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    9/5/13 Frieze Magazine | Archive | Good Circulation

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    Good Circulation

    CRITICISM

    Artists explore the space between production and

    consumption: who is addressed and how?

    A man and a woman sit at a table, rackin g their brains and not

    saying much. Are they Conceptual artists, or curators, trying to

    come up with the next idea? No; Monica Bonvicinis video

    gradually reveals that they work in public relations and have been

    asked to come up with an advertising campaign for Werbung statt

    Kunst (Advertising Replaces Art, 2002), the artists contribution to

    the public art project Aussendienst (Fieldwork) in Hamburg.

    Finally, they make a conscious decision to dumb down, just for the

    hell of it: they will put portraits of well-known artists with catchy

    slogans on local buses, promoting art as if it were a household

    appliance. Yet, they discover, art proves a particularly Hard Sell(2002).

    Boris Groys declared that in recent decades artists have become

    exemplary consumers, rummaging through cultures bargain

    basement.1 In much the same vein, a nd equipped with Michel de

    Certeaus assertion that consumption is a potentially subversive

    tactic of selection and combination, Nicolas Bourriaud has

    observed a fundamental scrambling of boundaries between

    consumption and production.2 He argues that artistic practices

    for which he has coined the term relational aesthetics establish

    relations between people and the world, by way of aesthetic

    objects,3 ultimately considering inter-human exchange an

    aesthetic object in and of itself. The artist models and

    disseminates disconcerting situations, Bourriaud continues, and

    About this article

    First published inIssue 90, April 2005

    by Jrg Heiser

    Print this article

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    strives to shatter the logic of the spectacle.4 But in whose name

    does he or she act? And who gets involved in the ensuing inter-

    human exchange? Is the relational artist a Modernist hero

    fighting a lone battle against commercial culture, in relational

    bond with s ome kind of support group of viewers that cheers him

    or her on to the front?

    Inter-human exchange suggests direct contact between artist and

    viewer. One is reminded of the cons umer societys man tra

    boosted by the advent of e-commerce telling people to cut out the

    middleman: to establis h direct, unmediated trade. But both Groys

    and Bourriaud, assuming the erasure of the distinction between

    production and consumption, fail to mention what constitutes the

    middle term in that classic economic triad: production, circulation

    and consumption. They consider the relationship between artists

    and the forms they propose (understood as the embodiments of

    ideas), and the interactions between people and the world

    triggered by it, but they seem to ignore the relation between these

    forms and other forms. The term circulation is shorthand for the

    ways i n wh ich the fluctuating relations between forms (from both

    inside and outside art) co-define the relations between artists and

    their audience. Of course, any kind of work from any period,

    unless it exists in a black hole in outer space, can be looked at

    from this perspective. But the point is that over recent decades

    artists seem to have become increasingly aware of the issue of

    circulation not only as a practical social and economic one,

    external to their actual work, but an aesthetic one, at the core of it.

    Originally circulation was a term for the metabolic distribution

    and redistribution of fluids and matter, implying qualitative and

    quantitative transformation via movement. As a metaphor, it has

    been historicall y linked to urbanization, the flow of populace an d

    traffic in the city. From about 1750 money begins to circulate the

    likes of the Baron de Montesquieu and Jean-Jacques Rousseau use

    the term in connection with currency and labour; after the French

    Revolution newspapers, ideas and gossip circulate; after 1880 so

    do traffic, air and power.5 For Karl Marx circulation is the sphere

    of supply and demand, where distribution organizes the exchange

    of goods and money: in other words, the market. The kind of

    circulation Vladimir Ilyich Lenin had in mind when, with his

    1902 pamphlet, he confidently asked What is to be Done? was onethat involved newspapers and party apparatuses, in order to

    spread the word and organize the working class. This emphatic,

    forward-leaning, one-way will to circulation was perhaps most

    vividly embodied in the spiral s tructure of Vladimir Tatlins

    Monument to the Third International (1919). But in a tragic-ironic

    way, tha nks to Lenins brusque rejection of their ideas, the

    Constructivists were spared the fate of aesthetisizing the later

    totalitarian regime.

    Today the question what is to be done? can sound almost idiotic,

    while a return to the idea of s preading the messag e seems

    preposterous. Perhaps the contemporary offspring of what is to be

    done? is a healthily doubtful what, for whom, and how? Yet the

    question is not an innocent one: it goes against cultures supposed

    exceptional status outside the market economy, and it could come

    straight from the mouth of a marketing executive, scouting future

    target groups. But, as Maurizio Lazzarato has pointed out, the

    insistence on cultural exception ironically weakens the potential

    of culture to resis t its subordination to economic imperatives.

    Cultural knowledge is not a form of merchandise like any other,

    although the market consistently tries to reduce it to fiscal and

    product exchange. However, the values co-regulating the

    immaterial production of this knowledge aesthetic potential and

    political gravity both charm and disrupt the economys thirst for

    inventiveness. Lazzaratos conclusion is that the strategy of

    cultural ex ception must be turned on its hea d cultures ethics

    must be not exempted from, but applied to, economics.6 The

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    downside is obvious: the ethics of culture applied to economy are

    not inevitably beneficial idealism in one sphere can be

    exploitation in another. But for better or worse, in order to move

    beyond the trench wa rfare between, on the one h and, the

    autonomy of art and, on the other, its fusion with the

    entertainment industry, the question of how, and to whom,

    aesthetic and intellectual knowledge circulates becomes central.

    Hans Haackes work marks the shift of circulation from physical

    phenomenon to economic metaphor: from water in transparent

    cubes (Condensation Cube, 19635) and tubes (Circulation, 1969)

    to the provenance the history of circulation of a painting in

    relation to de-Nazified patrons of the Wallraf-Richartz-Museum

    in Cologne (Manet-Projekt74, 1974). The latter work was a

    frontal attack on the shielding of economic and historic relations

    within a n art in stitution a nd resulted in the cancella tion of its

    display. In order to circulate the revealing information Haacke

    used Conceptual means of display rather than, say, documentary

    film or newspaper reportage ironically resulting in the works

    dissemination anywhere but on the gallery walls for which it had

    been intended.

    Robert Barrys Invitation Piece (19723) constructs the

    distribution of information as literally circular. First an invitation

    was sent from the Paul Maenz Gallery in Cologn e to an ex hibition

    at Art & Public in Amsterdam; there another invitation card in turn

    advised the recipient to go to London, and so forth until Torontosent avid Barry viewers back to Cologne. The referential merry-go-

    round dissolved art into the means of its own mediation. Barrys

    piece resides as much in the invitation cards themselves as in the

    attempts to visit any of the named destinations, where nothing

    was to be found but a semiotic loophole. According ly, circulation

    designates not simply the A-to-B distribution of objects and ideas

    but also the wa y these gain a life of their ow n a s they pass from

    hand to hand, house to house, mouth to mouth including the

    possibility of alterations and the dangers of exploitation. Its like

    deliberately turning hard fact into rumour, for the sake of allowing

    the unforeseen to happen.

    In Gianni Mottis 2004 retrospective at the Migros Museum,

    Zurich, his work was not actually present but was recounted in the

    form of stories. Tour guides wore T-shirts with the slogan

    Plausible Deniability (2004), the title of the exhibition and a

    biting hin t at the fact that everything they said about Motti

    staging his own funeral, or infiltrating a UN session as a fake

    Indonesian delegate could plausibly be denied. Of course, this

    circulation of anecdotes and tales functions only as long as the

    artist simultaneously withholds the circulation of proper

    documentation (a key element also in Tino Sehgals actions during

    exhibitions).

    Withholding one lin e of circulation wh ile using another seems a

    common dialectical method. Katya Sanders Monument for Image

    Production and Image Consumption (2004) testifies to this in

    regard to the mass media. Asked to propose a contemporary

    monument in Copenhagen, she produced a piece in collaborationwith the secon d-largest na tional dai ly newspaper, Pol itiken. One

    day last summer a second version of the paper, purged of

    everything but the pictures and the front-page logo, was given

    away free with any purchase of the original, with no prior

    announcement or explanation. The piece can be read as a pious

    lesson about the mindless production and consumption of images,

    but its first and foremost a monument to their fleeting, extensive

    circulation.

    On 11 September 2002 her birthday New-York-based

    Aleksa ndra Mir published a tabloid newspaper, D aily News . She

    had asked more than 100 friends to contribute a piece of their

    choice, from crossword puzzles to political manifestos and recipes.

    The project reclaimed Mirs date of birth (the banner headline

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    screamed Happy Birthday!); moreover, at a time when it had

    become unpatriotic to dissent, it celebrated freedom of speech in

    the sense of circulating every response. The fact that the paper

    appeared as a free, one-off edition of 1,000 copies reflected the fact

    that this vision of free circulation was Utopian, a daydream come

    true at grassroots level.

    Jens Haaning plastered his poster Arabic Joke (2002) across city

    centres including Aarhus in Denmark, Houston in the US, and

    Geneva in Switzerland. White Arabic letters against a strident

    combination of red and green created the impression for those

    who ca nt read Arabic that it must be Islamic propagan da in

    fact, it tells a joke about a man who thinks hes a grain of wheat.

    With a light comic touch the piece brings out the xenophobia

    latent even among the well-meaning. For his contribution to the

    exhibition Publicness in London, Haaning transported all the

    chairs from the ICAs caf to a street in Karachi, where they could

    be taken aw ay for free by passers-by (Redistribution London

    Karachi, 2003). Its easy to get lost in cloudy references to

    globalization and cultural exchange, but whats really interesting

    is the concrete when and where of this piece: since Karachi is

    where journalis t Daniel Pearl wa s murdered and wh ere many Al-

    Qaeda terrorists have been captured, for many in the West the city

    has become virtually synonymous with fear. Without directly

    referring to it, Haaning eloquently plays on this fear, yet counters

    it by practically turning a theft into a gift.

    A video piece by Bulgaria n artist Nedko Solakov reflects the

    desperate, and cruelly comic, economic aspects of so-called

    cultural exchange. Invited to make a project in Denmark, Solakov

    changed a 1,000-Krone note into dollars, then converted the

    dollars back into Krone and so on, until the money was eaten up

    in exchange rates and commission (The Deal, 2002). In Eastern

    Europe large parts of the population, not least intellectuals and

    artists, are forced to earn their living by travelling every weekend

    by bus and train to sell stuff out of suitcases a t markets in faraw ay

    towns; often they have to bribe customs officers and Mafia types

    along the way. This suitcase economy marks the shift from

    socialism to neo-plutocratic capitalism.

    Like Solakov, Matthieu Laurette discovered a s trategy for

    confusing the principle of value, this time for a family game show.

    From an art project budget in Bilbao, La urette devised a

    programme for Basque TV, El Gran Truque (The Great Exchange,

    2000): the idea was that in a kind of phone-in auction people

    could offer objects n exchange for a car offered by Laurette the

    highest offer would be accepted, and then in turn be presented the

    following week for another exchange, and so on. After a few

    months the series of swaps finished with the presentation of six

    blue glass es. The economys demand for growth ha d been turned

    on its head: what started with a car worth a small fortune ended

    with something you might find at a ca r boot sale. This strategy of

    turning rules of circulation against themselves also informs

    Laurettes Citizenship Project (1998 ongoing), in which he

    investigates the requirements for obtaining passports of countries

    all over the world, and then makes this information available on a

    website. The experiment ultimately is a wa y to test the limits of the

    ideological foundations on which the laws governing access to

    citizenship are based.

    Issues of access and nationality were also brought into play in

    Santiago Sierras closing of the Spanish Pavilion at the Venice

    Biennale in 2003, when only holders of a Spanish passport were

    allowed to enter the pavilion through a back door (Wall Enclosing

    a Space, 2003). As rigorous as the gesture was, it distorted the

    political realities it so boldly seemed to refer to: while there is no

    situation in which only owners of a Spanish passport would be

    allowed into the country, people really are drowning in the straits

    of Gibraltar as they try desperately to enter the territory of the

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    European Union. One might expect referential precision from

    Sierra, as passports and visa regulations not least relate to

    peoples value as labourers a value central to his concern. His

    usual strategy is to divert, for the duration of a piece, people who

    are desperate enough to do anything for money (uneducated

    workers, il legal i mmigrants, junkies , prostitutes) in to the white

    cube: he stains it with the concrete reality of obscene

    exploitation, while consciously taking advantage of it. He seems

    adamant about the issue of payment: it should not be substantially

    more (but could in fact be less) than usual. In 1999 Sierra had an

    employment agency hire 465 male mestizo (mixed-race) workers

    to stand in the gallery space a number calculated to create adensity of five people per square metre for three hours during an

    opening at a museum in Mexico City (465 Paid People, 1999). The

    official description of the piece on the artists website mentions

    that apparently the agency actually might not have paid anyone,

    but asked friends and a battalion of s oldiers to attend for free.

    The redistribution of people into the wh ite cube freeze-frames on e

    of the characteristic effects of market circulation: while making

    objects appear almost like living beings, it also turns living beings

    into objects. Luis Camnitzer has pointed out that Sierras idea of

    involving low-paid workers has a historical precedent in

    Argentinian artist Osca r Bonys La Familia Obrera (The

    Proletarian Family, 1968)7: to exhibit a son, mother and father on

    a pedestal in a gallery, Bony paid the latter exactly twice his hourly

    rate as a die-cutter. The payment was conceptually ethical: the

    workers family wa s commodified, as a nyone who enters the

    labour market is to some extent, but as the family were doubled in

    the act of being exhibited, so was the payment. By contrast, Sierra

    prefers to double the exploitation.

    Some may see Sierras work as staring unflinchingly into the abyss

    of art: as if he was forcing the privileged to endure the sheer

    presence of the fierce exploitation from which they ultimately

    benefit. But if that is the case, he lets hi s a udience off very lightly

    he makes not the slightest effort to point out, or to incorporate into

    his work, the concrete reasons for peoples exploitation. He makes

    poverty look like a dark, brooding, mysterious fate, as inescapable

    as waste. This could not have been made more literal than in his

    recent project at the Kestnergesellschaft in Hanover. Sierras Haus

    im Schlamm (House in the Mud, 2005) was to fill the ground floor

    of the building with mud from the nearby Maschsee, an artificial

    lake created between 1934 and 1936 by thousands of workers

    employed by the Nazis for just a few pence per hour. The press

    release cited Walter De Marias Earth Rooms (196877) by way

    of art-historical credentials. But compared to the silent presence of

    the latter, Sierras instalment was a thunderous theatrical event.

    The mud was shaped into canyons, and shovels and a

    wheelbarrow w ere stuck in it, a s if the w orkers employed by the

    Nazis had just popped out for a cigarette. Visitors were allowed to

    enter and spread their muddy footprints on the beige carpeting on

    the first floor, especially laid out for the occasion.

    What w as Sierras point? If it was a purely aesthetic one, it did

    indeed create an impressive vista you dont often see the whitecube so literally swamped. But reference-wise, Sierra couldnt have

    been more wrong. Th e Kestnergesellscha ft was closed by the

    Nazis in 1936: until shortly before that time its Jewish director,

    Justus Bier, had shown works by artists who a year later were

    stigmatized in the Nazis Entartete Kunst (Degenerate Art)

    exhibition. Sierras redistribution of the mud once moved by cheap

    labour and Nazi propaganda felt not like a gesture of respect to

    Bier and his legacy, but like a drunken insult thrown at it. (It is

    ironically appropriate that because of bacteriological risks, mud

    from the Maschsee could not actually be used and had to be

    replaced with gunk from another lake.)

    When it comes to the delica te subject of the circulation of people

    in terms of their labour value the most important point is whether

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    the artist remains aloof or prefers to put him or herself on the same

    level as those who are his or her material. There is no doubt

    about what kind of rift opens up in this respect between Sierras

    display of poverty (and Vanessa Beecrofts display of luxury, for

    that matter) on the one hand, and the practices of artists such as

    Laurette, Mir or Haaning on the other. While the former appear as

    superior manipulators in the background, concerned chiefly with

    formal shock and awe rather than conceptual consistency, the

    latter mingle with their subjects as if incessantly reminding

    themselves, in a humble, cant-help-it way, of the crucial question:

    whats for whom, a nd how?

    Classic Modernism was dominated by a notion of production that

    focused attention on artistic authorship (corresponding to the rise

    of mass industrial production); Postmodernism described the

    artist as an eclectic bricoleur (corresponding in turn to the rise of

    consumer society); currently we find ourselves in a period of

    capitalism where the key factor shaping both economics and

    culture is circulation. These are shifts not of substance but of

    accent; of course, production and consumption havent vanished.

    But the decisive question is what regulates the distribution, the

    patents, the what for whom (from the availability of AIDS

    medication to online copyrights). The Internet and air travel are

    technological ciphers for the beautiful illusion that everything is

    accessible to anyone, anytime, anywhere while we all know only

    too well that this is not true.

    In Bonvicinis video we finally see the outcome of the PR peoples

    struggle to isolate the key product message of art. As a provincial

    brass band plays to celebrate the ina uguration, buses drive off with

    the larger-than-life ads emblazoned on them: one of the slogans

    reads Kunst schmeckt (Art tastes good) and features a smiling

    Rirkrit Tiravanija holding up a chocolate Easter bunny.

    1 Boris Groys, Der Knstler als Konsument (The Artist as Consumer), in

    Max Hollein and Christoph Grunenberg (ed.), Shopping, Hatje Cantz,

    Ostfildern, pp. 5560

    2 Nicolas Bourriaud, Postproduction, Lukas & Sternberg, New York, 2002, p.

    13

    3 Nicolas Bourriaud, Relational Aesthetics, Les Presses du Rel, Paris, 2002,

    p. 42

    4 Bourriaud, Postproduction, p. 26ff.

    5 Erik Swyngedouw, Circulations and Metabolisms: (Hybrid) Natures and

    (Cyborg) Cities, http://www.ru.nl/socgeo/n/colloquium/science.pdf

    6 Maurizio Lazzarato, European Cultural Tradition and the New Forms of

    Production and Circulation of Knowledge, 1998,

    http://www.nettime.org/Lists-Archives/nettime-l-9810/msg00113.html

    7 Luis Camnitzer, Art & Economy, Hamburg (review), ArtNexus, no. 45 (July

    2002), http://www.artnexus.com/servlet/NewsDetail?documentid=8830

    Jrg Heiser

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