Gate City Rising: Continuity and Change within Greensboro's Black Liberation Movement of the 1960s

8/9/2019 Gate City Rising: Continuity and Change within Greensboro's Black Liberation Movement of the 1960s

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University of North Carolina at Greensboro

Gate City Rising:

Continuity and Change within Greensboro’s Black Liberation Move ent of the !"#$s

% &a'er (ub itted to

&rofessor Charles C) Bolton

*n Candidacy for the +egree of

Master’s of %rts in ,istory

+e'art ent of ,istory

by

(teven -) B) Lechner

Greensboro. North Carolina

March /$!0

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*) *ntroduction and ,istoriogra'hical Conte1t

During six months in 1969, the Gate City Rising gripped Greensboro, North Carolina,

and for a fleeting moment received national attention 1 !he Rising started in seemingly modest

fashion, as a protest over a disputed student council election at then all"blac# $ames % Dudley

&igh 'chool (n late )pril, Dudley administrators refused to permit Claude %arnes, then a *unior,

to run for student council president due to claims that he +as tied to organi ations perceived to

be radical and militant Dudley students demonstrated their opposition to the school-s autocratic

decision by electing %arnes +ith +rite"in votes and ta#ing to the streets to protest !his locali ed

instance of young blac# activism evolved into a political moment of great conse.uence for

Greensboro-s +ider blac# liberation movement, as )frican )merican leaders sought to

understand the motivation behind the Dudley administrators- decision, to interpret its meaning

for the movement, and to develop strategies to resolve the dispute consistent +ith the

movement-s goal of racial *ustice /

0ventually, this Dudley &igh 'chool storm evolved into a hurricane, the +aves of +hich

crashed directly onto the beachhead of North Carolina ) ! 'tate 2niversity 3ocal la+

enforcement assaulted Dudley students during three separate protests !he last of these police

actions +as so violent that the students sought refuge at ) ! !he full might of a militari ed

police force +ith six hundred and fifty guardsmen, t+o hundred and fifty Greensboro police

officers, nearly one hundred sheriff-s deputies, and an un#no+n number of state high+ay patrol

officers turned ) !-s campus into a +ar one !hree students and six la+ enforcement officers

1 !he terms Gate City Rising and the Rising are used alternately herein and refer to the same series ofevents

2 Claude %arnes, intervie+ by author, Greensboro, North Carolina, 4ebruary 6, /51 7 8illiam & Chafe,Civilities and Civil Rights: Greensboro, North Carolina and the Black Struggle for Freedom Ne+ :or#;1?, 1> ">6

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+ere shot during the ensuing chaos


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records, personal intervie+s, *ournalistic accounts, editorials, and other archival information &e

painted a picture of the diversity of status and opinion +ithin Greensboro-s blac# community

during the late 1965s and offered insight on the relationships among various elements of that

community, such as young activists and traditional blac# leadership Chafe presented a

compelling portrait of Nelson $ohnson, the ) ! student activist +ho +as an indispensable actor

throughout these events =erhaps his main contribution +as his development of the concept of

the Aprogressive mysti.ueB to explain the confusing aspirations, motivations, tactics, and

responses of the city-s +hite po+er base to racial issues

Despite these contributions, Chafe-s history of the Rising has gaps &is interpretive focus

+as on ho+ these events evinced the blac# po+er shift in Greensboro during the late 1965s

Conse.uently, Chafe +as more concerned +ith events and people associated +ith ) ! than +ith

student activism at Dudley or ho+ other parts of the blac# community reacted to these events

!his focus may explain +hy he did not intervie+ Claude %arnes, +ho +as at the center of the

Dudley student council election controversy, or others +hose involvement +as primarily

connected to the Rising-s Dudley phases Regardless of his rationale, Chafe-s decision to give

primacy to the ) ! elements had an interpretive cost &is history of the Rising did not fully

describe its various phases and omitted certain people +ho played #ey roles Foreover, vie+ing

these events solely or even primarily through a blac# po+er lens failed to fully convey the

5 Chafe, E"15, 1E/"/5/ Chafe characteri es Greensboro-s +hite establishment-s approach to the blac#liberation movement from the 19 5s to the early 19E5s under the rubric of the Aprogressive mysti.ue,B

the four pillars of +hich are; 1? strong preference for consensus over conflict H a belief that conflict isdestructive as opposed to potentially constructive, +hich often led to self"delusional claims aboutconsensus7 /? the sufficiency of apparent openness H this Fachiavellian concept suggests that it issufficient for the existing po+er base to provide fora for ostensibly candid discussions rather than engagein genuinely ra+ dialogue7 ? paternalism H a persistent belief, rooted in racist conclusions about racialinferiority, that blac#s need to be ta#en care of as a parents might care for a child7 and ? civility H a

po+erful 'outhern cultural norm that affected all relationships and created a de facto system that privileged politeness and gentility over substantive, impassioned debate or public protest

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ideological and methodological complexity that +as present at this time +ithin the city-s blac#

community and inade.uately assessed the Rising-s greater implications !his essay is a modest

attempt to supplement and improve upon Chafe-s strong foundation 6

(n his essay, ANorth Carolina ) ! %lac# =o+er )ctivists and the 'tudent "9

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Revolt of Fay 1969 B %arnes opined that the Rising +as an unappreciated, misunderstood, and

yet essential element of Greensboro-s blac# liberation struggle )s a #ey participant, he provided

an insider-s narrative of the Dudley dispute including the disputed student council election, the

purpose and manner of the student protests, and the connections bet+een Dudley and ) !

activists %arnes concluded that the blac# community-s successful defense against militari ed

policing and the broad support for the activists- ob*ectives distinguished the Rising from other

urban rebellions of the period &e emphasi ed this support +as achieved through the

development of effective multi"class coalitions !o %arnes, the Rising +as an event that

symboli ed the energy and spirit largely absent decades later (t +as proof of the po+er of

protest politics, and more important, illustrated ho+ a local blac# community could come

together to fight for real change Despite his credentials as a political science professor, %arnes-s

essay +as not an arm-s length academic assessment, given his direct lin# to the people and

events about +hich he +rote Nevertheless, it complemented Chafe and 4avors by giving a

richer picture of the liberation net+or#s prevalent in Greensboro throughout the 1965s >

Jelton 0dmonds, +hile an ) ! graduate student in 199>, authored an unpublished

master-s thesis about the Gate City Rising titled, A) =o+der Jeg 8aiting to 0xplode; )n

0xamination of the 1969 DudleyI) ! Revolt B 0dmonds-s +or# notably used oral history from

#ey participants &is primary conclusions +ere that the Rising +as not caused by outside

agitators as claimed at the time by the +hite political establishment, and that it +as consistent

7 $elani 4avors, ANorth Carolina ) ! %lac# =o+er )ctivists and the 'tudent


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+ith the social climate of the late 1965s that included episodic demonstrations and protests on

college campuses and overreaction by politicians and la+ enforcement 0dmonds implied that

the violence that occurred on ) !-s campus during the Rising-s latter phases +as inevitable due

to the state of race relations in Greensboro at that time coupled +ith national trends of unrest on

college campuses &e concurred +ith Chafe that these events are best understood by fitting them

+ithin Greensboro-s blac# po+er movement and argued that the city-s blac# po+er activists had

adopted a preference for militancy over negotiation by the spring of 1969 0dmonds-s addition

to the primary source material related to the Rising +as significant, but his +or# did not offer

ne+ insights on its causes and meanings Foreover, his account did not flesh out the diversity of

the city-s blac# community during the late 1965s, nor did it articulate ho+ these different

elements reacted to and sought to shape the Rising-s shifting landscape 9

Fichael )nthony 8illiams-s documentary, +alls that Bleed , is the most recent narrative

of the Gate City Rising +alls that Bleed depicted these events as the continuation of

Greensboro-s activist spirit demonstrated in the 1965 sit"in, the 196/ and 196 demonstrations,

and unrest after Dr Fartin 3uther Jing, $r -s assassination 2nli#e Chafe and 4avors, 8illiams

gave e.ual attention to the Dudley and ) ! elements of the story )s a documentarian, he

allo+ed participants to drive the narrative (n addition to giving voice to those +ho participated

in the Dudley"based activism, +alls that Bleed argued that the events on ) !-s campus are best

understood as blac# students unifying to defend their campus against an overreaching, violent

assault endorsed and directed by the +hite political po+er base (t is +orth noting that the film

included fe+ representatives of the political establishment &o+ever, there +as diversity +ithin

the )frican )merican voices featured, both +ith respect to the level of involvement +ith political

9 Jelton 0dmonds, A) =o+der Jeg 8aiting to 0xplode; )n 0xamination of the 1969 DudleyI) !Revolt,B F), thesis, North Carolina ) ! 2niversity, 199>?

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activism as +ell as interpretations about the Rising-s meaning 8illiams has sho+n this film a

fe+ times publicly but has not released it in a formal sense 15

!a#en together, these five accounts underscore the causal nexus bet+een the

governmental overreaction and the violence that spilled onto ) !-s campus, explore some of the

primary activists involved +ith the Rising, examine the +hite establishment fears and

motivations, and offer opinions about the impact of the blac# po+er movement on Greensboro

Nonetheless, these interpretations do not tell the full story, and some mista#enly claim that the

Rising represents a radical change of course for Greensboro-s blac# liberation movement

!herefore, in addition to fighting against possible neglect of these events, this essay is a step in

the direction of ameliorating reductionist interpretations 11

!his essay ma#es t+o foundational arguments 4irst, it posits that throughout the 1965s

Greensboro-s blac# activists developed and nurtured a net+or#ed approach aimed at racial

*ustice, referred to herein as the Gate City 8ay !he Gate City 8ay-s core features +ere creative

coalition building, use of multiple modalities and methods, and openness to youth"led activism

!his essay also argues that the Gate City 8ay-s net+or#s allo+ed blac# activists to successfully

handle external threats and internal challenges present during the late 1965s Notably, blac#

po+er-s emphasis on self"determination affected the local movement +hile young activists

motivated by emerging ideologies became essential parts of the net+or# !his essay also

advances t+o arguments about the Gate City Rising !he principal conclusion is that the Rising

+as a continuation of the Gate City 8ay but also reflected the importance of self"determination

+ithin Greensboro-s )frican )merican community during the latter part of the decade 4inally,

10 +alls That Bleed , directed by Fichael ) 8illiams Canvas 'tudios, /511?

11 Chafe, 1E/"/5/7 4avors, / "E97 %arnes, 91"997 0dmonds, 1"617 +alls That Bleed

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this essay re*ects claims that the Rising constituted a failure of blac# leadership or revealed

disunity among blac# activists d >c"ac5b"11e "b/ E"1 69 5/ee9c1 html ?

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http://yesweekly.com/article-19320-greensboro-leaders-clash-over-marker-for-1979-klan-nazi-shootout.htmlhttp://yesweekly.com/article-19320-greensboro-leaders-clash-over-marker-for-1979-klan-nazi-shootout.htmlhttp://www.news-record.com/news/greensboro-council-approves-massacre-marker/article_f785d58c-ac0b-11e4-b257-1369502ee9c1.htmlhttp://www.news-record.com/news/greensboro-council-approves-massacre-marker/article_f785d58c-ac0b-11e4-b257-1369502ee9c1.htmlhttp://www.news-record.com/news/greensboro-council-approves-massacre-marker/article_f785d58c-ac0b-11e4-b257-1369502ee9c1.htmlhttp://www.news-record.com/news/greensboro-council-approves-massacre-marker/article_f785d58c-ac0b-11e4-b257-1369502ee9c1.htmlhttp://www.news-record.com/news/greensboro-council-approves-massacre-marker/article_f785d58c-ac0b-11e4-b257-1369502ee9c1.htmlhttp://yesweekly.com/article-19320-greensboro-leaders-clash-over-marker-for-1979-klan-nazi-shootout.htmlhttp://yesweekly.com/article-19320-greensboro-leaders-clash-over-marker-for-1979-klan-nazi-shootout.html


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intended to improve upon the three most popular names applied to these events; the DudleyI) !

Revolt, the Greensboro Riot, and the Greensboro 2prising !hese appellations fail to properly

contextuali e the events +ithin the city-s blac# liberation movement, have a pe*orative tone, or

support reductionist conclusions (n contrast, Gate City, the nic#name besto+ed on Greensboro

during the 1>95s due to its emergence as an important southern rail+ay hub, highlights the city-s

uni.ue role +ithin the blac# liberation struggle 4or the past fifty"five years, Greensboro has

served as a hub +ithin this larger movement )ccording to civil rights icon, former presidential

candidate, and ) ! alumnus, $esse $ac#son, AGreensboro +as a really thriving blac# centerB and

+as Aal+ays in the flo+ of social, cultural traffic B (n addition, the term rising is offered as a

modest improvement on uprising, because of its capacity to serve as both noun and verb )s a

noun, it is synonymous +ith uprising, but as a verb it connotes flight (n this sense, rising refers

to Greensboro-s ascent as an important center for ne+ formulations of the blac# liberation

struggle, such as blac# po+er, +hile also reflecting the +or# left to do 1

**)2he Gate City 3ay: Greensboro’s Black Liberation Movement of the 1960s

(n many material respects the Gate City Rising +as consistent +ith Greensboro-s blac#

liberation movement of the 1965s, i e the AGate City 8ay B !his section focuses on the

development of the Gate City 8ay-s distinct contours and cadences from 1965 through 1966

!he Gate City 8ay +as not a rigid, inflexible doctrine, nor +as it a local byproduct of the

national discourse on racial *ustice (nstead, the Gate City 8ay +as a locally developed

amalgam of pragmatism and audacity developed by Greensboro men and +omen +ho valued

diversity of thought and action

13 A&istory of Greensboro,B City of Greensboro, North Carolina, +++ greensboro"nc gov index aspxM page 1 / 7 0ric Ginsburg, A$esse $ac#son,B 1es2+eekl$ , $uly 1E, /51 , yes+ee#ly comIarticle"16/9 " *esse"*ac#son html

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!hree fundamental features of the Gate City 8ay +arrant special attention here because

of their relevance to the Rising 4irst, the Gate City 8ay +as adept at creative coalition building

Greensboro-s blac# activists developed net+or#s of communication and cooperation that

included both .uasi"permanent as +ell as ad hoc coalitions Closely related to this first operating

principle +as the Gate City 8ay-s emphasis on +aging a multiple"front battle for racial *ustice

)ctivists believed that successful pressure politics could assume many forms, +hich encouraged

experimentation 3astly, the Gate City 8ay came to value youth activism 'tudent activists

brought energy and eal to the movement, and often constituted its vanguard !he Gate City 8ay

did not guarantee results, nor did it forestall all internal conflict Nevertheless, it held together

through a remar#ably turbulent decade and promoted a richer, deeper brand of unity during and

immediately after the Rising 1

8hen Reverend Cecil %ishop moved to Greensboro from 8ashington, D C in 1965 to

pastor the !rinity )F0 Oion Church, he +as distressed to see the extent to +hich Greensboro

remained Aa segregated to+n +ith clear lines of racial demarcation B (n addition to geographic

segregation, the city-s blac# community remained virtually loc#ed out of political po+er at the

municipal level, +hich made creative and persistent activism the only +ay to achieve bona fide

change Conse.uently, the blac# activist community developed and nurtured net+or#s that

facilitated communication and cooperation that could be tailored to particular challenges !his

net+or#ed approach allo+ed local activists to represent national organi ations, such as the

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Congress for Racial 0.uality CIR"551> html

16 Cecil %ishop intervie+,


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%ased on its +or# during the 196 demonstrations, the Coordinating Committee became

a #ey part of the net+or# already favored by Greensboro-s )frican )merican activists (t did not

issue edicts, but instead provided a forum for adult and young activists to consider issues and

strategies, and urged but did not compel delegates to support consensus +hen it could be

reached )ccording to %ishop, Athe idea +as that the Coordinating Committee +ould be

representative of the total blac# community B !he Coordinating Committee-s delegates retained

their primary affiliations as pastoral leaders, or officers of other organi ations &ence, the GC)

continued their voter registration efforts, the Fen-s Club continued to serve sundry purposes

ranging from social club to political action committee, and blac# ministers continued to inform

and counsel their congregations )dditionally, blac# activists formed connections +ith

interracial groups committed to social *ustice issues such as the :8C), the )merican 4riends

'ervice Committee, and eventually the &uman Relations Commission !he fact that the

Coordinating Committee never became a top"do+n entity, did not try to usurp po+er from its

constituent parts, and supported the formation of other creative coalitions, spea#s to the high

value Greensboro-s blac# activists placed on strategic diversity !he Coordinating Committee-s

structure +as firm enough to encourage cooperation but loose enough not to stifle innovation and

initiative !hus, it represented the best of the Gate City 8ay 1E

community got the message +hen you had 1,E55 to 1,>55 people marching do+nto+n to demonstratetheir support B 'ee , Greensboro oicesIGreensboro =ublic 3ibrary /7 'arah &erbin, intervie+ by Jathy &o#e, Greensboro, North Carolina, $une , 1995, Greensboro oicesIGreensboro =ublic 3ibrary 7 $o 'pivey, AFonday)ction 'et on Race =roposals,B Greensboro Record , $une 1 , 196 (n late 196E the Greensboro Fen-sClub published an open letter to pressure the city government to enact policies favorable to the blac#community !he open letter-s specific demands included replacing the at"large city council election

process +ith a +ard system, application for the Fodel City federal grant program, construction of aAnorth"southB artery to relieve traffic conditions that adversely affected blac# neighborhoods, and

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)nother stri#ing feature of the Gate City 8ay +as its strategic use of an asymmetrical, multiple

front racial *ustice campaign 0ven before the advent of blac# po+er ideology and methodology,

the blac# liberation movement on the national level experienced internal strife about the best +ay

to achieve change !he N))C= privileged litigation, the 'outhern Christian 3eadership Council

'C3C? sa+ non"violent, direct action as the essential strategy, and the 'tudent Nonviolent

Coordinating Committee 'NCC? felt that change +as best achieved at the grassroots level

8hile these groups cooperated on many levels, they also engaged in turf +ars and disagreements

about priorities (n Greensboro during the 1965s, ho+ever, activists had access to all paths so

long as they +ere lin#ed to the broad goal of racial *ustice !his faith in multifarious activity is

exemplified by the experiences of t+o Gate City 8ay +arriors of the 1965s; 3e+is %randon,

+ho emerged as a young leader capable of balancing graduate school at ) ! +ith an

indefatigable commitment to social *ustice7 and Dr George 'im#ins, a veteran of the cause +ho

called out and tried to eradicate discrimination +herever it resided %oth men +ere affiliated

+ith national organi ations +ith specific agendas and emphases, but neither let these

relationships trump +hat they sa+ as best for the local community 1>

appointment of blac#s to city and county boards and commissions, as +ell as the 'elective 'ervice %oard!he leaders punctuated their demands by stating that Ait is regrettable that +e must ta#e negative action+hen our concerns for Greensboro is positive, but history has sho+n that our voice is rarely heard B 'eeA , /5/, >/">97 !aylor %ranch, At Canaan7s )dge:

America in the 4ing 1ears, -.89. Ne+ :or#, 'imon 'chuster, /556?, / , 1, /9>"99, >E">9, 19"

5, 6157 =eniel 0 $oseph, +aiting ;Til The "idnight %our: A Narrative %istor$ of Black (o*er in America Ne+ :or#; &olt Company, /556?, 1 5" E7 George 'im#ins intervie+, )pril 6, 199E7 =ublic&earing of the Greensboro !ruth and Reconciliation Commission, testimony of 3e+is ) %randon, (((,$uly 1 , /55 , http;II+++ greensborotrc orgIhearLstatements php7 3e+is ) %randon, (((, intervie+ by$ustin =ayne, Greensboro, North Carolina, 4ebruary /6, /559, %roc# FuseumIGreensboro College , 8illiam &enry Chafe


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%randon-s activism not only touched nearly every ma*or point on Greensboro-s blac# liberation

timeline during the 1965s and beyond, but his involvement crossed numerous organi ational

boundaries and deployed multiple strategies &e helped organi e high school students for the

1965 sit"in and continued this +or# after the television cameras receded (n 196/, he became

part of the Cthe end of the decade he became involved +ith the 2nited Neighborhood (mprovement !eam,

+hich later became the Greensboro )ssociation of =oor =eople, in order to +or# to+ard

economic *ustice 0xamining %randon-s activism during the 1965s reveals ho+ those called to

cause of racial *ustice in Greensboro embraced multiple methods to reach the movement-s goals

4urther, they did not allo+ organi ational affiliations to serve as barriers, and instead consciously

focused on utili ing and improving the net+or# 19

Dr George 'im#ins +as a highly respected and uncommonly effective leader +ithin

Greensboro-s blac# community for more than half a century ) dentist by trade, he used his

position as the local leader of the N))C= to +or# for racial *ustice 2nli#e the national office,

ho+ever, 'im#ins believed firmly in a variegated approach to reform &e is best #no+n for anti"

discrimination litigation to desegregate Greensboro-s public recreation facilities, hospitals and

public schools, although he also publicly critici ed private discrimination, such as the race"based

admissions policy of Guilford College (n the 196 demonstrations 'im#ins found numerous

http;IIlibcdm1 uncg eduIcdmIrefIcollectionICivilRightsIidIE E

19 3e+is ) %randon, (((, testimony at Greensboro !ruth and Reconciliation Commission

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+ays to affect the outcome &e coordinated +ith C, /515, yes+ee#ly comIarticle"permalin#"115 > html

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students protested ietnam, demonstrated for an increase in state funding to the school, and

rallied for the termination of mandatory R

campaign to end campus policies that discriminated on the basis of gender )t ) !, academics

and activism +ere not separate pursuits, rather they +ere coe.ual parts of a holistic approach to

+or#ing to+ard a more *ust society %ennett College students displayed a similar commitment to

activism !hey helped to s#etch out the sit"in plan and participated in its implementation

)dditionally, they served as the Asustaining forcesB after the fervor of the sit"in campaign

subsided and +ere directly involved +ith the 196/ and 196 desegregation demonstrations /1

Dudley students +ere also an essential element of Greensboro-s student activist tradition

!hree of the Greensboro 4our +ere Dudley men Dudley students +ere instrumental in the

formation of the 'tudent 0xecutive Committee for $ustice, +hich recruited students from

Greensboro-s all"blac# high schools to continue the sit"ins +hen ) !-s spring semester ended

(n 4ebruary 1961, these students led the effort to continue the desegregation movement by

targeting do+nto+n movie theatres !hroughout 196/ and 196 Dudley students or alumni

continued to constitute a significant portion of the active demonstrators +or#ing to+ard full

desegregation of the city-s do+nto+n commercial district Foreover, there +ere strong bonds

bet+een ) ! and %ennett and Dudley &igh 'chool, due in large part to the number of Dudley

students +ho +ent on to attend those institutions 4inally, the Gate City 8ay-s roster +as replete

+ith Dudley alumni, including leaders such as Dr 'im#ins and 8illiam !homas //

21 3inda %eatrice %ro+n, Belles of 3ibert$: Gender, Bennett College and the Civil Rights "ovement 'eattle; 8omen and 8isdom 4oundation, /51 ?, 69"9 7 3inda %eatrice %ro+n, intervie+ by C"'pan,Greensboro, North Carolina, $anuary //, /51 , +++ c"span orgIvideoIM / 566"1Iboo#"discussion"belles"liberty 7 Jaren &ughes and Cat FcDo+ell, ADesegregation of Greensboro %usinesses, 196/"196 ,B Civil

Rights Greensboro , libcdm1 uncg eduIcdmIessay196 IcollectionICivilRights

22 3e+is %randon intervie+, 4ebruary /6, /5597 George 'im#ins intervie+, )pril 6, 199E7 8illiam!homas, $r intervie+, undated

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0ach of the Gate City 8ay-s hallmar#s H creative coalition building, multiple front

capability, and youth activism H continued into the late 1965s and through the Rising itself !his

continuity helped the movement +eather an unprecedented assortment of external challenges and

internal .uestions during this period &o+ever, this period +as also a time of change, as internal

negotiation among Greensboro-s blac# activists reshaped the Gate City 8ay !he next section

examines the negotiation period from 196E to the verge of the Rising

***)2he Gate City 3ay Negotiated: Greensboro’s Black Liberation Movement, 1967 through A ril 1969

!he Gate City 8ay-s net+or#ed approach +as proficient at adapting to a changing

environment !his adaptability +as tested in unprecedented +ays from 196E to the Rising-s

origins in )pril 1969 0xternal threats and internal challenges raised the temperature enough to

remold Greensboro-s blac# liberation movement, but its essential chemical composition endured

!he Gate City 8ay fostered a negotiation process among veterans and ne+er activists that #ept

the movement on trac# despite the period-s seemingly poisonous atmosphere %y the start of the

Rising in )pril 1969, much of this negotiation process already had ta#en place !herefore, the

negotiation period of the late 1965s is a vital component of analy ing the Rising

(n many respects, Greensboro-s blac# community +as besieged during the late 1965s


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0lam had experienced the movement firsthand as city attorney, appointee to the &uman

Relations Committee, and longtime city councilor, he seemed to be, at best, a reluctant reformer

+ho valued Acivic calmB above all else 0lam claimed that Greensboro could not ma#e

meaningful strides in race relations until all forms of segregation +ere eradicated, but he did not

believe such change +as possible in the near term )ccordingly, Greensboro-s blac# community

had no reason to see a change at the top of municipal government as a positive sign /

!he establishment-s often irrational fear of disorder posed another threat to Greensboro-s

blac# community (n 4ebruary 196> the North Carolina Good Neighbor Council, an advisory

body to the governor, met to discuss ho+ to avoid +hat many vie+ed as the inevitability of

Aviolence in the streetsB during the summer of 196> !his pervasive paranoia about the prospect

of urban violence coming to North Carolina, often connected to +hite vie+s about race, may

help to explain a series of .uestionable police actions in Greensboro in the t+enty four months

leading up to the Rising (n Fay 196E, police beat four young men +ith blac#*ac#s in front of

their mother +hen responding to a call about illegal street racing (n , some

accused officers of having used excessive force during an arrest that put a blac# sanitation

+or#er in the hospital (n 4ebruary 1969, nine police cars and a busload of reinforcements

harassed blac# attendees at a commemoration of Falcolm Q-s death four years earlier and

detonated a tear gas canister during the event (n Farch 1969, local la+ enforcement opened fire

on a group of young blac# men near ) !-s campus, +ounding an innocent bystander !he

bystander claimed that the police fired their +eapons at the bac#s of the fleeing group 3ocal

23 Fichael &ill, ARobert 8al#er 'cott; Governor; 1969"19E ,B NCpedia, s v ,http;IIncpedia orgIbiographyIgovernorsIscott"robert 7 Crystal R 'anders, ANorth Carolina $ustice onDisplay; Governor %ob 'cott and the 196> %enson )ffair,B The 5ournal of Southern %istor$ , ol E9, No

)ugust /51 ?; 6E1"E 7 0ditorial, Carolina (eacemaker , November / , 196E7 ) D &op#ins, $r , ANe+Council,


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police appeared to have adopted an aggressive stance against anything they deemed to challenge

civic stability, particularly +hen the activities in .uestion involved )frican )mericans /

(n a related phenomenon, many elected officials pursued a policy of preemptive action,

+hereby they vie+ed protest politics as a threat per se and used over+helming force against even

relatively minor disturbances during such demonstrations !he deployment of National Guard

units became a standard policing device (n Greensboro this trend of militari ed policing +as

driven home in the immediate aftermath of Dr Fartin 3uther Jing-s assassination $ust hours

after the tragedy in Femphis, Fayor Carson %ain re.uested and Governor Dan Foore ordered

National Guard troops to descend on the city-s predominantly blac# neighborhood near ) !

!hese political leaders later indicated that they had executed a plan agreed to six months prior,

revealing the high"priority status the issue of potential urban violence had achieved by late 196E

(ndeed, in the days follo+ing Dr Jing-s assassination, Governor Foore ordered guardsmen to

deploy in Goldsboro, Raleigh, and 8ilmington (n Greensboro, %ain-s re.uest +as ostensibly

lin#ed to reports of vandalism by blac# demonstrators %y 'aturday, Greensboro +as under its

first ever curfe+ and over one thousand guardsmen patrolled the city-s )frican )merican

sections in +hat Colonel Guy 3angston, force commander on the scene, called a Amilitary

tactical situation B 7 A'anitation 8or#er (ncident,B Carolina (eacemaker ,7 A%lac# Fan 'hot by 'tray =olice 4ire,B Carolina (eacemaker , Farch //, 1969

20


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!he manner in +hich city and state officials decided to handle unrest after Dr Jing-s

assassination drove a deeper +edge bet+een blac# and +hite in the Gate City 8hat is more, the

Greensboro #ail$ Ne*s lauded Fayor %ain-s handling of these circumstances, and called Afor

the blac# man, tempted to vent his +rath and frustration,B to ma#e this Aa time for creative

utili ation of the vast emotional forces set in motion B !hen"council member 0lam responded to

arguments that the city had trampled on )frican )mericans- civil rights by asserting that there

could be no civil rights +ithout la+ and order ) decade later, Fayor %ain recalled that the city-s

handling of the post"assassination unrest +as a model to other communities and helped to ma#e

Greensboro Aa better community B !he Rising sho+ed this claim to be utterly preposterous /6

(n addition to concerns about the militari ation of la+ enforcement and excessive force,

Greensboro-s )frican )merican community faced the gro+ing threat of Jlan violence during the

negotiation period (n the summer of 196E local Jlansmen +aged a terror campaign against

Reverend 4ran# 8illiams, minister of Ft Oion %aptist Church, because he had purchased a

home in a previously all"+hite neighborhood 7 A!hree8ounded as Gunfire %rea#s 7 AFoore 7 7 Dic# ission, A!he !ruth %ehind the ) ! 2niversityRiots,B Carolina (eacemaker , )pril /5, 1969 ) group of concerned students from Du#e, NC 'tate, and

the 2NC delivered a petition to Governor Foore affirming these same vie+s and re.uesting that he endthe occupation of Greensboro and other communities 'ee A'tudents )s# (ntervention by Foore,BGreensboro #ail$ Ne*s , )pril >, 196> ?

26 0ditorial, A!o Deny iolence its ictory,B Greensboro #ail$ Ne*s , )pril E, 196>7 ACity =laced 2nderCurfe+ 2ntil 4urther Notice by %ain,B Greensboro #ail$ Ne*s , )pril E, 196>7 Carson %ain, intervie+ by0ugene 0 =faff, $r , $une 5, 19EE, Greensboro oicesIGreensboro =ublic 3ibrary


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par#ed close by !he public and habitual nature of this activity raised doubts about local la+

enforcement-s resolve to deal +ith the problem 'ome complained that the Greensboro police

department-s response +as aimed as much at alleged criminal responses by blac#s as on this

insidious race"based violence (ndeed, +hite vigilantism had played a central role in triggering

the troubles follo+ing Dr Jing-s assassination, but the police focused only on the alleged

misconduct of blac#s !his same discriminatory pattern +ould resurface during the Rising /E

!he Gate City 8ay persevered despite these myriad threats 'ince the early 1965s the

movement-s strength had been the pursuit of racial *ustice through creative coalition building

!he continuation of this practice during the latter part of the decade helped Greensboro to

negotiate its principal internal challenge H the emergence of blac# po+er ideology H in a +ay that

ultimately benefitted the movement (n the fall of 196E, *ust over a year after 'to#ely

Carmichael first uttered the +ords Ablac# po+erB during the Feredith Farch in Fississippi, the

2niversity of North Carolina at Greensboro hosted the %lac# =o+er 4orum )cademics such as

Dr $ames %re+er, then a history professor at North Carolina College7 Dr Nathan &are, a

sociology professor formerly +ith &o+ard 2niversity and author of the controversial boo#, The

Black Anglo9Sa


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political separation erected and protected by the establishment, militari ed policing aimed at

blac#s, and the reality of +hite terror in the city ) commitment to self"determination drove

Nelson $ohnson and others to form the Greensboro )ssociation for =oor =eople G)==? G)==

oversa+ six neighborhood associations to +or# directly on issues such as substandard housing,

fallout from the city-s redevelopment schemes, and social +elfare issues &ousing +as a

particular area of focus as many )frican )mericans in Greensboro not only faced a lac# of hot

+ater, faulty appliances, and dangerous electrical +iring, but +ere also exploited by abusive

landlords G)== altered this dynamic through a Astrength in numbersB philosophy G)==

Acould bring out a hundred students to stand +ith a mother +ho facedS evict ionS from slum

housing B G)== employed some heavy"handed tactics, and $ohnson-s style, particularly +hen

dealing +ith the +hite establishment, could be confrontational (ndeed, some Gate City 8ay

veterans such as attorney &enry 4rye and businessman &erman Gist expressed concern over

$ohnson-s methods at various times Nonetheless, G)==-s substantive mission, to +or# on

grassroots problems, +as +holly consistent +ith the movement-s ob*ectives, and G)== .uic#ly

embraced the Gate City 8ay-s net+or#ed approach to cooperative activism (n fact, G)== +as

head.uartered in space provided by the N))C=, several Gate City 8ay veterans served as

sponsors, and $ohnson forged effective partnerships +ith influential blac# business leaders such

as ) ' 8ebb and % $ %attle of the )merican 4ederal 'avings and 3oan )ssociation /9 28 A!he %lac# =o+er 4orum at the 2niversity of North Carolina at Greensboro, November 1" , 196E,B2niversity of North Carolina at Greensboro,http;IIlibcdm1 uncg eduIcdmIrefIcollectionICivilRightsIidI/6 57 0ditorial, A%lac# =o+er Conference,B

Carolina (eacemaker , November 11, 196E7 $ 3e+is 8omac#, A2NC"G 'tudents &old 4orum on 'ub*ectof %lac# =o+er,B Carolina (eacemaker , November 11, 196E7 0ditorial, Carolina (eacemaker , December1 , 196>

29 'ally ) %erman ohn, Through Survivors7 )$es: From the Si


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!he G)== story illustrates the complexity of the Gate City 8ay-s interaction +ith blac#

po+er !his emerging ideology precipitated a vigorous debate about the movement-s style and

substance through +hich activists +ith blac# po+er leanings became legitimate participants in

the net+or# 3argely through this ne+ group of activists, all of +hom either gre+ up in

Greensboro or attended one of the city-s historically blac# colleges, the Gate City 8ay reached a

point +here unified defense of the blac# community became a paramount concern &o+ever, the

young activists inspired by blac# po+er ideology also learned ho+ to +or# +ithin a diverse

net+or# and came to see the value in other elements of the movement such as direct action and

traditional political avenues %lac# po+er activism did not erode the Gate City 8ay-s

fundamental features7 it bolstered them 5

Cooperative ventures involving blac# po+er activists +ere not the only examples of creative

coalition building during the negotiation period 4or instance, the Greensboro Citi ens-

0mergency Committee C0C? +as formed to defend high school students +ho had been

disciplined for not attending school in order to +atch the telecast of Dr Jing-s memorial !he

C0C passed resolutions condemning the suspensions and grade penalties adopted by the t+o

schools, and re.uested that school officials issue a public apology Fuch li#e the Coordinating

Committee before it, the C0C continued beyond the immediate controversy that gave it birth (ts

leadership included Gate City 8ay veterans


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to +or# to+ard the betterment of Athe total blac# community B %y the summer of 196>, the C0C

+as engaged in a number of pro*ects, including boycotts, aimed at ending discriminatory

employment practices 1

!he Gate City 8ay also continued to promote a multiple"front strategy during this time

4or instance, G)== not only +or#ed on housing and redevelopment issues, but actively

campaigned for attorney &enry 4rye for the state legislature and Dr Reginald &a+#ins for

governor G)== also started to +or# on labor issues such as their assistance +ith ) !-s

cafeteria +or#ers- stri#e for higher +ages )t this same time, business leader ) ' 8ebb, along

+ith the GC) and the N))C=, called for the resignation of Greensboro superintendent of

schools, =hilip 8eaver, for failing to ade.uately pursue the city-s bid for a Fodel Cities

neighborhood rene+al grant from the federal department of &ousing 0ducation 8elfare and

for failing to integrate Greensboro-s public schools Dr 'im#ins, in the true spirit of the Gate

City 8ay, approached school integration from various angles &e bac#ed 8ebb-s approach, too#

to the press himself, and made a formal presentation to the Greensboro school board concerning

ho+ refusal to comply +ith federal guidelines +ould *eopardi e over one million dollars in

education funding 'imultaneously, he +or#ed +ith the N))C= to prepare to litigate if the

31 &o+ard 0 Covington, $r , %enr$ Fr$e: North Carolina7s First African American Chief 5ustice $efferson, NC; Fc4arland =ublishing, /51 ?, 9/7 &al 'ieber, intervie+ by 8illiam & Chafe,

Greensboro, North Carolina, November 19E , 8illiam &enry Chafe 7 A4orty %lac# 'tudents'uspended for Jing Femorial,B Carolina (eacemaker , )pril 1 , 196>7 ACiti ens 0mergency Committee

Ne+sletter,B Carolina (eacemaker , $uly 6, 196>7 AC0C to (nvestigate City, County &iring =ractices,BCarolina (eacemaker , $uly /E, 196> )ffiliations +ith national organi ations continued to complementlocal coalitions During this period local activists +or#ed +ith 'C3C to launch A


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!he establishment of the Carolina (eacemaker in Farch 196E assisted all three aspects

of the Gate City 8ay $ohn Farshall 'tevenson, a former ) ! professor, created the +ee#ly

ne+spaper +ith the express goal of unifying Greensboro-s blac# community !he (eacemaker

+as far from perfect and a revie+ of 'tevenson-s editorials reveal a certain amount of uneasiness

about the Gate City 8ay-s re*ection of a top"do+n command structure Nevertheless, the paper

+as instrumental to the negotiation period for three #ey reasons (t #ept the blac# community

informed of successes and issues, and applied continuous pressure on +hite Greensboro !he

(eacemaker , for instance, ran a multi"part series in 196> on the abysmal state of housing in

many of Greensboro-s blac# neighborhoods 'econd, it gave voice to a diverse set of opinions )

conservative column by Roy 8il#ins might appear alongside a piece lauding the bravado of

young blac# activists !hroughout the negotiation period, 'tevenson devoted a great deal of

space to facilitating a debate about blac# po+er &is o+n editorials on the sub*ect reflect ho+

elements of the philosophy resonated even +ith Gate City 8ay veterans !hird, the paper

regularly celebrated youth activism and achievement 'tevenson clearly understood the direct

connection bet+een young people and Greensboro-s blac# liberation movement )lthough

'tevenson +as his o+n man, he generally supported the Gate City 8ay-s multifarious pro*ects

33 4avors, / >"657 %arnes, A%ullet &oles in the 8all,B 9/"9>7 %erman ohn, Through Survivors )$es , E "E>7 Fartha %iondi, The Black Revolution on Cam us %er#eley; 2niversity of California =ress, /51/?,1 E"657 ANursing 'chool Revolt at ) ! 'tate 2niversity, Carolina (eacemaker , $uly 6, 196>7 Richard 0Foore, A) ! 'teps 2p (nterest in 'olving 2rban Concerns,B Carolina (eacemaker , Farch 1, 1969

34 Chafe, /1 "1 7 0ditorial, AResponsible oices H Not 8hite"+ash H Defends the =eople,B Carolina (eacemaker , Fay 1>, 196E7 Dic# ission, 0ditorial, AFa#e the =eacema#er Filitant,B Carolina (eacemaker , 'eptember />, 196>7 !he Roy 8il#ins Column, A4reedom from iolence Ne+ :ear=romises ,= Carolina (eacemaker , $anuary 1 , 196>7 0ditorial, A4rom 4irebrand to Conciliator,B Carolina

(eacemaker , $anuary 1>, 19697 !he Roy 8il#ins Column, A%lac# College Filitants 8ant $im Cro+,BCarolina (eacemaker , $anuary / , 19697 0ditorial, A8hy %lac#s &ate and 4ight the =olice,B Carolina

(eacemaker , $une 1 , 1969

27


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Greensboro-s blac# liberation movement marched for+ard during the late 1965s because

of the Gate City 8ay !his net+or#ed approach not only provided a ready means by +hich to

deal +ith political intransigence, the militari ation of la+ enforcement, and the presence of +hite

terror, but also facilitated an efficacious negotiation about ho+ best to achieve racial *ustice !he

Gate City 8ay +as instrumental in channeling the passion of blac# po+er into pro*ects that

benefitted the city-s )frican )merican community and absorbed ne+ activists into its creative

coalitions and multiple"front campaigns &o+ever, these ne+ voices, particularly the young men

and +omen +ho +ere inspired by the concept of self"determination, acted boldly to accelerate

and expand the movement !his apparent paradox of continuity and change defines the Gate

City 8ay on the verge of the Rising

*4)2he Gate City Rising

Greensboro-s blac# liberation movement had made progress throughout the 1965s

)ctivist pressure led to the eventual desegregation of many businesses, ) ! alums became the

first )frican )mericans to graduate from the state-s best la+ schools, Greensboro attorney &enry

4rye became the first blac# legislator in North Carolina since Reconstruction, and $immie (

%arber became the first blac# elected to the city council in several years &o+ever, in the spring

of 1969, Greensboro-s )frican )merican community still faced a raft of obstacles and threats

&igh unemployment, particularly among young blac# males7 a local political system clinging to

+hite supremacy, as exemplified by the refusal to integrate the school system, and militari ed

policing that had come to vie+ any mass gathering of blac#s as a threat to public safety +ere *ust

some of the problems facing Greensboro-s )frican )merican community

35 %arnes intervie+7 Nelson $ohnson intervie+, 4ebruary /E, /51 7 %arnes, A%ullet &oles in the 8all,B91"9 7 A4irst Negro 3a+ Graduate,B Carolina (eacemaker ,


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)s in the past, the Gate City 8ay represented the best path for+ard )ccordingly,

movement veterans and student activists continued to construct coalitions and pursue movement

goals from multiple angles 'tudents became the leading voices on the need to ameliorate

poverty, and practiced +hat they preached by +or#ing at the grassroots level %lac# po+er-s

message of self"determination made an indelible mar#, but the Gate City 8ay shaped ho+ this

concept +as understood and practiced %y )pril 1969, Greensboro-s blac# liberation movement,

+hile not monolithic, had cohered to a significant degree )t precisely this time, )frican

)merican solidarity +as put to the test !he Gate City Rising struc# directly at the blac#

community-s values and self"image and threatened to undo its hard"+on cohesion (n the end,

ho+ever, the Gate City 8ay endured, and this moment of great conse.uence exposed the

stubborn persistence of +hite supremacy and paternalism among Greensboro-s political elite 6

!his section offers a narrative of the Gate City Rising by employing a periodi ation

model that divides the events into five interconnected but discernible phases !he Rising-s initial

phase, A=rofile of a 'ubversive,B encompasses the pre"election edicts laid do+n by Dudley-s

administration that barred Claude %arnes from see#ing office and extends through the ensuing

student council election !he second phase, A:oung )ctivists "657 Nelson $ohnson intervie+, 7 Nelson $ohnson intervie+, 4ebruary /E, /51 7 AGun!otin- 3andlord Reacts to Feeting (nvitation,B Carolina (eacemaker , $uly /E, 196>7 Richard ission,ADisgrace of &ousing in Greensboro,B a four"part series, Carolina (eacemaker , $anuary 1 , /5, /E and4ebruary , 1969

29


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political ends !he fourth phase, AGreensboro-s =olice 'tate,B focuses on the fateful period of

Fay 19 through Fay / , during +hich the +hite political establishment escalated and militari ed

their response to the Dudley protests, and eventually laid siege to ) !-s campus !he final

phase, A)ftershoc#s,B concerns the proximate aftermath of these events, including the open

hearings conducted by the North Carolina 'tate )dvisory Committee to the 2nited 'tates

Commission on Civil Rights and its Farch 19E5 report, Trouble in Greensboro

(rofile of a Subversive

$unior Claude %arnes left Dudley &igh 'chool on 4riday, )pril / , 1969, having been

recogni ed by his peers as the school-s Astudent of the +ee# B (n *ust one +ee# the student body

+ould select next year-s student government officers, and it +as generally #no+n that %arnes

planned to see# the presidency &is affability, leadership, and experience in student government

made him the putative front runner 8hen students returned to Dudley the +ee# of )pril />,

=rincipal 4ran#lin %ro+n and his top administrative team met +ith %arnes to persuade him not

to run for student government president 'hould he not ma#e the decision Avoluntarily,B he

+ould be barred from putting his name for+ard %ro+n later insisted that the school-s election

commission, comprising faculty advisers and student representatives, had come to this decision

independently !o %arnes, ho+ever, this meeting left the unmista#able impression that %ro+n

had the final +ord, and that the principal vie+ed the +ell"respected *unior as unfit to serve his

school anymore Dudley administrators labeled %arnes as a subversive E

!o be sure, %arnes, li#e the Greensboro 4our, 8illiam !homas, and many Dudley

students before him, had gravitated to blac# liberation politics &e entered a period of self"

examination during the summer before his *unior year in +hich he studied the poetry of 3angston

37 Jenneth %arnard, A!he Dudley 'cene,B Carolina (eacemaker , Fay , 19697 Claude %arnesintervie+7 +alls That Bleed 7 ) D &op#ins, $r , A4ive %anned 'tudents Return to Dudley &igh,BGreensboro Record , Fay 1/, 1969

30


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&ughes, the philosophy of 8 0 % Du%ois, and the politics of Falcolm Q and 0ldridge Cleaver

!he most po+erful moment in his intellectual and political transformation, ho+ever, +as the

product of local voices (n the summer of 196>, G)== leaders 8alter %rame and Nelson

$ohnson stormed into a meeting of the Greensboro :outh Council, on +hich %arnes served, to

ca*ole the young blac# men and +omen in attendance to ta#e positions on the front lines of the

liberation battle 8hile their style and tone +as more aggressive, these G)== representatives

conveyed a message similar to that +hich had inspired the %ennett and ) ! students to initiate

the sit"ins and to continue to press for desegregation of do+nto+n businesses in 196/ and 196

!he passion and energy of young activists formed the fuel for the Gate City 8ay >

Foved by this call to action, %arnes committed himself to the blac# liberation cause &e

adopted the Gate City 8ay-s formula of coalition building and multiple"front activity &e

formed :outh for the 2nity of a %lac# 'ociety :2%'?, a youth arm of G)== 8hile the

ma*ority of :2%' members +ere Dudley students, )frican )merican high school students from

other Greensboro schools *oined the group !hese young activists assisted +ith voter registration

drives, volunteered for &enry 4rye-s state house campaign, and supported G)==-s core +or# on

poverty !heir uni.ue contribution, ho+ever, +as the creative +ay they celebrated blac# culture

in the community :2%' sponsored Ablac#lash,B +hich +ere +ee#ly sessions that featured

poetry, music, discussions about )frican )merican literature, and presentations on )frican

culture !hese sessions helped to fortify and even expand the Gate City 8ay-s net+or#, even as

they +ere vie+ed +ith suspicion by the +hite establishment 9

38 Claude %arnes intervie+7 A4ormer Dudley 'tudent 8as 3ightning Rod of Greensboro Rebellion,BGreensboro Ne*s9Record , Fay , 19997 3inda %eatrice %ro+n intervie+

39 Claude %arnes intervie+7 +alls That Bleed 7 A 5 &ard"Core; =anthers &ere; 4e+ %ut 3ethal,BGreensboro Record , $une , 19697 ANorthern =iedmont Filitants- Center,B Greensboro Record , $une ,19697 A8eusi 2mo*aT)pply No 3abels,B Greensboro Record , $une , 1969

31


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the premise that +hite cultural norms should dictate blac# behavior and appearance Fany in

Greensboro-s blac# community believed that the Dudley administrators- stance +as un*ustified

and extreme 'ome even .uestioned +hether Dudley-s policies actually reflected the +hite"

controlled school board rather than =rincipal %ro+n-s perspective 1

Dudley administrators decided to double do+n in the face of these internal challenges

and external .uestions about its policies !hey concluded that %arnes represented a threat to

authority and had to be excluded from holding any official position (nitially, %arnes did not

contest this administrative decision, although he sa+ it as +rongheaded and ignorant &o+ever,

a fe+ of his peers urged him not to allo+ this in*ustice to go unchallenged !ogether, they

developed a scheme to campaign for %arnes as a +rite"in candidate through the distribution of

handbills and other material 8ord of the administration-s ban on %arnes see#ing office and the

+rite"in strategy spread rapidly at Dudley Dudley-s administration, in an attempt to ta#e

preemptive action to prevent a rumored boycott of the election process, had the student council

hold an emergency meeting on Fay 1, the day before the election, to explain +hy %arnes had

been excluded from the ballot %ecause this session did not yield a satisfactory explanation they

next attempted to explain the decision at the school"+ide assembly the next day !hus, the

assembly became a strange mix of candidate speeches and administrative propaganda /

%arnes and his closest supporters had tried to arrange for a critical mass of students to

protest the election ban by +al#ing out of the assembly %ro+n, anticipating this strategy, seated

suspected protesters in one section of the auditorium =artly because of %ro+n-s cunning but

41 ANatural &air 'tyle Results in !+o Dudley Coeds 'uspended,B Carolina (eacemaker , $anuary /E,196>7 0ditorial, Carolina (eacemaker , $anuary /E, 196>7 A0ducational 3eader; =rincipal $ohn )!arpley,B 2niversity of 'outh Carolina, Fuseum of 0ducation,http;II+++ ed sc eduImusofedIdudleyLtarpley html

42 Claude %arnes intervie+7 %arnes, A%ullet &oles in the 8all,B 9 7 Trouble in Greensboro , 1

33

http://www.ed.sc.edu/musofed/dudley_tarpley.htmlhttp://www.ed.sc.edu/musofed/dudley_tarpley.html


34/63


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%arnes remembered +ell the energy and spirit of the 196 protests, and he +itnessed at a

young age the +ay this mood of determination permeated the )frican )merican community

!his movement ans+ered in po+erful terms his childhood .uestions about +hy his family could

not eat in certain restaurants and had to enter a do+nto+n movie theatre from a side entrance and

had to sit in the balcony !hese memories +ere omnipresent as he became more involved in

activist causes &is mother generally supported his activism, and his aunt +ho lived in

Greensboro +as an outspo#en advocate of racial *ustice &o+ever, every step %arnes too#

to+ard political action cut against his father-s pragmatic prescription for success !he elder

%arnes represented a particular strain of thought +ithin Greensboro-s blac# community that

believed the surest +ay for+ard for young blac#s +as through academic achievement !his

position sa+ radical activity as too ris#y, and in the long run, counterproductive to individual

improvement %arnes-s decision to stand up to in*ustice put him at odds +ith his father

!he small group of student activists shared their plight +ith their ) ! counterparts, and

sought advice from the )merican Civil 3iberties 2nion on ho+ to stage a legal protest near

school grounds !he students, no+ officially suspended, commenced their protest the morning

of Fonday, Fay and continued to march near Dudley throughout the +ee# !he number of

students +ho boycotted the school in solidarity +ith their suspended classmates gre+ daily


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employed by the +hite po+er structure )ccordingly, an increasing number of students gre+

concerned about +hether Dudley genuinely represented Greensboro-s blac# community 6

!he students +ho assembled at Nocho =ar# collectively endorsed a list of eight demands,

later modified to AproposalsB to reflect a good faith openness to negotiate, to substantively

amend Dudley-s practices and policies !he Nocho =ar# proposals included familiar concerns

such as the strict dress code that discriminated against blac# hairstyles and )frican"inspired attire

and the ban on off"campus lunch privileges that did not apply to predominantly +hite high

schools


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!he demonstrations on 4riday, Fay 9 dramatically altered the landscape of the Dudley dispute

Do ens of students *oined the demonstrations spurred on by the Nocho =ar# proposals )s a

result, Greensboro police redoubled their surveillance efforts During the day on 4riday a group

of Dudley and ) ! students entered the school grounds +ith placards and pic#et signs

critici ing the un*ust election and the school-s subse.uent refusal to consider real reform !he

) ! contingent +as bolstered by delegates to the founding conference of 'tudents


38/63

+hich had developed a reputation in Greensboro-s blac# community as prone to using excessive

force, +as no+ directly involved in the situation >

(n response to the events of 4riday, Fay 9, various elements of Greensboro-s blac#

community met at the !rinity ) F 0 Oion Church, +here Cecil %ishop +as still the minister

Dudley and ) ! students shared their stories +ith the group =rincipal %ro+n attended but

refused to say anything of substance =arents and other adults +ere concerned that no ade.uate

explanation had been given to +arrant the school-s decision to bar %arnes from holding office

and +ere appalled at %ro+n-s utter disregard for their attempts to gather information about the

controversy Fany believed that %ro+n +as being silenced by the +hite"controlled school

board Foreover, police overreaction, a long"standing problem, threatened to blo+ up this

dispute Greensboro-s )frican )merican community +as ta#ing this matter seriously

(mmediately, they used the Gate City 8ay-s net+or#s to gather intelligence, communicate, and

see# some reasonable resolution )lthough the editor of Greensboro-s blac# ne+spaper initially

characteri ed the Dudley controversy as a Atempest in a teapotB and +ondered aloud ho+ a

student election could cause such strong feelings, those +ho attended the !rinity meeting sa+ the

administrators- conduct as a flagrant assault on the students- rights and a manipulation of blac#

institutions by the +hite po+er establishment 9

(n the meantime, Dudley students continued to press their claims !hey formed an ad"

hoc committee of fifteen that presented the Nocho =ar# proposals to %ro+n on !uesday, Fay 148 Nelson $ohnson intervie+, 4ebruary /E, /51 7 Claude %arnes intervie+7 +alls That Bleed 7Trouble in

Greensboro , 17 >,Greensboro oicesIGreensboro Civil Rights IrecI1 7 A> =roposals )dvanced by'tudents"Dudley 'tudents 3ist =roposals,B Greensboro Record , Fay 1 , 19697 A!rouble at Dudley &igh,BCarolina (eacemaker , Fay 1E, 19697 Rebecca %oger, A%lac# =o+er in Greensboro ,= Civil RightsGreensboro , http;IIlibcdm1 uncg eduIcdmIessayblac#po+erIcollectionICivilRights

49 Claude %arnes intervie+7 Nelson $ohnson intervie+, 4ebruary /E, /51 7 Trouble in Greensboro , 1

38

http://libcdm1.uncg.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/CivilRights/id/855/rec/1http://libcdm1.uncg.edu/cdm/essayblackpower/collection/CivilRightshttp://libcdm1.uncg.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/CivilRights/id/855/rec/1http://libcdm1.uncg.edu/cdm/essayblackpower/collection/CivilRights


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!he local print media, based on the escalation of tensions the prior 4riday, no+ pic#ed up the

story and +ould continue to cover it through the violence at ) ! %ro+n sho+ed only the

slightest openness to discuss the students- re.uests &e did reveal that Dudley administrators

decided to grant off"campus lunch privileges +ith parental permission, and indicated that a

committee +ould be established to consider amendments to the school-s constitution %ro+n

sho+ed no +illingness to move on any of the other proposals, and seemed to be concerned only

+ith the extent to +hich the continuing protests +ere affecting Dudley-s normal operations 5

!he protest movement continued through its second full +ee# 'chool officials, in +hat

+as either a complete misreading of the atmosphere or in contempt of blac# sensibilities,

assigned


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8ith the acerbic 3e+is calling the shots, Dudley-s atmosphere became more charged as

the +ee# continued %y !hursday, Fay 1 , students, seeing no hope of progress, planned

another mass exodus )ccordingly, approximately one hundred Dudley students +al#ed out of

classes to *oin the daily demonstration the next day )nother thirty or so students +ere absent

from school +ithout explanation 3e+is threatened to call the police if the student protesters did

not cease and desist, and some claimed he used racial epithets to deride their actions /

!he Gate City 8ay +as active throughout this period ) ! students supported their

Dudley cohorts and older leaders gathered facts !his process continued during the Rising-s

second +ee# )s Dudley students presented the Nocho =ar# proposals to %ro+n on !uesday,

Fay 1 , a cross"section of the city-s blac# community met to discuss ho+ best to proceed !his

meeting included Dudley and ) ! students, other members of :2%', blac# clergy, and other

)frican )merican leaders )s had happened during the 196 desegregation demonstrations,

blac# leaders endeavored to spea# +ith a unified voice in the hope of resolving the controversy

&ence, they established the Community 4orum on 4riday, Fay 16, and designated businessman

) ' 8ebb as its Atemporary chairman B 8ebb-s selection reflected the manner by +hich the

Gate City 8ay had negotiated ideological and methodological ideas during the prior t+o years

8ebb, much li#e 'im#ins, personified the connections bet+een traditional blac# activists and the

younger activists such as $ohnson &e had served as both chairman of the city-s interracial &RC

and as an adviser to G)== 8ebb clarified that the Community 4orum-s first order of business

+ould be to collect facts to avoid the propensity for distortion &e indicated that it +as critical

that the entire community #no+ the precise reasons school officials had excluded %arnes from

the student election, +ho made the decision, +ho decided not to count the +rite"in votes,

+hether these decisions +ere made freely or reflected undue influence, and +hat groups or

52 Claude %arnes intervie+7 Trouble in Greensboro , 1

40


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individuals had been labeled as militant or subversive (nitially at least, 8ebb characteri ed the

Community 4orum as a fact"finding body that +ould not ma#e specific proposals

!he Community 4orum held its first full meeting on 4riday, Fay 16 Recent events such

as


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Greensboro7s (olice State

) ' 8ebb spo#e for many )frican )mericans +hen he stated that the city-s Apolice stateB had to

end (nstead, the establishment-s mishandling of the third +ee# of Dudley demonstrations

significantly raised tensions, and the disproportionate response to the spill"over issues at ) !

transformed the campus into a +ar one )long the +ay, +hatever trust the local blac#

community may have had in the +hite establishment +as undermined, and the city +as further

divided !hese tribulations fortified )frican )merican resolve and solidarity

!he +hite establishment used a familiar playboo# of force and fear to gain control of the ongoing

demonstrations !he spiral to+ard violence started on the morning of Fonday, Fay 19 'chool

officials, most notably,


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started to overturn des#s and generally vandali e the premises =olice made eight more arrests

during this second confrontation, including three young ladies 6

!he Community 4orum and the &uman Relations Commission &RC? *ointly hosted a meeting

of students, parents, blac# leaders, and other concerned citi ens in the +a#e of this event in

+hich the second police raid on the Dudley demonstrators +as the main topic %lac# leaders

communicated their support for the aggrieved Dudley students but cautioned against rash action

!hese leaders believed that as the Gate City 8ay had done many times before sustained protest

had created the needed pressure to engage in constructive tal#s !he student activists expressed

their +illingness to participate in negotiations overseen by the &RC (n fact, the students and

their supporters had been trying to get %ro+n and other school officials to discuss their

underlying concerns from the outset !his apparent progress +as countermanded the next

evening, !uesday, Fay /5, +hen, )rthur 4lynn, a Chamber board member, delivered a speech at

an area :FC) that harshly critici ed the student demonstrators implying that they +ere merely

dupes of political extremists 4lynn-s speech, +hich +as attended by Dudley-s A=roblems in

Democracy Class,B seemed to be part of an establishment campaign to frame the dispute as the

machinations of outside agitators E


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+hen school officials again re.uested police assistance because of a vague report that one

protester had a A+eapon B !he police, this time in full riot gear, ordered the demonstrators to

disperse, and +hen some responded +ith roc# thro+ing, unleashed massive .uantities of tear gas

from canisters and t+o Apepper fogB machines !his use of excessive force terrified those in the

neighborhood and infuriated parents of students +ho had been gassed

Concurrent +ith this third police assault on the Dudley demonstrators the school district

filed a la+suit see#ing a temporary restraining order !R


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ob*ects at passing motorists 'tudent body president, incent FcCullough, indicated that

problems arose +hen a police cruiser passed by students +hile a smir#ing officer pointed a

+eapon in their direction


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Carson %ain-s decision ma#ing in )pril 196>, declared a state of emergency and ordered a

city+ide curfe+ to ta#e effect from > pm to am ) ! administrators suspended classes and

prepared to close the campus before the next evening in order to ensure students- safety !he

Acounty *ails overflo+edB as a result of rigid enforcement of the curfe+ on its initial night

=olice shot another ) ! student and unarmed bystander, George 'ilva 3ima, late that night as

they +ere responding to an alleged Aambush B ) National Guard Astri#e forceB prepared to storm

the men-s dormitories shortly after the 3ima shooting, but aborted this plan at the last second (t

is not clear +hy this plan +as canceled, but it is clear that 0lam had become extremely

concerned about the presence and actions of the guardsmen by this time 6/

Nevertheless, the National Guard, under orders from Governor 'cott, initiated the siege

the follo+ing morning, Fay / , +ithout informing ) !-s president incent FcCullough,

) !-s student body president, +ould later comment that Governor 'cott +as the real Aoutside

agitator B !he guardsmen moved on 'cott &all as a helicopter and plane dropped tear gas and

coverage smo#e respectively


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Astate of emergencyB and lifted the curfe+ !he period the local press referred to as Avirtual

+arfareB +as over, but the Gate City Rising continued 6

Aftershocks

!he end of the occupation of ) !-s campus mar#ed the Rising-s final and most crucial

stage ) ! faced the daunting tas# of rebuilding both physically and psychologically after the

paramilitary assault !he Dudley demonstrators pondered +hether school officials +ould ever

consider their concerns and if *ustice +ould be meted out for police misconduct 'everal of them

faced criminal charges, and even more +ere suspended indefinitely pursuant to a court order

!he school officials continued their obstinate approach by ignoring findings and

recommendations provided the Community 4orum, the &RC, and the Community 2nity

Division !he Greensboro police chased boogeymen in the form of outsider agitators they +ere

certain orchestrated this entire affair Nelson $ohnson and t+o of his G)== colleagues +ere

sentenced to six months for charges arising out of the Fay 9 Dudley rally !he state legislature

considered a number of bills that +ould have limited first amendment rights in the name of

security Fore than anything else, ho+ever, this final phase featured a battle over the Rising-s

meaning !his contest exposed the +hite political establishment-s biases about and ignorance of

Greensboro-s blac# community


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!he smo#e barely had time to dissipate at ) ! before Governor 'cott rushed to ma#e the

opening salvo in the debate about the Rising-s meaning 'cott sa+ the Greensboro events as a

victory over political extremists +ho +ere trying to infiltrate North Carolina-s urban high

schools to coopt impressionable young people for subversive ends &e +arned that this outside

interference endangered further progress in Greensboro-s ongoing effort to improve race

relations, and +orried aloud about +hether these events +ould harm efforts to move for+ard

+ith school integration 'cott reasoned that integration +as already a process that Asometimes

produces a volatile situation and groups of militants are already organi ing in these schools B

2nbelievably, the man +ho ordered the National Guard raid that used tan#s, helicopters, planes,

and assault +eapons commended la+ enforcement for their remar#able restraint !here is no

record that the Governor mentioned the death of 8illie Grimes during his remar#s 6

Greensboro-s )frican )mericans +ere the ones +ho actually sho+ed remar#able

restraint Not only did they have to endure insults from the state-s chief executive, but they also

faced a sustained attac# by the city-s t+o largest ne+spapers ) Greensboro #ail$ Ne*s editorial

expressed shoc# that the events on ) !-s campus had started A+ith a disputed high school

election B &o+ever, instead of discussing the impact of the school board-s ta#eover of Dudley or

ho+ the three police raids of Dudley escalated the controversy, the editorial ratified the

establishment-s argument about outside agitators A!he truth isB the editorial stated, Athat high

school students of unripened years and *udgment do not embar# on .uasi"revolutionary behavior

+ithout sophisticated inducement B !he paper opined that even if the Dudley students had some

legitimate grievances, such concerns +ere AeclipsedB by the manipulated violence of AagitatorsB

=anthers &ere; 4e+ %ut 3ethal,B Greensboro Record , $une , 1969

65 A=eople )gainst FilitancyT'cott,B Greensboro Record , Fay / , 1969

48


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+hose sole goal +as Aguerilla +arfare B 0ven the paper-s most important statement H that the

.uest for racial *ustice must not be halted by these events H +as marred by a +arning that not

Aevery ludicrous shout of protest should be ta#en seriously7 it should indeed be ta#en at its o+n

cynical valuation, +hich is in many cases ero B !he #ail$ Ne*s +as open to social reform as

long as those see#ing e.ual rights did not raise their voices 66

!+o +ee#s later, the Greensboro Record assigned five unidentified reporters to trumpet

the outside agitator argument +ith a special report on the presence of %lac# =anthers in

Greensboro !he paper cobbled together a timeline of events, starting +ith 'to#ely Carmichael-s

visit to ) ! in December 196> and ending +ith the Rising, to sho+ ho+ the =anthers +ere

systematically destabili ing the city 0very protest movement involving student activists became

a =anther activity Feetings of :2%' at Nelson $ohnson-s home +ere recast as Aindoctrination

sessions B !he paper reported +ith an air of intrigue that Aa banned presidential candidate,B

presumably Claude %arnes, Ahad been seen at at least one suchS session B %arnes had been

transparent throughout the controversy about his friendship +ith Nelson $ohnson and his ties to

G)== (n the end, the paper concluded that the Rising had been the +or# of the =anthers and

+arned that it portended more trouble ahead


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+ould ma#e one group feel more secure +hile further dividing the community $ohnson-s

carefully constructed case had one fla+, ho+ever &e opined that Ait +ould indeed ta#e a person

far removed from the events of the last several months to be misled by such irresponsible and

unsubstantiated material as that +hich appeared in the Greensboro Record B

8hile the state-s governor, the city-s political leaders and t+o ma*or ne+spapers +or#ed

diligently to frame the events of Fay 1969 around extremism, blac# activists +or#ed together to

see# *ustice $ohn Farshall 'tevenson, +ho had originally .uestioned +hether the Dudley

dispute +arranted great concern, used his editorial column to .uestion the city-s militari ed

response to the ) ! Fore than anything, ho+ever, he +as disturbed that the local media

simply regurgitated the tal#ing points of the establishment &is call for an Aunbiased and

ob*ective investigationB into the Rising +as echoed by several other voices +ithin Greensboro-s

blac# community %lac# leaders such as ) ' 8ebb and % $ %attle, student activists such as

incent FcCullough and Nelson $ohnson, and ) !-s administration all re.uested that the 2 '

Commission on Civil Rights formally investigate the Rising 3i#e 'tevenson, $ohnson attributed

much of the alleged factual distortion surrounding these events to media providing an uncritical

outlet to establishment voices committed to redirection and obfuscation 69

68 Nelson $ohnson, A!he =anthers )re &ereV 0stablishment Rationale,B Carolina (eacemaker , $une 1 ,1969

69 ) D &op#ins, $r , A%lac#s )s# 4ederal Disorders =robe,B Greensboro Record , Fay 5, 196970ditorial, A) !empest in a !eapot,B Carolina (eacemaker , Fay / , 1969

50


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Conse.uently, the North Carolina )dvisory Committee to the 2nited 'tates Commission

on Civil Rights NC)C? held t+o days of Aopen meetingsB in early


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(n hindsight, Fayor 0lam-s statements +ere the hearing-s lo+est point &e publicly

praised la+ enforcement-s handling of the difficulties &o+ever, reflecting on these events years

later in an intervie+ +ith 8illiam Chafe, 0lam characteri ed the school district as renegade and

non"communicative throughout the Dudley dispute &e also claimed that National Guard

commanders rebuffed him +hen he expressed his unease about their .uasi"military plans to raid

) ! 0lam told Chafe that it +as Ali#e +atching something unfold that once you start, it-s out

of everybody-s control B (nstead of defending the management of this entire affair, as he had

done in


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other end shouted, A!hey ought to #ill all you niggers B =resident Do+dy catalogued the

extensive damage done to ) !-s campus from the siege 4aculty members and students shared

stories of National Guard excesses, such as shooting out door loc#s even though they had been

given access #eys and removing unarmed students from rooms at gunpoint (n a decision that

spo#e louder than +ords, the National Guard declined to send a representative to the hearings E/

) ' 8ebb and Dr George 'im#ins explained to the NC)C that the Rising +as really

about the total experience of )frican )mericans in Greensboro !hey stressed ongoing problems

such as housing, education, and employment Dr 'im#ins accused the Greensboro police

department of discrimination and too# the +hite establishment to tas# for delaying school

integration +hile rushing through reapportionment 4urther, in an opinion that captured the

fusion bet+een blac# po+er ideology and the traditions of the Gate City 8ay, he stated that A+e

ought to face the fact that the only thing a +hite man understands is violence B !he testimony

offered by 8ebb and 'im#ins combined to ma#e a profound point that it +as not only the

establishment-s mishandling of the Dudley demonstrations that inflamed the dispute, but the

underlying atmosphere of +hite supremacy and exclusion that initially gave it oxygen !he

ma*ority )frican )merican cro+d that attended the hearings cheered this straight tal# E

(n Farch 19E5 the NC)C issued its report, Trouble in Greensboro 4our of the report-s

findings +arrant special attention here !he NC)C held that Athe action of the NationalS Guard

+as certainly not an example of professionalism in la+ enforcement,B and insisted that the state

and city Asho+ to all, especially to blac# students, that the la+ is neutral and race plays no part in

72 Robert 'tephens, A'tudents; Concern 8as 3ac#ing,B Greensboro #ail$ Ne*s ,


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its enforcement B 'econd, the NC)C re*ected the establishment-s Aoutside agitatorB argument,

and emphasi ed that such labels are Afre.uently raised to divert attention from the real problems

in the community B !hird, the NC)C attributed the Rising mostly to the city-s environment of

racial ine.uality and establishment obstacles to racial *ustice as exemplified by the school

district-s refusal to institute genuine school integration E 3astly, the NC)C concluded that;

!he traditional blac# leadership in the community completely relin.uished its role tocollege and high school students, during the Fay disturbances )lthough the Committeeheard ringing statements from blac# leaders at its open meeting, the record does not sho+that these leaders made their influence felt +hen it +as most needed 'ome members ofthe blac# community attempted to resolve the problems at Dudley, but these efforts +ereinconse.uential and fruitless primarily because those +ho attempted to exert leadershiphad no constituency (f blac# leaders slac#en in the fight against racism, they +ill beignored and rebu#ed by the blac# community +hen they attempt to serve in leadershiproles during a crisis E

!he report did not define the term Atraditional blac# leadership B !o be sure, certain blac#

leaders such as =rincipal %ro+n and Dudley =!) chief 3afayette Forgan proved to be out of

step +ith the ma*ority of the blac# community 3i#e+ise, there is no record that $immie (

%arber +ho had *ust been elected to the city council too# any action to .uestion or try to prevent

Fayor 0lam-s handling of the Rising (f Atraditional blac# leadersB referred to these men there

+as a firm basis for the

Documents

Gate City Rising: Continuity and Change within Greensboro's Black Liberation Movement of the 1960s