support for improved responses.

vi

LIST OF ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS

BKOW Coordination Body for Women’s Organizations

CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against

Women

CBO Community-based organization

DOM Military Operational Zone (Daerah Operasi Militer)

GAM Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka)

GBV Gender-based violence

HIV/AIDS Human immunodeficiency virus/acquired immunodeficiency syndrome

IDP Internally displaced person

KKTGA Aceh Gender Transformation Work Group

KONTRAS Commission on Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Komisi Orang

Hilang dan Tindak Kekerasan)

MISPI Mitra Sejati Perempuan Indonesia

NAD Province of Aceh

NGO Non-governmental organization

RPK Special Service Room at district-level police office (Ruang Pelayanan

Khusus)

SEIA Serikat Inong Aceh

TNI Indonesia National Military

UNFPA United Nations Population Fund

YJP Women’s Journal Foundation (Yayasan Jurnal Perempuan)

1

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Due to the 30-year civil conflict in Aceh Province, Indonesia, women experienced loss, displacement, violence and marginalization. Most lived in fear and silence under the constant threat of military action. Some lost family members in combat. Many women were subjected to gender-based violence. Moreover, the tsunami of December 2004 exacerbated the already stretched economic and social resources of women’s households and communities, putting women at even great vulnerability for gender-based violence. In an effort to bring attention to the existence of gender-based violence in Aceh, the Women’s Journal Foundation (Yayasan Jurnal Perempuan, YJP) conducted an analysis of women’s exposure to gender-based violence during later years of the conflict, from 1989 to 2004, as well as an assessment of existing prevention and response measures. The assessment team conducted a literature review of documents published by human rights organizations and local women’s organizations. The team also interviewed survivors of gender-based violence in Aceh and representatives of women’s non-governmental organizations (NGOs), community-based organizations (CBOs), international organizations, governmental and law enforcement institutions and the media. Collecting quantitative data on incidents of gender-based violence and on the services provided to survivors was difficult. Incidents of gender-based violence were seldom reported and services provided to survivors were poorly documented. During field visits, when the assessment team asked the police for data on reported cases of violence against women, the police stated that files had been destroyed by the tsunami. The case study discusses sociocultural factors that contribute to the prevalence of gender-based violence in Aceh, as this context is critical to an understanding of the nature and scope of gender-based violence. For example, the strict interpretation and application of Shariah (Islamic law) place restrictions on women’s dress and behaviour. Women who break Shariah codes are stigmatized, and some have been the objects of harassment and physical violence perpetrated by the police, local authorities and some religious groups. The Government has taken steps to address gender inequality. In 1984, it signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), an international covenant created to promote and protect the rights of women. In 2002, government ministries for Women’s Affairs, Health and Social Affairs, as well as the national police force, signed a joint agreement to establish the provision of multisectoral and integrated services to victims of gender-based violence. In October 2004, the Indonesian Parliament passed Law No. 23, Elimination of Domestic Violence, which sets out the ways in which the Government will protect victims of domestic violence and punish perpetrators. All of these policies provide a framework through which the Government can prevent and respond to acts of gender-based violence. However, implementation of these policies has been slow. The assessment team found that, within the legal and security systems, personnel were insufficiently knowledgeable about these policies and the services mandated by them. Moreover, there was a lack of accountability on the part of individual government ministries for providing integrated services to survivors of gender-based violence. Given these gaps in implementation, advocacy with the Government and legal and security systems is necessary to hold these institutions accountable for protecting women and providing the mandated services.

2

The tsunami placed Aceh’s women at greater vulnerability for gender-based violence. Investigating women’s situation in the camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs), the assessment team found that women faced increased physical and economic security risks, such as inadequate reproductive health care, an increased burden of domestic work and an increased threat of gender-based violence, including trafficking and sexual violence. The Government and the international humanitarian community have made efforts to address the needs of conflict-affected communities in Aceh. Yet they have overlooked the specific needs of women. This case study highlights the gaps in gender-based violence prevention and response and makes recommendations for addressing the unmet needs of Acehnese women.

3

I. INTRODUCTION

A. DIMENSIONS OF GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE Gender-based violence is an umbrella term describing any harm perpetrated against a person that results from unequal power relationships determined by social roles ascribed to males and females. Violence may take many forms but, around the world, it affects women and girls disproportionately because of their subordinate status vis-a-vis men and boys. In the last 20 years, gender-based violence has been increasingly recognized as a serious global health, human rights and development issue. More recently, there has been an acknowledgement of the extent and impact of gender-based violence during conflict and an appreciation that any efforts at post-conflict reconstruction must include programming and policy development aimed at redressing and reducing violence against women and girls.1 Gender-based violence is a violation of universal human rights protected by international human rights conventions, including the right to security; the right to the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health; the right to freedom from torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment; and the right to life. All humanitarian groups and organizations must take action from the earliest stages of an emergency to prevent sexual violence and provide appropriate assistance to survivors/victims.2 The nature and extent of specific types of gender-based violence vary across cultures, countries and regions. For societies in which patriarchy is the foundation of social, political and economic systems, as is the case in Aceh, acts of gender-based violence are often tolerated and, in some cases, condoned. Survivors of gender-based violence are often stigmatized. For example, in Aceh, rape victims were often labelled as women who failed to uphold the values of the community. During armed conflicts, when lawlessness, warring factions and military occupation contribute to a culture of violence, acts of gender-based violence frequently increase. Sexual violence is often perpetrated as a strategy of war, whether as a form of ethnic cleansing or as a means of humiliating communities and a culture. In some cases, women are abducted into rebel groups to be sexual slaves, porters and even combatants. Some women voluntarily join rebel militias as a means of protecting themselves and their families as well as to avenge the deaths of their loved ones. In refugee and internally displaced settings, women are often left widowed and become responsible for meeting their families’ needs for safety and survival. The lack of access to health services, economic resources and education only exacerbates women’s problems in these settings. Furthermore, within displaced camp settings, women are vulnerable to sexual and domestic violence perpetrated by their husbands, by other refugees and by the outside community. In the post-conflict phase, women are often excluded from peace and reconciliation efforts. As a result, agreements reached by warring parties perpetuate the political and social structures that marginalize women on the basis of gender. Women’s voices continue to be absent from the public domain.

1 Jeanne Ward, Report of a Preliminary Assessment of Gender-based Violence in Rumbek, Aweils (East and

West), and Rashad County, Nuba Mountains (United States Agency for International Development, 2005), p. 3.

2 Inter-Agency Standing Committee, Guidelines for Gender-Based Violence Interventions in Humanitarian Settings (2005), p. 1.

4

The devastating social and public health impact of natural disasters, such as earthquakes and hurricanes, is well documented.3 While most fatalities and injuries occur within the first few hours following the disaster, secondary social and public health consequences such as population displacement and the disruption of basic health services have a long-term impact. These secondary consequences often disproportionately impact women and girls. Such was the case in Aceh following the December 2004 tsunami in a region already affected by protracted conflict. B. METHODOLOGY OF THE CASE STUDY Aceh Province has been the setting of a 30-year conflict between Aceh freedom movements and the Government of Indonesia. In this setting, acts of violence against women and other violations of human rights were perpetrated with impunity. To bring attention to the existence of gender-based violence in Aceh, YJP, a non-profit organization that advocates for women’s rights through the media,4 conducted an analysis of women’s exposure to violence during the period 1989-2004 and assessed existing prevention and response measures. The assessment took place in two weeks (14 April – 1 May 2005). The primary researchers were three YJP staff members and a researcher on gender issues. The methodology included a review of documents about gender-based violence during the Aceh conflict and a field-based assessment.

1. Literature Review The assessment team conducted a literature review of documents published by human rights organizations and local women’s organizations to gather information about documented acts of gender-based violence and to help prepare for the field interviews in Aceh.

2. Field Interviews Field interviews were conducted with key representatives of women’s NGOs, CBOs, international organizations, government and law enforcement institutions and the media (see Annex). These interviews provided information on women’s status under Shariah (Islamic law), on the prevalence of gender-based violence, on measures to prevent and respond to such violence and on women’s participation in peace-building. The team also interviewed war widows, women in the rebel movement and civilian women about their experiences during the conflict and after the tsunami.

3. Limitations of the Methodology The project’s research component was the most difficult because of the lack of data. The Government had no comprehensive data, and YJP had to depend on the limited data available from local NGOs. Moreover, the data collected by police, courts, and legal offices had been destroyed by the tsunami. The other constraint on the findings was the limited time in which to conduct research and produce a report, which was completed in September 2005.

3 M. Toole and R. Waldman, “The public health impacts of complex emergencies and refugee situations”, Annual Review of Public Health (18), 1997, 283-312. 4 Since 1995, the organization’s activities have included the publication of a bimonthly feminist journal; the production of a nationally aired weekly radio programme; the management of a web site, www.jurnalperempuan.com; participation in gender-related research projects; the creation of documentary films; and the hosting of workshops, public discussions and seminars on women’s rights and gender issues.

5

II. HISTORICAL AND SOCIOCULTURAL CONTEXT

A. HISTORICAL ORIGINS OF CONFLICT IN ACEH

Located on the island of Sumatra, Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam (referred to herein as Aceh) is the northernmost province of Indonesia. Political conflict in Aceh began centuries ago, with roots in a vision of creating and maintaining an Islamic-based independent territory. Since its foundation as a sultanate in the sixteenth century, Aceh has been an entry point for Islam and trade. This contributed to the development of a cultural identity distinct from that of other regions of Indonesia. The people of Aceh have, over the centuries, successfully withstood invasions.5 In 1939, a leader in Aceh’s fight against the Dutch, Daud Beureueh, founded the Organization of All Aceh Islamic Clerics (PUSA), an Islamic party that would soon emerge as a political force. That same year, he articulated the idea of Aceh as an Islamic State. From 1945 to 1949, Aceh participated in Indonesia’s war for independence from the Dutch. Following the war and the establishment of the Indonesian Republic, Aceh was granted the status of a special territory rather than of an independent province. In 1951, Aceh was incorporated into the mainly Christian province of North Sumatra. Dissatisfaction with this arrangement arose, and a rebellion movement, the Darul Islam, was organized. Conflict subsequently erupted in Aceh and in parts of Java. In the early 1960s, however, the Darul Islam movement disintegrated when Aceh’s leaders were given power in the central government in Indonesia and Aceh was removed from North Sumatra.6 For 15 years, Aceh enjoyed a period of relative peace. Tension peaked again in 1976, when Hasan di Tiro and a small number of supporters founded the Aceh/Sumatra National Liberation Front, later called the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM). De Tiro proclaimed that Aceh was independent, and GAM promoted itself as a movement rooted in Acehnese nationalism. From 1989 to 1998, in response to the mobilization and militarization of GAM, the Government established permanent military operations in Aceh, known as the Military Operational Zone (Daerah Operasi Militer, DOM).7 In May 2003, the Government again declared an emergency military situation in Aceh (Presidential Decree – Keppres – No. 28), citing the increasing armed violence of GAM. This status was in effect for six months. In 2003, peace talks between the Indonesian Government and GAM leaders, who were living in exile in Sweden, collapsed over the issue of Aceh’s autonomy. In January 2005, internationally monitored peace talks were held in Helsinki, Finland. These talks concluded with a peace agreement signed on 15 August 2005. However, both parties had yet to make concessions over the outstanding issue of Aceh’s autonomy. Data on the number of victims of the Aceh conflict vary widely among the few organizations that compiled data for the years 1989-1998, the DOM period. Moreover, few of the available data are disaggregated by gender. Table 1 shows the data reported by the Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (ELSAM).

5 Aceh, Jakarta Papua, Root of the Problem and Alternatives of Conflict Resolution Process (Jakarta: YAPPIKA, 2001)a pp. 57-58. 6 “In Focus: Self-Determination Regional Conflict Profile on Aceh”, Foreign Policy. Retrieved from www.foreignpolicy.com, on 3 August 2005. 7 Human Rights Watch Publications, web site: http://hrw.org/ indonesian/reports/2003/12/1.htm.

6

Table 1: Data on Violence in Aceh, 1989-1998

No.

Type of Violation

Number of Victims

1. Kidnapped 1,958 2. Killed 1,321 3. Molested 3,430 4. Sexual Violence 160 women 5. Houses Burned * 680 houses and infrastructure Source : Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (ELSAM), Jakarta, see web site: www.acehkita.com * Reported by the Independent Commission of Violence Actions Investigation in Aceh, 1999.

B. IMPACT OF THE 2004 TSUNAMI ON ACEH On 26 December 2004, a massive earthquake off the west coast of Sumatra resulted in a tsunami that affected an estimated 2.9 million people in the 12 districts of Aceh and 1 district of North Sumatra. Almost 200,000 people died, more than 93,000 were missing and more than 500,000 were displaced.8 Bappenas, the Indonesian Development Planning Body, estimated that the loss and damage to property exceeded $US 4.5 billion. The event changed the social, economic and cultural aspects of daily life. Several organizations, including UNFPA, conducted a rapid assessment of the impact of the disaster one week after the tsunami. The assessment indicated that the tsunami had a greater impact on women than on men. More females died in the tsunami than males. For those who survived, women’s lower social status impeded their access to humanitarian aid. They lacked sufficient water, food and economic resources, adding to the domestic burden they faced. The UNFPA assessment found that general health needs were being addressed but there remained a significant dearth of services for maternal and child health care. Throughout the assessment areas, women who had delivered babies two weeks after the tsunami had to depend on either untrained family members or traditional birth attendants during delivery. Women identified a need for antenatal care and female service providers for family planning and other reproductive health needs.9 C. GENDER IN INDONESIA AND ACEH

1. Indicators of Indonesian Women’s Status Indonesia has remained among one of the lowest ranking countries in South-East Asia with regard to the United Nations Development Programme’s Gender Development Index and Gender Empowerment Measurements.10 Indonesian women’s health and vulnerability are matters of concern:

• The Indonesian Demography and Health Survey indicates that the maternal mortality rate in Indonesia during 1998-2003 was high, at 307 per 100,000 deliveries. The rate is high

8 United Nations Office of the Coordinator of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), UNOCHA Situation Report (April 2005). 9 United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), Indonesia, Reproductive Health Rapid Assessment (Jakarta: January 2005). 10United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Human Development Report, 2004 (2004).

7

because of the lack of reproductive health services and because of unsafe abortion practices;

• In recent years, domestic violence cases were increasing yearly as were cases of rape;11 and

• Trafficking cases were reaching 7,000 a year.12

In political life, women were playing a much smaller role than were men. Women in parliament constituted 9.8 per cent of the total. At the provincial level, there were no local women leaders.

2. Shariah in Aceh

In 1961, the Indonesian Government approved the formal establishment of Shariah in Aceh, as part of a political concession to help curb the Free Aceh Movement’s agenda. In 2001, Shariah decreed authority over Islamic principles and prayers, the interactions and conduct of people, the promotion of education and Islamic teaching, the promotion and defense of Islam and the regulation of death rituals, ceremonies and marriage rituals. With this formal decree also came a policy to enforce Shariah, which was critical in that it extended the enforcement authority to police and military personnel. The institution of Shariah restricted women’s behaviour and dress. In all government and private offices, schools and universities, women were obliged to keep their heads covered. In the absence of formal legal repercussions for breaking this dress rule, women were subjected to physical violence and harassment from male citizens on the street, religious student organizations, university students, police and unidentified armed civilian groups. Once military and police personnel were granted the authority to enforce Shariah, they zealously enforced these restrictions. For example, in September 2003, the Local Authority of Military Emergency issued an order to families stating that, “Those who wear tight and transparent dresses that expose their body shapes will receive sanctions in accordance with the appropriate regulations." There were military and police raids to enforce this policy. The penalty for infractions was to receive a beating or pay a fine. Acehnese women were then required to cover their entire bodies as well as their hair with a head scarf (hijab). They were also forbidden to wear trousers. The Serambi Indonesia, a local newspaper, reported on Shariah dress code violations:

“In Langsa, East Aceh, October 2nd, 1999, a group of unknown people, their face[s] covered with masks, stopped a bus of female workers (with uncovered hair) of Wira Lanao company. All these women were told to come down from the bus and had their hair cut off.”13

After 1999, such violent acts against women became common.14 Ameer Hamzah, a well-known religious teacher and columnist, wrote the following in one of his columns:

“It is important for us to prove the success of having women cover their hair. Certainly, they feel it as a burden. But then they will realize the benefit of doing so willingly. Although the

11 Data from women’s crisis centres throughout Indonesia. 12 Data from the Ministry of Women’s Affairs. 13 Serambi Indonesia newspaper, 5 October 1999. 14 Edriana Noerdin, Political Identity of Aceh’s Women (Women Research Institute, 2005), p. 4.

8

hair was cut off, it will grow. Their mini skirt type of clothing is not worthy. The important thing now is for the women to dress up in moslem gown and follow Shari’a.” 15

The Shariah policy also excluded women from community or political leadership. For example, codes for becoming a village head, a geucik, include the condition that the leader must “have the ability to act as a leader of communal prayer.”16 Women were prohibited from leading communal prayer and, hence, were also prohibited from becoming geuciks.17 In Sigli, after the tsunami, Shariah law was invoked to force 26 young couples to be married, as they were all living in one school building together. These marriages thus served “to prevent the couples from committing sins.”18

3. Societal Attitudes towards Women and Gender-based Violence in Aceh

In Aceh, female peace activists discussed common Acehnese attitudes towards women and reflected on their own experiences with gender-based violence:

“ ‘Is it possible that in this Front Yard of Mecca [Aceh], sexual violence takes place?’ asked one of the participants. Another participant responded, ‘According to me, it is the women who do not know how to behave and are immoral. Their way of dressing arouses men’s sexual desire.’ “This comment was followed by laughter from the rest of the members. One participant said, ‘My husband is a lawyer who handled a woman’s rape case. It was proven that the sexual encounter was based on free will, so the woman was found guilty.’”19

The excerpt reveals not only views of both men and women towards gender roles but also the blame placed on women for acts of sexual violence perpetrated against them. It also illustrates a willingness to overlook acts of violence against women and to protect men from being prosecuted. A report by the National Commission on the Elimination of Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan) discusses anecdotes from interviews with women who experienced violence but were afraid to report it because of fear of further exploitation and/or stigmatization. YJP also found this to be the case, as illustrated by an interview with a girl who reported to the police that she had been raped by her brother. Her brother received a sentence of two years in prison. Reflecting on her situation, the girl remarked:

“I hate my mother and brother. I experienced pain and had been humiliated. I hate them so much. I felt ashamed and did not want to go to school. All my friends and all those people who knew about what had happened kept insulting me. I wished I had not told anybody. Perhaps I might have the courage to go back to school.”20

15 Serambi Indonesia newspaper, 3 November 1999. 16 Codes of Banda Aceh City (2002), p. 18. 17 Edriana Noerdin et al, Women representation in a decision making process in a decentralization era

(Women Research Institute, 2005), p. 2. 18 Agustine, “Potensi Indikasi Trafiking di Aceh Pasca Tsunami di NAD”, Semai Magazine, 2nd Edition (February 2005), pp. 11-12. 19 Samsidar, “Women in the Midst of Big Agenda of ‘Aceh Recovery’,” in Jurnal Perempuan No. 33 (2004). 20 Ibid.

9

III. NATURE OF GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE IN ACEH

A. CONFLICT-RELATED GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE Women suffered sexual violence, torture, detention and forced recruitment into fighting forces during the conflict in Aceh. Up to 2005, however, no protection was afforded to witnesses of such crimes. Without protection, survivors and witnesses of violence perpetrated by armed groups remained silent. It is likely that this culture of silence and fear accounts for the low numbers of reported incidents of gender-based violence. A local NGO, the National Commission on the Elimination of Violence against Women, is a special committee established by the Indonesian Government (Presidential Decree No. 181 of 1998).21 In 2002, the National Commission released a compilation of reports from local NGOs documenting acts of violence against women in various conflict settings in Aceh (and elsewhere) during the DOM period, 1989-1998. Table 2 summarizes those acts. Table 2. Types of Gender-based Violence in Aceh, 1989-1998

Conflict Setting

Setting

Description

Types of gender-based

violence

DOM and separatist/ liberation movement in Aceh

• Rape • Sexual harassment • Sexual torture • Sexual slavery in the

military • Interpersonal

violence

Refugee/ IDP settings in West Timor, West Kalimantan, Ambon and Aceh

Conflict and violence in refugee areas controlled by armed civilians. Conflict between refugee and local communities.

• Rape • Sexual harassment • Trafficking of women

and children • Violence perpetrated

by the host community

Source: National Commission on the Elimination of Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan), 2002.

The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Komisi Orang Hilang dan Tindak Kekerasan, KONTRAS), a Jakarta-based NGO that investigates human rights violations in Indonesia, documented that between 1989 and 1998 Aceh’s women were subject to murder,

21 The decree was issued in response to women victims of a 1998 riot in Mei and women in the conflict areas (Aceh, Timor-Leste, Papua, etc.), who demanded that the Government stop violence against women.

10

involuntary disappearance, illegal arrests and detentions, physical torture, rape and sexual harassment. KONTRAS also documented acts of violence against women perpetrated during the years 1998-2000, a period during which the DOM had been temporarily lifted (table 3). Table 3. Reports of Violence Perpetrated against Women, Aceh, 1998-2000

Type of Violence

Number of Victims22

Perpetrator

Location of Incident

Shooting 56 • Security personnel • Armed civilians • Unidentified

persons23

• Public space • Victims’ houses • Refugee camps

Kidnapping 8 • Unidentified persons

• Public space • Victims’ farms

Killing 7 • Unidentified persons

• Public space • Victims’ houses

Torturing 26 • Security personnel • Unidentified

groups • Students

• Security headquarters • Refugee camp • School • Victims’ houses

Sexual violence (rape and sexual harassment)

20 • Masked persons wearing military uniforms

• Security personnel • Unidentified

persons • Civilians

• Victims’ houses

Domestic violence 9 • Husbands • Fathers • Step-sons • First wives24

• Victims’ houses

Harassment 40 • Juvenile groups25 • Public space • Mosques • Victims’ houses

Source: National Commission on the Elimination of Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan), 2002, based on information from KONTRAS. A few accounts of rape collected during the YJP field interviews are listed below:

• During the DOM, a rape case of three Indonesia National Military (TNI) members who raped four civilian women was brought to trial in the martial court. The perpetrators were dismissed from the military and were sentenced to almost three years of prison each. The

22 These types of violence are likely to have been underreported. 23 “Unidentified” means unidentified at the time of the act of violence and at present. 24 The first wife is the first spouse. Many Aceh men practise polygamy. 25 “Juvenile group” is a group of young men.

11

judge’s rationale for his decision was that the act jeopardized the image of TNI and violated the soldiers’ oath.26 The decision thus lacked any human rights component;

• In September 2003, a 16-year-old girl was walking with her brother in West Aceh.

Approximately 500 metres from their house, two military personnel stopped them to check their identity cards. The girl was dragged into an empty house and raped by both soldiers; and

• In December 2003, 12 soldiers from the Marine Corps from the camp at the elementary

school of Cot Setui Beuregang, the District of Kutamakmur, conducted a night patrol and approached the house of a 34-year-old woman in the village of Meule, within the soldiers’ territory. The soldiers asked the woman to open the door and eventually forced their entry to search for weapons and the GAM flag. The soldiers accused the woman’s ex-husband of being part of the GAM. The commander of the soldiers raped the woman in front of her 14-year-old daughter and two younger children.

Kidnapping was reportedly used by the military as a means of pressuring rebel soldiers to surrender. Torture and sexual abuse were also reported later. For example, during a TNI investigation of women alleged to be part of the GAM female wing, Inong Balee, 40 women were forced to strip so that soldiers could search for GAM tattoos on their bodies. The incidents were never reported at the time.27 Women were also arrested and detained by the police because of accusations that either they or their male family members were part of the GAM forces. B. TSUNAMI-RELATED GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE A week after the tsunami disaster, YJP assessed women’s circumstances in seven IDP camps in Aceh: the airport of Sultan Iskandar Muda, Blang Bintang, Banda Aceh (Aceh’s capital city); Masjid Lampeuneurut, Banda Aceh; Dinas Sosial, Banda Aceh; TVRI (Television of Republic Indonesia), Banda Aceh; Janthon, Aceh Besar (5 km from Banda Aceh); Ujong Bate, Aceh Besar (7 km from Banda Aceh); and Seulimun, Aceh Besar (30 km from Banda Aceh). The findings of the YJP assessment correspond to those of the UNFPA rapid assessment. The most common problems facing women were: the lack of feminine hygiene products; lack of proper latrines and bathing facilities; lack of clean water in the camps; an increased burden of domestic work; limited access to humanitarian aid; lack of reproductive health services; and increased vulnerability to gender-based violence, including trafficking, sexual violence and sexual harassment.

1. Trafficking

Women and children in the IDP camps were at an increased risk of being trafficked. In interviews with displaced women, YJP found that traffickers were luring women and girls away from the camp, offering them jobs and proposing to marry or adopt them. Mothers said that in the first days after the tsunami many traffickers came to find babies or children who could be adopted. The assessment team made the following observations regarding trafficking in the camps:

26 Usman Hamid, Healing the Wounds of Aceh Women; State Political Agenda Post General Election of 2004

in Jurnal Perempuan No. 35 of 2004. 27 Similar types of sexual harassment took place in other conflict areas like Poso, Central Celebes, in 1998.

12

• There was no system of monitoring and recording the number of IDPs in the camps, so it was likely that trafficking could occur unnoticed;

• There were accounts of IDPs’ becoming involved in trafficking networks. For example, a

woman selling produce claimed that she was recruiting girls between the ages of 13 and 18. For each girl she was able to recruit, she disclosed that she would get a payment of about $US 7-8; and

• There were accounts of many young girls who received offers from unknown persons to

leave the camps for work opportunities in Malaysia or to work in restaurants and shops in Medan, North Sumatra’s capital.28 In a refugee barracks in Long Raya, Banda Aceh, the assessment team met an 18-year-old girl who reported that a few days after the tsunami, a stranger asked her to go with him to Medan. Her brother stopped her from going.

2. Risks of Sexual Violence and Sexual Harassment

The poor design of the IDP camps presented protection issues for women and children. First, five to eight people were housed in a 4x5-metre room. This presented a personal safety issue for women and children, given their proximity to older men. Boys and girls often stayed out of their barracks until midnight because they lacked privacy and freedom within the shelter facilities. Latrines and bathing spots were out in the open and were poorly lit. Women interviewed during the assessment stated that they felt unsafe going to the latrines (e.g., doors were made of plastic; there were no locks on the doors; and there was no partition between men and women’s facilities). Some women complained of being watched while they bathed. Women also felt unsafe because there were not enough public water supplies and latrines available, while those that were available were in poorly lit areas. According to a camp police officer whom YJP interviewed, there were no official reports of sexual violence or harassment. Yet YJP collected the following accounts from IDPs and humanitarian workers:

• A humanitarian worker reported that she overheard non-Acehnese migrant labourers from Medan speaking about “taking” Acehnese widows as their secret mistresses. One man told the others that “on my mission in Aceh [for work] I will have the company of an Acehnese wife”;29 and

• An IDP woman heard that a girl had been raped in the Lampeunerut camp by uniformed

personnel. The girl and the family left the camp, and no one seemed to know where they went. Other IDPs were reluctant to talk about the case.30

28 Agustine, “Fenomena Trafiking Pasca Tsunami di NAD”, Semai Magazine, 2nd Edition, February 2005, page 5-6. 29 Agustine, “Potensi Indikasi Trafiking di Aceh Pasca Tsunami”, pp. 8-9. 30 Ibid, p. 11.

13

IV. GOVERNMENTAL RESPONSES TO GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE

A. LEGAL FRAMEWORK In the past two decades, the Government signed CEDAW (1984), developed policies to protect and promote the rights of women and children in Indonesia, and issued or enacted the following:

• Presidential Decree on Gender Mainstreaming in National Development (2002);

• Presidential Decree on Plan of National Action for Abolishing Women and Children Trafficking (2002);

• Presidential Decree on Plan of National Action for Abolishing Children Commercial

Sexual Exploitation (2002);

• Law on the Protection of Children’s Rights (2003);

• Decree from the Minister of Interior Affairs on the Guidelines for Gender Mainstreaming in the Regional Development (2003); and

• Law No. 23, Elimination of Domestic Violence (2004).

Of special importance for gender-based violence prevention and response is Law No. 23, Elimination of Domestic Violence. According to this law, the Government is committed to the following:

• Preventing occurrences of domestic violence, punishing the perpetrators and protecting the victims;

• Establishing policy on eliminating domestic violence through communication,

information and education on the topic;

• Making public announcements and promoting discussions and advocacy on eliminating domestic violence;

• Conducting gender-sensitive training on issues of domestic violence; and

• Establishing standards and accreditation on gender-sensitive services.

B. ESTABLISHMENT OF MULTISECTORAL SERVICES FOR SURVIVORS In 2002, the Government established a multisectoral framework for providing services to survivors of gender-based violence. The “Joint Decree from the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Social Affairs and the Head of the National Police: Integrated Services for Victims of Violence against Women and Children” set out respective responsibilities for each party, as outlined in table 4.

14

Table 4. Joint Decree (2002): Tasks and Responsibilities of Government Bodies in Providing Services to Victims of Violence against Women

Ministry of Women’s

Affairs

Ministry of

Social Affairs

Ministry of Health

Head of the

National Police

• Conduct advocacy and education

• Establish

Centre of Integrated Service “safe house” Facility

• Facilitate

public participation for survivors

• Conduct

internal training and education

• Provide human resources for social work

• Encourage public

and NGO efforts to facilitate survivors’ rehabilitation, such as providing counselling and shelter

• Establish

guidelines and standard operating procedures for the rehabilitation of women survivors of violence

• Conduct internal

training and education

• Provide medicines and paramedics in central, provincial and regency hospitals

• Operate the

medical facility

• Establish

guidelines and standard operating procedures for the treatment of victims

• Conduct internal

training and education

• Provide medicine and paramedics in the police hospitals and the Integrated Service Facility

• Establish

Special Service Rooms for legal advocacy

• Establish

guidelines and standard operating procedures

• Conduct

internal training and education

Source: Joint Decree of Three Ministries, October 2002.

To date, the multisectoral model forms the “best practice” for prevention and responses to gender-based violence in refugee, IDP and post-conflict settings. The underlying principle of the multisectoral model recognizes the rights and needs of survivors as pre-eminent in terms of access to respectful and supportive services, guarantees of confidentiality and safety, and the ability to determine a course of action for addressing the gender-based violence incident. Key characteristics of the multisectoral model include the full engagement of the refugee community and interdisciplinary and inter-organizational cooperation and collaboration among health, psychosocial, legal and security sectors.31 To implement the integrated services as outlined

31 www.womenscommission.org/pdf/GBV

15

in the Joint Decree, the cooperation and coordination of service providers are required. Service providers who would be engaged in this service model are those in the fields of medicine, psychsocial services and the legal, justice and security systems.

1. Medical

Doctors, both general practitioners and specialists, along with midwives, paramedics and nurses would be responsible for the provision of medical services to survivors of violence against women. The medical personnel responsible would be those attached to hospitals, integrated crisis centres, public health centres, and medical and health clinics.

2. Psychosocial Services The persons providing psychosocial services to survivors of violence against women would be psychologists, counsellors, social workers, shelter managers, religious counsellors and relatives. They may be attached to a variety of organizations, including women’s organizations, women’s crises centres, religious schools and churches. Government services themselves do not provide psychosocial services but refer victims to NGOs that do (see chapter V.).

3. Legal/Justice Systems Lawyers, attorneys and judges would be the key persons dealing with legal cases of violence against women. They would be those persons attached to legal aid institutions, the police force, attorneys, courts and related justice institutions.

4. Security Services

The police and those in military service would be providers of services to survivors of violence against women.

5. Infrastructure The Ministry of Women’s Affairs outlined the minimum standards to address violence against women:

• Establish crisis centres that are managed and funded by the Government; • Establish integrated crisis centres in hospitals;

• Provide material support to temporary shelters for victims of violence;

• Cooperate with NGOs, psychologists and community leaders to establish hotlines that

provide counselling and emergency assistance;

• Conduct training on gender-based violence, especially on domestic violence, for law enforcement and health/medical professionals;

16

• Establish Special Service Rooms (Ruang Pelayanan Khusus, RPK), similar to a women’s desk, in every police office to provide police protection and investigation of gender-based violence incidents;

• Conduct anti-violence against women campaigns and training for the public; and

• Provide public education on legal recourse for survivors of domestic violence, within the

framework of Law No. 23. The Government also responded to the protection needs of women affected by the tsunami. The Ministry of Women’s Affairs established a tsunami response programme that includes protecting women, addressing their psychological needs, building their resilience and facilitating their economic empowerment. In table 5, these initiatives have been broken down into the emergency, rehabilitation and reconstruction phases of implementation. Table 5. Strategy of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs to Address the Needs of Women Post-Tsunami

Source: Ministry of Women’s Affairs

Emergency Stage

Rehabilitation Stage

Reconstruction Stage

For Women’s Protection: • Establish trauma

centres and mobile services in refugee areas. The trauma centre would provide trauma counselling, especially in the acute phase

• Establish a women’s

support centre to provide services in the form of trauma counselling, reproductive health and general health

• Educate women

about the risks of trafficking

For Women’s Empowerment:

• Train women in accessing economic resources and provide capital through business schemes

• Strengthen local

institutions providing care for women and children

• Rebuild institutions

working on women’s and children’s empowerment by providing technical assistance and programmes to facilitate economic empowerment

For Women’s Empowerment: • Develop an Integrated

Service Centre for Women’s Empowerment to provide information on women’s empowerment and counselling services, and to educate and train women on development issues and women’s empowerment

• Facilitate women’s

economic empowerment • Provide technical

assistance to women’s business groups

17

C. SECTORAL ACCOMPLISHMENTS

1. Law Enforcement/Security Sector

The National Committee for Women recorded that, in 2004, Indonesian law enforcement institutions -- the police, attorneys and the courts -- were more responsive to domestic violence cases than they had been in the past. This could be attributed to an increase in the public’s awareness that domestic violence is a criminal act. It could also be a result of the advocacy efforts of women’s organizations to provide legal advice to survivors. Under the Joint Decree (2002), the police were mandated to establish and manage RPKs in all district-level police units. According to the records of the National Committee for Women, by 2004, 260 RPKs had been established throughout the country. The RPKs function as “safe” places where victims can report incidents of violence and receive services in accordance with their needs. Each RPK has a female police person who takes victims’ reports and refers them to a hospital for medical care or a crisis centre for psychological/psychosocial care. Based on records of the National Committee for Women, RPKs had by 2004 dealt with 4,456 cases of gender-based violence, including torture, 1,977; rape, 1,633; domestic violence, 719; sexual harassment, 301; adultery, 231; under-age girls kidnapped for marriage or trafficking, 178; homicide, 89; trafficking of women/girls, 38; polygyny, 5; forced abortion, 3; and abandonment, 1. The National Committee for Women investigated how the police handled these reports. The police headquarters reported that 99 had been referred to the attorney’s office; 55 had been dismissed upon the victims’ requests; and 88 had been settled outside of the court, in the community. The most common response (1,867 cases) was that the cases had been classified as “under further investigation”. No other action had been taken on the rest of the gender-based violence cases.32 In Aceh, the assessment team found that the police office of Banda Aceh, which claimed to have opened an RPK, did not have one. According to the Aceh police, RPK personnel had been hired only recently and had not yet coordinated their services with non-police institutions, such as the Bureau of Women’s Empowerment in Aceh. According to public service personnel33, the absence of this RPK unit has meant that many cases of gender-based violence, especially domestic violence,34 have not received an adequate legal response. The police headquarters representative said that the establishment of RPK is a mandate and one day an RPK must exist in Aceh.

2. Health Sector Within Indonesia as a whole, the pioneers of providing medical/health services for gender-based violence survivors are the central hospital of Ciptomangunkusumo in Jakarta, which has an Integrated Crisis Centre, and the Panti Rapih Hospital in Yogyakarta, which has a Women’s Service Unit (Unit Pelayanan Perempuan). These hospitals provide physical examinations and services and they support police investigations of cases. For psychological support, the hospitals refer survivors to NGOs providing psychosocial care.

32 The publication of Komnas Perempuan and www.komnasperempuan.or.id 33 Public service personnel are the police who serve people’s needs. Without an RPK, domestic violence cases will be difficult to be pursue because policemen have not generally been trained in an understanding of gender-based violence. 34 Police officers usually refer women victims of domestic violence to the marriage dispute settlement unit

without any legal follow-up.

18

There are 36 “police hospitals” throughout the country, owned and managed by the Indonesian Police Headquarters. Under the Joint Decree, the Indonesian Police Centre for Medical and Health Service established centres for integrated services for gender-based violence victims in three police hospitals -- one each in the cities of Jakarta, Surabaya in East Java, and Makasar in South Sulawesi. The integrated service centres offer free medical services, legal investigations, psychological assessments and social protection for survivors. Services are provided by an interdisciplinary team, including psychologists, medical personnel, sociologists, police officers, religious persons and representatives of women’s NGOs. All hospitals under this referral system are required to treat survivors as patients of the emergency unit, applying all medical and administrative emergency procedures and standards, including addressing survivors’ psychological treatment and gathering forensic evidence.

19

V. NON-GOVERNMENTAL AND COMMUNITY-BASED ORGANIZATIONS’ RESPONSES TO GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE Although the national Government designed a multisectoral response to gender-based violence, the reality in the field was that, as of 2005, that approach had not yet been fully implemented. In Aceh, NGOs -- particularly women’s NGOs -- were in the forefront of responding to gender-based violence, and they assumed the role of providing services to survivors.

A. WOMEN’S ORGANIZATIONS35

The women’s organizations discussed below were organized at various times to deal with issues of women’s social, economic and political status and the special conditions in Aceh. The YJP assessment, conducted in 2005, reflects largely the organizations’ post-tsunami orientation.

1. Pulih Foundation

The Pulih Foundation (Yayasan Pulih), a women’s solidarity organization, established a field office in 2002. It provided psychological services and psychosocial activities for traumatized women (pulih means “to recover”) and helped women start projects and build shelters. After the tsunami, it identified women who had been victims of conflict and then faced the disaster that left them separated from family members, with few economic resources. As of 2005, the organization’s primary emphases were to strengthen knowledge about gender; to reexamine traditional relationships between men and women; and to use local people to conduct advocacy training.

2. Aceh Gender Transformation Work Group As of 2005, the Aceh Gender Transformation Work Group (KKTGA) was concerned with a variety of women’s issues, including the lack of security for reporting domestic violence, the lack of legal protection for women, pornography and forced marriages. The group had three teams in Banda Aceh and Aceh Besar, providing counselling on issues of gender, reproductive health, the domestic violence law, inheritance rights and women’s rights generally. KKTGA advocated for women’s rights after divorce, including the provision of one third of the husband’s salary for his wife. 3. Solidaritas Perempuan Aceh Solidaritas Perempuan Aceh responded to the lack of attention to women’s needs during tsunami relief efforts and the forced marriage of young tsunami widows. It was also concerned about infringements on the protection of women activists. It initiated a programme to empower women economically, socially and culturally. In 2005, the organization was conducting the training of cadres to disseminate information about women.

4. Serikat Inong Aceh

Serikat Inong Aceh (SEIA) was concentrating in 2005 on strengthening women’s economic prospects and dealing with the issue of women’s lack of freedom of movement in IDP camps. SEIA promoted the formation of women’s groups for trading, embroidery, farming and fishing, 35 Information in this section provided by Komnas Perempuan.

20

with monthly monitoring and meetings every three months. SEIA also addressed such issues as the domestic violence law and other important issues related to gender and the status of women.

5. Mitra Sejati Perempuan Indonesia Mitra Sejati Perempuan Indonesia (MISPI) was concentrating in 2005 on addressing women’s role in the political system and, specifically, their lack of access to decision makers and consequent inability to contribute to policy-making and peace-building efforts. MISPI was also concerned about the restrictions on women’s rights imposed by Shariah. MISPI activities included conducting meetings and hosting discussions about the needs of Aceh’s society; establishing training of trainers; making suggestions to members of the legislature; and contributing to post-tsunami economic recovery by, for example, distributing sewing machines.

6. Coordination Body for Women’s Organizations The Coordination Body for Women’s Organizations (BKOW) consisted of 60 organizations in 2005. BKOW was concentrating on addressing women’s domestic and economic problems, including the double burden for women who work outside the home, and the existence of many female-headed households. BKOW provided skills training (e.g., in sewing and embroidery), in cooperation with the Occupational Training Centre, and training in leadership, politics, health and women’s issues for its membership. B. COMMUNITY-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND PSYCHOSOCIAL SERVICES In Aceh, since 2001, most psychosocial services have been provided by the Bureau for Women’s Empowerment, in cooperation with the Family Crisis Centre in Banda Aceh. These agencies have sought to mitigate the trauma experienced by survivors of gender-based violence, offering counselling and skills training. From 2001 to 2004, the Family Crisis Centre served 760 women from Aceh; some were widows of men killed in the conflict and others were survivors of gender-based violence. There has been a substantial increase in clients, from 40 persons in 2001 to 100 persons in 2002, 300 persons in 2003 and 330 persons in 2004. The assessment team did not investigate the reason, but it may reflect women’s increasing willingness to seek services. C. WOMEN AND PEACE-BUILDING In the course of the assessment, one activist for Aceh women remarked that women have been in the front lines of peace efforts. One such effort was the implementation of the Women’s Congress with the theme “Agreement among Acehnese Women for Peace” (Duek Pakat Ureung Inong Aceh). Held in Banda Aceh on 20-22 February 2000, the congress hosted 450 women from Aceh, representing many professions. Some were survivors of political violence. The focus of the conference was on how women can take part in conflict resolution and peace-building. Despite the productive discussion at the congress, women were excluded from the 2005 peace talks. D. HUMAN RIGHTS The Human Rights Concerns Forum (Forum Peduli Hak Asasi Manusia, or Forum Peduli HAM), an NGO with more than 17,000 volunteers around the world, had about 100 volunteers in Aceh during the conflict and was still operating in Banda Aceh at the time of the field work for this case study. The Forum was investigating reports of missing persons, torture and other violence committed during the conflict in Aceh.

21

VI. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS The assessment team identified the following gaps in existing services to prevent and respond to gender-based violence in Aceh. The team’s recommendations follow in section B.

A. GAPS IN SERVICES As of 2005, notwithstanding the existence of a multisectoral framework through which the Government could address and prevent gender-based violence and the recent legislation to eliminate domestic violence, these responses had not yet been institutionalized in Aceh. At the time of the assessment, none of the police offices in Aceh had established an RPK, the Special Service Room mandated under the Joint Decree to provide integrated services to survivors. Police had not been trained, and there was a lack of transparency in reporting and recording of incidents. Moreover, there was no referral system for the services that did exist in Aceh. Within Indonesia, a limited number of hospitals -- none of them in or near Aceh -- were responding to the physical health-care needs of gender-based violence survivors Because there were no police hospitals in Aceh, survivors did not have convenient access to the integrated service system that had been established in police hospitals. It was unclear what, if any, protocols were being used in the medical care of survivors. There was no screening for incidents of sexual and domestic violence. Women’s NGOs have primarily led the psychosocial response to gender-based violence. In Aceh, however, the services being provided by NGOs were underresourced and served only a small population.

The tsunami IDP camps that YJP visited during the assessment were poorly designed in terms of protection for women. Shelter units were small and overcrowded. Latrines and bathing facilities lacked privacy and were poorly lit. These conditions put women and girls at greater risk for gender-based violence, particularly trafficking, sexual violence and sexual harassment. Humanitarian aid was limited to disaster relief and did not specifically address the health, psychosocial and economic needs of females in the IDP camps. B. RECOMMENDATIONS Based on the gaps identified with regard to gender-based violence prevention and response in Aceh, the assessment team urges the Indonesian Government, donor nations, United Nations organizations and agencies, and international and local NGOs to consider the following recommendations. 1. Recommendations to the Government, Police and Military

• Develop effective law enforcement strategies and mechanisms to prevent and protect women from gender-based violence;

• Educate and train personnel about international covenants and government policies and

laws that protect women’s rights, mandate services to survivors and punish perpetrators. Monitor the implementation and follow-up of these policies;

22

• Educate the public about international covenants and government policies and laws that protect women’s rights, mandate services to survivors and punish perpetrators;

• Implement the Joint Decree providing integrated services to survivors of gender-based

violence; • Establish RPKs in all district-level police offices; • Prevent military and state violence against women and monitor soldiers’ access to

communities and to women, in particular; • Strengthen laws on gender-based violence and uphold Law No. 23, Elimination of

Domestic Violence. Military and government institutions must hold their personnel responsible for committing acts of gender-based violence, with consistent punishments;

• Introduce a “gender perspective” to peace, security and development issues in Indonesia.

Addressing the needs of women should be approached not as an “add-on” or a new issue but as an integral part of the basic effort of devising more effective policies and targeting aid more efficiently; and

• Strengthen prevention and response to gender-based violence in IDP camps. Employ and

train policewomen to play this role in IDP camps. They will be sensitive to women’s protection needs, and their presence may encourage women to report issues of gender-based violence.

2. Recommendations to United Nations Agencies and Non-governmental and Community-based Organizations

• Hold government authorities accountable for the implementation of CEDAW and

government policies and laws pertaining to gender-based violence;

• Facilitate the implementation of the United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 for women’s equal participation in policy-making for peace and security;

• Ensure that, in all humanitarian assistance, women’s specific health and safety needs are

addressed, including clean water supply and appropriate shelter for changing clothes, bathing and excreting. Access to reproductive health services and supplies, including emergency contraception, family planning, and obstetric care is necessary;

• Ensure the implementation of the Inter-Agency Standing Committee Guidelines for

Gender-based Violence Interventions in Humanitarian Settings;

• Facilitate women’s participation in political decision-making processes, peace initiatives and reconstruction. Involve women in peace efforts, as they have proved to be skillful in conflict resolution at the community level;

• Promote initiatives that protect women’s health through health education, including family

planning, the prevention of sexually transmitted infections and HIV/AIDS, safe motherhood and pregnancy care;

23

• Support and implement entrepreneurship and economic initiatives through training for women, especially those in female-headed households;

• Support grass-roots women’s groups in organizational skills training, including training on

teamwork, networking, communications, fund raising and project management;

• Form alliances with the mass media to promote community and women’s issues; and

• Report women’s human rights violations to the appropriate authority.

3. Recommendations to Donor Nations • Hold authorities accountable for the implementation of CEDAW and government policies

and laws pertaining to gender-based violence;

• Fund discussion forums on issues such as discrimination, racism and gender-based violence in general or in conflict situations, including trafficking; and

• Fund research and data collection on gender-based violence.

24

ANNEX

List of Key Persons Interviewed in Aceh

No.

Name

Organization/Institution

1. Suraiya Kamaruzaman Flower Aceh (NGO) 2. Evi Flower Aceh (NGO) 3. Norma Susanti Relawan Perempuan Untuk Kemanusiaan (RPUK)

(NGO) 4. Wanti Solidaritas Perempuan Aceh (NGO) 5. Lailisma Biro Pemberdayaan Perempuan Propinsi NAD

(Government) 6. Tabrani Yunis Centre for Community Development and Education

(CCDE) (NGO)

7 Daud Humas Provincial Health Office (Government) 8. Nurdin Hassan Koran Serambi (Media) 9. Adi Warsidi Acehkita.Com (Media)

10. Sufriyani Ayub Acehkita.Com (Media) 11 Husni Sulaiman Police officer, Banda Aceh city 12 Jumadi Camp manager, Siron Lambaro, Aceh Besar 13. Ardhiansyah Forum LSM (NGO) 14. Usman Hamid Ketua Badan Pekerja Komisi untuk Orang Hilang dan

Tindak Kekerasan (KONTRAS) (NGO) 15. Samsidar Pelapor Khusus Aceh untuk Komisi Nasional Anti

Kekerasan terhadap Perempuan (Komnas Perempuan) (NGO)

16. Meuthia Hatta Menteri Negara Pemberdayaan Perempuan Republik Indonesia (Government)

17. Eko Danianto Head of Police Office, Banda Aceh city

25

REFERENCES

Aceh, Jakarta Papua, Root of the Problem and Alternatives of Conflict Resolution Process. Jakarta:

YAPPIKA, 2001. Agustine. “Fenomena Trafiking Pasca Tsunami di NAD.” Semai Magazine, 2nd Edition, February

2005. _____. “Potensi Indikasi Trafiking di Aceh Pasca Tusnami di NAD.” Semai Magazine, 2nd

Edition, February 2005. Arivia, Gadis, and Adriana Venny. Menggalang Perubahan: Perlunya Perspektif Gender dalam

Otonomi Daerah (Supporting the Changes: The Needs of Gender Perspectives on Decentralization). Jakarta: Yayasan Jurnal Perempuan, 2004.

Codes of Banda Aceh City. Government of NAD, 2002. “Halo Senayan” (Women’s Political Representation). Jurnal Perempuan, No. 35, 2004. Hamid, Usman. Healing the Wounds of Aceh Women. State Political Agenda Post General Election

of 2004. Jurnal Perempuan No. 35, 2004. Human Rights Watch Publications. Web site: http://hrw.org/ indonesian/reports/2003/12/1.htm. _____, Indonesia Branch. Web site: www.tapol.gn.apc.org. “In Focus: Self-Determination Regional Conflict Profile on Aceh.” Foreign Policy. Retrieved from

www.foreignpolicy.com, 3 August 2005. Inter-Agency Standing Committee. Guidelines for Gender-based Violence Interventions in

Humanitarian Settings. 2005. Komnas Perempuan. Web site: www.komnasperempuan.or.id “Konsultasi Rifka Anissa: Derita di Pengungsian” (Consultation with Rifka Anissa: Suffering in a

Refugees Camp). Kompas Newspaper, 13 June 2005. “Membuka Mitos Syariat Islam di Aceh” (Disclose Syaria Myths in Aceh). Serambi Aceh, 5

October 1999. Noerdin, Edriana. Politik Identitas Perempuan Aceh (Political Identity of Aceh’s Women). Jakarta:

Women Research Institute, 2005. ______, et al. Representasi Perempuan dalam Kebijakan Publik di Era Otonomi Daerah

(Women’s Representation in a Decision Making Process in a Decentralization Era). Jakarta: Women Research Institute, 2005.

Nurmulyati, Sri Tati. “Meringankan Beban Perempuan Aceh” (Lighten the Burden of Aceh’s

Women). Media Indonesia Newspaper, 9 June 2005.

26

Pampell, Camille, et al. Women Waging Peace, Inclusive Security, Sustainable Peace: A Toolkit for

Advocacy and Action. International Alert, 2004. “Perempuan Aceh Mampu Membangun Perdamaian” (Women Aceh Able to Build Peace). Kompas

Newspaper, 31 July 2003. “Perempuan dalam Bencana” (Women in a Disaster). Jurnal Perempuan, No. 40, 2005. “Perempuan dan Pemulihan Konflik” (Women in Conflict Resolution). Jurnal Perempuan, No.

33, 2004. “Perempuan di Wilayah Konflik” (Women in Conflict Areas). Jurnal Perempuan, No. 24, 2002. “Perempuan Pengungsi di NAD Hadapi Tiga Masalah” (Women IDPs in Aceh Facing Three

Problems). Republika Newspaper, 6 July 2005. “Rehabilitasi NAD: Pemberdayaan Perempuan Harus Diutamakan” (Aceh’s Rehabilitation:

Women’s Empowerment Must Be a Priority). Harian Republika Newspaper, 15 July 2005. Samsidar, “Women in the Midst of Big Agenda of ‘Aceh Recovery’.” Jurnal Perempuan No. 33,

2004. Sayadi (Ed.). Aceh, Jakarta, Papua, Root of the Problem and Alternatives of Conflict Resolution

Process. Jakarta: YAPIKKA, 2002. “Self-Determination Regional Conflict Profile on Aceh.” In www.foreignpolicy.com Semai Magazine, No. II, February 2005. Serambi Indonesia Newspaper, 3 November 1999. “Seulanga itu Hilang Harumnya” (Seulanga Loosed Her Fragrance). Republika Newspaper, 3 May

2005. Suar Magazine, Vol. 6, No. 1, 2005. Subiyantoro, Eko Bambang. “Penyakit Gatal Menyerang Balita di Barak Pengungsian Lambaro,

Aceh Besar” (Itchy Disease Attacking Children at Refugees Camp in Lambaro, Aceh Besar). Web site: www.jurnalperempuan.com, 2 May 2005.

Toole, M., and R. Waldman. “The public health impacts of complex emergencies and refugee

situations.” Annual Review of Public Health, (18), 1997, 283-312. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Human Development Report, 2004. UNDP,

2004. United Nations Office of the Coordinator of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA). UNOCHA

Situation Report. UNOCHA, April 2005.

27

United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), Indonesia, Reproductive Health Rapid Assessment. Jakarta: UNFPA, January 2005.

Ward, Jeanne. Report of a Preliminary Assesment of Gender-based Violence in Rumbek, Aweils

(East and West) and Rashad County, Nuba Mountains. United States Agency for International Development, 2005.

______ and O’Connor, Meghan. Trip report for IRC Ethiopia Gender-Based Violence Visit:

September 24 – October 7, 2004. Women’s Commission. Web site: www.womenscommission.org/pdf/GBV