Fuseli, Napoleon, And Themistocles at the Court of Admetus

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1/8

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Fuseli, Napoleon, and "Themistocles at the Court of Admetus"Author(s): Joseph RuzickaSource: Master Drawings, Vol. 26, No. 3 (Autumn, 1988), pp. 253-258+300Published by: Master Drawings AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1553900Accessed: 19-08-2015 20:26 UTC

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2/8

Fuseli,

Napoleon,

and

"Themistocles

at

the

Court

of Admetus"

JosephRuzicka

ON

13

July

1815,

three weeks

after

his

second abdica-

tion,

Napoleon

Bonaparte

wrote to

the Prince

Regent

of

Great

Britain,

seeking

asylum.

In his

letter,

he com-

pared

his

present

state

of affairs

to an

incident

in

the

life

of

the

great

Athenian

general

and

statesman

The-

mistocles:

Altesse

Royale,

n but

[sic]

auxfactions

ui

divisentmon

pays

et

a l'inimitie

des

plus

grandes

puissances

e

l'Europe,

'ai

terminemacarriere

olitique

t

je

vienscommeThemistocle

m'asseoirur e foyerdupeuplebritannique.eme metssous

la

protection

e

ses

Lois,

queje

reclame eVotreAltesse

Royale

commeau

pluspuissant,

u

plus

constant t au

plus

genereux

de mes ennemis.

Rochefort,

13

juillet

1815.

Napoleon.1

Napoleon

arrived

n

England

on the

twenty-fourth

of

July

and

by

the

thirty-first

had learned of the merciful

response

of the British

government;

he was to be exiled

to

the

island of St. Helena

in

the South

Atlantic,

where

he remained until

his

death

in

1821.2

It can be demonstrated that

this

letter

captured

the

imagination

of

Henry

Fuseli

(1741-1825),

resulting

in

his only known depictionof an episodefrom the life of

Themistocles

(P1.

I4).3

In

a letter of

15

December

I8I5,

Fuseli's

good

friend

and

patron,

William

Roscoe,

men-

tioned to

Dawson

Turnerseveral

drawings

that he had

just

taken from

the

artist's studio. About one of them

Roscoe

wrote,

"The

story

is that of

Themistocles and

Admetus

(to

which

Bonaparte

alluded on his

taking

refuge

with the

British)

and which

you

will recollect

n

Corelius

Nepos."4

It is

clear

that this

is a reference o

Plate

14

because

of

the

inscription

on

the

verso of

the

drawing

(see

note

3)

and the fact

that

Fuseli

obviously

relied on Cornelius

Nepos'

version

of

the

story (see

below).

Thus,

the

drawing

can be

firmly

dated to mid-

July

to mid-December

1815.

But this

is not to

suggest

that Fuseli

was interested

n

drawingparallels

between thetwo

generals

as

Napoleon

did),

or intended

this work

to be

an

allegory

of the

French

general's plight.

Fuseli had little

respect

for the

man who had

single-handedly

disruptedEurope

for the

first

fifteen

years

of the

century5

and would

not have

honored

him

by

comparing

him

with the

Athenian

gen-

eral

who

nobly

sacrificed

his

own

prestige

for

the

good

of

his

city-state.

Rather,

it

should be

understood that

currentevents

sparked

Fuseli's interest in the

meeting

between

Themistocles and Admetus as

recounted

by

one of the classicalauthors.

Themistocles

(ca.

523

-

ca.

460

B.c.)

rose from ob-

scure

origins

to become one of the most

importantpolit-

icaland

militaryfigures

n

fifth-century

Athens,

and was

responsible

or

building

its

formidable

navy.

6

Because of

his

foresight

and

dedication,

the unified Greek armies

were able

to

repulse

the Persian

orces

of Xerxes in

480

in the

sea-battle

at

Salamis.

This was the

second time

that the Greeks

turned back

Xerxes,

the first

being

at

Marathon in 490, and he was never to attack again.

Themistocles was at

his most

popular ust

after

Salamis,

andhis

power

andinfluence

began

to wane soon thereaf-

ter. The

Spartans, viewing

his

program

for

fortifying

and

strengthening

he

port

and

navy

of

Athens as

a

direct

challenge

o

their

militarysuperiority,

oined

forces

with

his Athenian

political

rivals

Cimon and

Aristeides.

It is

important

to realize that

Themistocles

was

willing

to

sacrifice

his

personal

prestige

in

order

to

see

a

stronger

and

more

secure

Athens,

despite

the fact

that

he

was

aware

that he

risked

being

ostracized,

which

in

fact he

was in 472. His enemiesthenchasedhim throughoutthe

Greek

world and he was

finally

forced to seek

refuge

at

the court

of

Artaxerxes,

the

son of

Xerxes,

where he

remained

until

his death.

However,

en route to

Persia,

Themistocles

sought

refuge

at the court of

Admetus,

the

King

of

the Molos-

sians,

in the northwest comer

of the Greek

peninsula.

The first mention of this

meeting

was

in

Thucydides'

Peloponnesian

War,

and other

ancient authors

sub-

sequently

included the

episode

in

their accounts of the

life

of

Themistocles,

among

them Cornelius

Nepos

in

his On the Great Generals

f Foreign

Nations. He

was a

friend

and

contemporary

of

Cicero,

active

in

Rome

during

the first

century

before

Christ's

birth,

and his

account

of the

meeting

between

Admetus

and

Themis-

tocles follows:

[

253

]

N

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3/8

NOTES

Fig.

1

Poseidon.

Marble

Statue

rom

Melos,

end

of

Sec-

ond

Century

B.C.

Athens,

NationalMuseum.

Whenhe

perceived

hat he

eading

itizens

f

[Corcyra]

ere

fearful hat he Lacedaemonians

i.e.,

the

Spartans]

ndAthe-

nians

would

declare

war

upon

thembecause

f his

presence,

he took

refuge

with

Admetus,

king

of the

Molossians,

with

whom

he had

relations f

guest-friendship. aving

arrived

therewhen Admetuswas

away

rom

home,

in

order hathis

host

might

be under

he

greater bligation

o

receive

nd

pro-

tect

him

he

caughtup

the

king's

ittle

daughter

ndhastened

with her nto the household

hrine,

whichwas

regarded

ith

the

greatest

eneration;

ndhe would

not

comeout

again

until

the

king gave

him

his

right

hand

and

received

im

under

his

protection.

AndAdmetus

ept

his

promise;

orwhen heAthe-

nians

and Lacedaemonians ade

an

official demand

for

Themistocles,Admetusdid not surrenderhesupplicant;e

advised

him, however,

o

take

measures o

protect

himself,

saying

hat t

wouldbe difficult

or

him

to remain

n

safety

n

a

place

o near

o

Greece.

Accordingly,

he

king

hadhim taken

to

Pydna,

giving

suchas escortas he deemed ufficient.7

Even without

Roscoe's

letter,

t would have

been

sible to

pinpoint

Cornelius

Nepos

as the

classicals

for Fuseli's

drawing

since it is the

only

written

ac

in which

the

king's

child is a

girl;

in

all others

(f

stance,

those

by Thucydides,

Plutarch,

and

Diord

the child is a

boy.

Another

significant

differencebetween

the

earl

sions and

the

first

century

B.C.

account is that

Cornelius

Nepos

stated hat

the two men "hada rel

ship

of

guest-friendship,"

mposing

on

Admetus

cred and

binding responsibility

o

protect

Themis

from

his

enemies,8

the other authors hint at

som

conflict

between the

two.9

This

obviously

affect

the two men react to one another

and thus the

dramatic

tenor of the scene. For

example,

in Plut

version,10

he

desperate

Themistocles,

fleeing

his

suers,

chose

the lesser

of

two evils

by

seeking

r

with

Admetus,

"Yet in this

misfortune,

Themis

fearing

the recent hatred of his

neighbors

and fe

citizens

more

than

the old

displeasure

of the

king

himself at

his

mercy

and became

a

humble

supplic

Admetus."

In

such a

situation,

one would

expe

Athenian to

wear

an

expression

of

uncertainty

an

prehension.

But in

Fuseli's

drawing,

Themis

calmly

looks to the

king

with an airof confident

e

tation,

since he is from the startassuredof at least

te

rary sanctuary.

Although

Themistocles was

probably

not

awar

Admetus

in

fact dared not turn

away any

one w

humbled him- or herselfon his altar.As N.G.L. H

mond

pointed

out in

his

discussion of this

meetin

tween

the

two

men,

Admetus

counted

among

his a

tors both Achilles and his son

Neoptolemus:

"This

of

supplication

was

generally

a

solemn

one,

but now

more so than at

the court of

a descendantof

Neop

mus,

who

killed

Priam

at

the

altar

of his court an

been killed later

by

Apollo

for

this act of

sacrileg

While

it

may

be

objected

that

in

Cornelius

N

version

of the

episode

the

king's

support

was

ind

by

the extention of his

right

hand to the

supplican

in the

drawing

he extends his

left,

there are severa

sible reasons

why

Fuseli

drew

him so.

In

the first

p

it

would not make sense forAdmetus to extend

his

hand at

this

point

in

the narrativebecause he

re

separated

from

the seated

Themistocles.

Thus,

[

254]



4/8

initial

gesture

of

recognition

and

support,

he

extends his

left hand and

in

the

ensuing

moments will

step

forward

to

offer the hero his

right.

In

addition,

the

composition

is

closed much

more

effectively

on

the left

by

having

Admetus

firmly implant

the

spear

nto the

ground

with

his

right

hand.

Finally,

t must be

remembered hatFuseli

himself was

left-handed and so

may

have

construed,

subconsciously

or

not,

Admetus'

gesture

to

be the de-

finitive

signal

of

support.

There does

not

appear

to be a classical

precedent

for

the motif of the

spear

with its

tip

in

the

ground.

Instead,

it seems

to have been invented

by

Fuseli to

convey

non-

violent intentions and

he used it at least one other

time,

in

Caesar

Crossing

he

Rubicon,12

ne of his

illustrations

for

Joel

Barlowe's

I806

epic poem,

The

Columbiad.

Fuseli had the

personified

Genius of

Rome stand on

one

bank of the Rubicon

addressing

Julius

Caesar

on

the

other.

In

one hand he holds a

spear

with its

tip

in

the

groundandoutstretcheshis other armto imploreCaesar

to

reconsider

his

bloody

mission of civil

war.

Thus,

in

the context of the Genius of

Rome

calling

for

peace

and

Admetus

promising

protection,

the motif

of the

spear

tip

in the

ground

is

clearly

a

conciliatory gesture.

Admetus'

pose

is full of rich

associations rom Greek

and Roman art.

In

Greek

art,

the

pose

in

which a

stand-

ing figure

has one arm

outstretchedand the other

raised

vertically

to hold

a

staff or

spear

(or

trident)

was

gener-

ally

reservedfor

Athena, Zeus,

and

Poseidon,

the most

powerful

of

the Greek deities

(Fig.

i).

Since Poseidon's

domain was

the

sea,

it

seems most

likely

that

Fuseli

was

invoking

his

presence

since it would

have been most

appropriate

o have

Themistocles

beg

for safe

passage

and

refuge

from the

god

of the waters.

The Roman

emperors

understood well the

particular

power

and

prestige

of this

pose, using

it

(or

certainas-

pects

of

it)

in their

cult

images

(simulacrum)

Fig.

2).

Particularly

uthoritative s the

outstretchedraised

hand,

for as

RichardBrilliant has

written,

Whether

nterpreted

s a

gesture

of

speech

or

command,

ts

forceful

rojection

rom

he

cylindrical

ody

has

an

authorita-

tive

character,

elling

rom

he

power

of thebearer's

osition.

Thegesturempliesreception ndobedience, ndarisesrom

a

conditioned

wareness

f

that ikelihood.13

Brilliant

continued that

the

pose

of

holding

a

spear

or

staff

with

the arm

almost vertical

was the

"standardized

N

Fig.

2

Claudius as

Jupiter.

Marble

Statue,

ca.

50

A.D.

Rome, Vatican,

Museo

Gregoriano rofano.

model of the

military

status

symbol

typical

of

the mature

Julio-Claudian

period."14

y

giving

Admetus a

pose

rich

in

Olympian

and

imperial

associations,

Fuselireinforced

his

kingly

status.

Canova, too,

understoodthe

connotations nherent

n

this

pose,

for he used it

in

his

heroic marble

Napoleon

f

I803-1806

(Fig.

3).15

The British

government

bought

and

presented

this statue to

the Duke of

Wellington

in

I

815

in

gratitude

or his

defeat of

Napoleon

at Waterloo

that

June.16

Since the work was

displayed

then,

as it is

today,

as a sort of

prisoner

in the stairwell of

Apsley

House17

(Wellington's

London

townhouse),

Fuseli

surely

must

have

known

it. And since Fuseli was

quite

interested n

Napoleon's

letter,

t

seems

likely

that he had

[

255

]



5/8

NOTES

ANTONIO CANOVA.

Napoleon

as Mars.

London,

Apsley

House.

Canova's work

in

the back

of

his

mindwhen he

executed

the

drawing.

Behind

the seated

Themistocles,

on

the

family

altar

of

Admetus,

are

two

pairs

of

giant legs, surely

belonging

to Castor and

Pollux,

the Dioscuri.

Archaeological

evi-

dence

proves

that

there were cults

dedicated to them

throughout

ancient

Epirus, including

Ambracia,

the

site

of the court of the Molossian

kings.18

However,

since

most

of the excavations in that area took

place

after

Fuseli's

death,

his

extensive

knowledge

of the ancient

world must be

considered

n

support

of the

hypothesis

that the

gods

of

Admetus' altarare

Castorand Pollux.19

Because the Dioscuri were

the

protectors

o

guides

for

sailors,20

and Themistocles was

arg

Athen's

most

illustrious

seaman,

t is

entirely

ogica

Fuseli would have him seek

refuge

at

their

feet.

Fuseliwas awareof this

traditionhas been

demons

by

Gert

Schiff,

who wrote that the artistdrew the

H

Tamersof the

Quirinale,

known also asthe

Dioscu

a

platform

n

a

rough

sea because

they

were

the

gua

of

sailors

in

distress.21

In

the

drawing,

Themistocles is shown as a

mi

heroic

warrior,

n

perfect

agreement

with

Plutarc

sertion that "he was

plainly

a heroic

man,

not

on

spirit

but also in

appearance."22

ut he does not

ha

body

of a

young,

lithesome

hero;

rather

he has a

ma

frame and musculature hat are the result of

many

of hard

experience.

Other

details,

such as the

inc

double

chin,

subtly

underline the fact that the her

about

fifty years

old when

he

sat at

the foot of the alt

An elaborate

headpiece

andveil,

always

of inter

Fuseli,

assumes a

specialmeaning

in this

narrative

a veiled

person

maintainsa secret or

guarded ide

the act of

unveiling necessarily

reveals who that

p

is.23

Because he must

cunningly

elude

his

ene

Themistocles

carefullyguards

his

identity;

but

the

ment when he reveals

himself is shown

in

the

dra

and he thereforehas

pulled

asidehis

disguise

so th

king

can

plainly

see

who

he is.

In

his

right

hand he holds a

thyrsus,

the

symb

Dionysus,24

but the

significance

of

this is

not

en

clear in the context of this drawing, in part be

Dionysus

was one of the more

complex gods

of

O

pus.

He

was

the son of Zeus and

Semele,

and

spent

of

his

mortal life

fleeing

from

Hera,

the

jealous

w

Zeus,

who

intermittently

drove

him

mad.25 t is

p

ble that Fuseliwished to draw attention o thesimila

between the

flights

of Themistocles and

Dionysus,

both were

unjustly

chased

by jealous

factions: The

tocles

by

his

political

rivals and

Dionysus by

som

who

held

him

responsible

for the circumstance

rounding

his own birth. It is certain that Fuseli

d

mean to invoke the sensuous and

joyful aspec

Dionysus

the wine

god.

Like the

figure

of

Admetus,

Themistocles is

rem

cent of

renaissanceand classical

works without

be

specific quote

of

any

in

particular.

His

pronounced

[256

]



6/8

N

Fig.

4

Central

Section

of the East

Frieze

of

the

Parthenon,

Fifth

Century

B.

.

Left to

right:

Hermes,

Dionysus,

Demeter, Ares, Iris,

Hera,

and Zeus.

London,

BritishMuseum.

culature

must derive

n

part

rom

the nudes

of Michelan-

gelo,

the

ignudi especially.

And

certainly

his

silent,

seated

attitude and

strict

profile

owe

something

to the

seated

gods

of

the east frieze of the

Parthenon,

Hermes

in

particular

Fig.

4),

which Fuseli had

seen

in

London

as

early

as

the

summer of

i806.26

In

many

respects,

the

figure

of Admetus'

daughter

s

the

most

interesting

and

certainly

her

pose

is the most

complicated.

With

her knees

facing

Themistocles,

she

twists

up

and around

so that she looks at

her father

behind her.

In

this

way,

she forms a

double

bridge

be-

tween the two men:

a

physical

bridge

because she

touches Themistocles and reaches

out

for her fatherand

more

importantly,

an

emotional and

psychological

bridge

between

them.

Despite

the dire

predicament

hat

Themistocles

is

in,

he remains

passive

and allows the

king's daughterto do his pleadingfor him. She infuses

the scene with its

pathos

and

urgency.

Her

gesture

of

clasped

hands is

recognizable

as one of

prayerful upplication,

but

interestinglyenough,

it

does

not have its

origins

in

classicalart. As Ernst Gombrich

has

demonstrated,

the ancients both

pleaded

for

mercy

and

worshiped

their deities

by throwing

their out-

stretched,

separated

hands over their heads.27 n

fact,

the

gesture

of

praying

with

joined

hands did

not

appear

n

significant

numbers in western art until the thirteenth

century.28

hus,

it is

interesting

that within a

decidedly

classical

story,

Fuseli

used a

non-classical

expressive

gesture.

However,

it is a

pose

that Fuseli used

one other

time,

in one of his

paintings

for his Milton

Gallery,

The Vision

of

Noah

of

I79699.29

In

the

painting,

which

illustrates

Milton's

Paradise

ost,

Book

XI,

lines

86o-69,

the

kneel-

ing

woman with her

hands

clasped

over her head

is

rejoicing

because the

deluge

has ended

and

dry

land

has

reappeared.

n his

drawing

of some

twenty years

later,

Fuseli

realized hat he could

use the same

pose

to

express

a

very

differentemotion. What had first

expressed oy

and

gratitude

for

being

among

the chosen

could,

in a

new and different

context,

express

an

anguished

and

urgent cry

for

help.

AUTHOR'S NOTE:

Many

thanks

are due

to Professor

Gert

Schiff,

n whose class

firstaired

hese deas.He

has read he

variousdrafts f this

paper

ndmade

manysuggestions

rom

whichI havebenefited

ncalculably.

am most

grateful

or his

guidance

nd

support.

For their kind assistance

nd

incisive

nsights,

I am also

grateful

o

Mr.B. F.Cook

of the

British

Museum,

Professors

Evelyn

Harrisonnd

Roland mith

of the

Institute f Fine

Arts

and

especially

r.DietrichVonBothmer f The

Metropolitan

Museum

of Art.

1.

Napoleon,

exh.

cat., Paris,

Grand

Palais,

I969,

p.

196,

no.

534.

The

original

etter s

in the

Royal

Archives,

Windsor

Castle,

London.

The

following

ranslation

s from Keith

Addey,

Napo-

leon,

London,

I983,

p.

86:

Your

RoyalHighness:

Exposed

o the

factions

which

divide

my

country,

nd o the

enmity

of the

greatestow-

ers

of

Europe,

have erminated

my political

areer;

nd

I

come,

ike

Themistocles,

o throw

myselfupon

he

hospi-

talityof theBritish eople. placemyselfunderheprotec-

tion of their

aws,

which

I

claim

rom

yourRoyal

High-

ness,

as the most

powerful,

he most

constant,

and the

most

generous

f

my

enemies.

2.

Napoleon,

1969,

p.

196.

[257

]



7/8

3.

Privatecollection.

London,

Sotheby's,

19

March

1981,

lot

no.

84.

Pen and

black

ink

with

pink

and

gray

wash;

300

x

400

mm.

Inscribed

n

Greek on

right

border,

Themistocles;

on

left

border,

Q.E.;

on

verso,

Themistocles

t

the

Court

of

Admetus/originalrawing y

Mr.

Fuseli/given

me

by

Mr. Ros-

coe in

1825.

4. David

H.

Weinglass,

ed.,

The

English

Letters

of

Henry

Fuseli, Millwood,

New

York,

1982,

pp.

414-I5.

The

drawing

came on the market

just

before

the

publication

of

Weinglass'

book and its location was not known. This

explains

his footnote

5,

p.

414,.

? ?

The

drawing

has

not

been traced."

5.

See,

for

instance,

the

letter of

13

May

1803

from Fuseli to

Roscoe,

in

which he referred

o

Napoleon

as

"Malaparte"

and cursed his feared nvasion

of

England.

6.

A.

J.

Podlecki,

The

Life of

Themistocles,

ontrealand Lon-

don,

I975.

I

am

relying

heavily

on Podlecki's

book, which,

based on

both ancient

literary

sources and more recent

archaeological nvestigations,

is the

first

modem recon-

struction

of

the

general's

ife. Rather

than footnote

every

sentence n

my

brief

summary

of the life

of

Themistocles,

my

debt to

Podlecki

is

acknowledged

here.

Obviously,

I

will cite

any

of his

important

nsights

when

I

use

them.

7. Lucius

Annaeus

Florus,

trans.

by

J.

C.

Rolfe,

Epitome

of

Roman

History,

Cornelius

Nepos,

London,

reprinted

I966,

p.

403.

8.

Florus,

p.

402,

n. I.

9.

Podlecki,

pp.

40-41.

10.

Plutarch,

The Lives

of

Noble

Grecians

nd

Romans,

rans.

by

John

Dryden,

revised

by Hugh Clough,

New

York, n.d.,

pp. 148-49.

11. N.G.L.

Hammond,

Epirus,

Oxford,

1967,

p.

492.

12. Gert

Schiff,

Johann

Heinrich

Fissli,

Zurich,

1973,

vol.

i,

no.

I342b,

p.

341;

repr.

vol.

2, p.

242.

13. Richard

Brilliant,

"Gesture

and Rank

in

Roman

Memoirs

of

the Connecticut

Academy f

Artsand

Scienc

14,

February

1963,

p.

31.

14.

Brilliant,

p.

62.

15. Fred

Licht, Canova,

New

York,

1983,

p. ioi.

The

h

is

1333/4

nches

(340 cm.).

A

version was cast in

bro

1809

(I277/8

inches tall

[325

cm.]).

It is now in

the P

di Brera,Milan. Repr. n Licht, p.

102.

16. Mario Praz and

Giuseppe

Pavanello,

L'opera

omp

Canova, Milan,

1976,

p.

Io9.

17.

Licht,

p.

IOI.

18.

Hammond,

pp.

125, 129,

639-40.

19. Frederick Antal

(Fuseli

Studies,

London,

1956,

p

pointed

out that Fuseli "was the most learnedart his

of his

time

in

England."

20.

Joel

Schmidt,

trans.

by

Sheilah

O'Halloran,

Larouss

andRoman

Mythology,

New

York, 1980,

p.

86.

21. Schiff, vol. I, p. 643, no. 1826.

22.

Podlecki, p.

144.

23.

Jean Chevalier,

ed.,

Dictionnaire es

symboles,

Paris,

p.

812.

24.

Larousse,

p.

86.

25.

Larousse,

pp.

84-85.

26. D.E.L.

Haynes,

An Historical

Guide

to the

Sculptur

Parthenon,

London,

1965,

p.

13.

27. E.

H.

Gombrich,

"Ritualized

gesture

and

express

art,"

Royal Society of

London.

Philosophical

Trans

seriesB, vol. 25I, no. 772, December 1966, p. 397

28. Ibid.

29. Now in

St.

Mary's

Parish

Church,Luton,

Beds. See

S

vol.

I,

no.

902,

p.

519;

repr.

vol.

II,

p.

254.

[

258

]

NOTES



8/8

'(7ly

I

y.

-

.

0--

F,P

,K

p

Plate

14

HENRY

FUSELI.

Themistocles at

the Court of

Admetus.

Private

Collection.

(25-3)

)

,1

'

'

'

8:

P

rt

,,e,

-,

T.

-

-

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i-

s'.

_;

'.

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Fuseli, Napoleon, And Themistocles at the Court of Admetus