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Annals of Tounrm Research, Vol. 19, pp. 51-67, 1992 0160.7383/92 $5.00 + .oo Printed in the USA. All rights reserved. Copyright 0 1992 Pergamon Press plc FORMS OF RELIGIOUS TOURISM Gisbert Rinschede Universitgt Regensburg, Germany Abstract: Religious tourism is that form that is exclusively or strongly motivated for religious reasons. One of the oldest types of tourism and a worldwide phenomenon of religious history, it can be differentiated into various forms. The short-term religious tourism is distinguished by excur- sions to nearby pilgrimage centers or religious conferences. The long- term describes visits of several days or weeks to national and international pilgrimage sites or conferences. Organizational forms of religious tourism can be distinguished by definitive characteristics such as number of parti- cipants, choice of transport, seasonal travel, and social structure. Key- words: pilgrimage, religious tourism, forms of religious tourism, geogra- phy of religions. Risum6: Les formes du tourisme religieux. Le tourisme religieux est la forme du tourisme qui est dtterminC fortement ou exclusivement par des considtrations religieuses. Etant un des plus vieux genres de tourisme et un phtnomtne mondial de l’histoire religieuse, il peut &tre diffkrencit en plusieurs sortes. Le tourisme religieux 2 court terme comprend des excursions aux centres de pklerinage ou aux assemblkes religieuses non loin. Le tourisme B long terme comprend des visites de plusieurs jours ou semaines B des lieux ou assembltes d’importance nationale ou internatio- nale. On peut caracttriser les formes organisationnelles du tourisme reli- gieux par des facteurs bien p&is tels que nombre de participants, moyen de transport, voyage saisonnier et structure sociale. Mats-cl&: ptleri- nage, tourisme religieux, formes de tourisme religieux, gCographie des religions. INTRODUCTION Religious tourism distinguishes itself, as do all other types of tourism, by a dynamic element-movement in space, a journey-as well as by a static element-a temporary stay at a place other than the place of residence. Both the aim and the purpose of the journey are a change in environment, at least for a limited period of time, which for the tourist is of personal, not professional, interest. Contrary to the statistics of the United Nations and Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, which often define such Gisbert Rinschede is a Professor at the Institut fiir Geographie, UniversitHt Re- gensburg (UniversitBtsstr. 31, D-8400 Regensburg, Germany). He obtained his Doc- torate and Habilitation at the Universitit Miinster of Germany and carried out field research in southern and western Europe, the United States, Canada, and Mexico. His research interests include the geography of religions, especially pilgrimage studies. He is coeditor of the series Geographia Religionurn. 51

Forms of Religious Tourism

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Annals of Tounrm Research, Vol. 19, pp. 51-67, 1992 0160.7383/92 $5.00 + .oo Printed in the USA. All rights reserved. Copyright 0 1992 Pergamon Press plc

FORMS OF RELIGIOUS TOURISM

Gisbert Rinschede Universitgt Regensburg, Germany

Abstract: Religious tourism is that form that is exclusively or strongly motivated for religious reasons. One of the oldest types of tourism and a worldwide phenomenon of religious history, it can be differentiated into various forms. The short-term religious tourism is distinguished by excur- sions to nearby pilgrimage centers or religious conferences. The long- term describes visits of several days or weeks to national and international pilgrimage sites or conferences. Organizational forms of religious tourism can be distinguished by definitive characteristics such as number of parti- cipants, choice of transport, seasonal travel, and social structure. Key- words: pilgrimage, religious tourism, forms of religious tourism, geogra- phy of religions.

Risum6: Les formes du tourisme religieux. Le tourisme religieux est la forme du tourisme qui est dtterminC fortement ou exclusivement par des considtrations religieuses. Etant un des plus vieux genres de tourisme et un phtnomtne mondial de l’histoire religieuse, il peut &tre diffkrencit en plusieurs sortes. Le tourisme religieux 2 court terme comprend des excursions aux centres de pklerinage ou aux assemblkes religieuses non loin. Le tourisme B long terme comprend des visites de plusieurs jours ou semaines B des lieux ou assembltes d’importance nationale ou internatio- nale. On peut caracttriser les formes organisationnelles du tourisme reli- gieux par des facteurs bien p&is tels que nombre de participants, moyen de transport, voyage saisonnier et structure sociale. Mats-cl&: ptleri- nage, tourisme religieux, formes de tourisme religieux, gCographie des religions.

INTRODUCTION

Religious tourism distinguishes itself, as do all other types of tourism, by a dynamic element-movement in space, a journey-as well as by a static element-a temporary stay at a place other than the place of residence. Both the aim and the purpose of the journey are a change in environment, at least for a limited period of time, which for the tourist is of personal, not professional, interest.

Contrary to the statistics of the United Nations and Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, which often define such

Gisbert Rinschede is a Professor at the Institut fiir Geographie, UniversitHt Re- gensburg (UniversitBtsstr. 31, D-8400 Regensburg, Germany). He obtained his Doc- torate and Habilitation at the Universitit Miinster of Germany and carried out field research in southern and western Europe, the United States, Canada, and Mexico. His research interests include the geography of religions, especially pilgrimage studies. He is coeditor of the series Geographia Religionurn.

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criteria, this paper also includes the short-term “day-trip” pilgrimages in dealing with religious tourism. With the exception of the utilization of overnight accommodation, day-trip tourism today differentiates it- self little from overnight tourism in its spatial activities and impacts.

One can classify the different types of tourism in many ways. Reli- gious tourism orients itself by the motivation of the tourists. On the whole, one can differentiate the following types of tourism according to motivation: Holiday tourism, which includes weekend and vacation tourism, health resort, and pleasure tourism; cultural tourism, which roughly corresponds to educational tourism, but which also includes scientific tourism; religious tourism, which includes the visit of religious ceremonies and conferences, above all the visit of local, regional, na- tional, and international religious centers; social or group tourism, which occurs as extended family tourism or as club tourism with the integra- tion of the tourist in the traveling group; sport tourism, which is carried out by both competitive athletes as well as visitors of sporting events (active and passive sport tourism); economic tourism, which appears in the form of business tourism, conference tourism, exhibition, and fair tourism; and political tourism, which is defined as diplomatic tourism, tourism at political events, and tourism at national monuments.

Religious tourism is that type of tourism whose participants are motivated either in part or exclusively for religious reasons. Listed here as a separate form, it could just as well be a subgroup of cultural tourism within this classification. On the whole, the differences be- tween the single forms are not clearly definitive, and often one can distinguish transitional forms. Often a journey may have several moti- vations and other subordinate goals. For example, economic or politi- cal tourism often involve aspects of holiday or cultural pursuits. Similar points of transition and contact become evident between religious tour- ism, on the one hand, and holiday, cultural, economic, and political tourism on the other. Pilgrimages and other religious journeys are tied to other types of tourism, perhaps more closely today than ever before. They are multifunctional journeys even when the religious factors seem to dominate-in industrialized countries more so than in developing countries. This consequence occurs, because in developing countries mass tourism is still at its incipient stage, and for many classes of the population, religious tourism offers the only possibility of travel. This situation is comparable to that in medieval society, where lower and middle classes could not allow themselves longer journeys because of their social and financial situations. Free time was then closely tied to local religious centers.

Today, religious tourism is closely connected with holiday and cul- tural tourism. For the participants of organized pilgrimages, a free day is often planned in the program so that the pilgrims can also make day trips into the surrounding area. In Lourdes, such activities reach from Andorra in the east, to Biarritz in the west, and to the Spanish Pyrennees in the south. In a similar way, pilgrims at Fatima visit the Atlantic coastline and culturally interesting cities in the neighboring area. Religious and holiday tourism are especially interconnected in the United States, where many significant pilgrimage centers are lo- cated in the immediate area of large tourist attractions (Niagara Falls,

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St. Louis, Washington DC, Miami, Orlando, Salt Lake City, etc.). In Rome, where the religious sites are simultaneously significant cul- tural sites, the connection between pilgrimage and cultural tourism is especially pronounced.

Religious tourism has a strong affinity with social and group tourism as well. For many tourists today, it is very important to travel with a group of believers who think similarly and who are consequently in the same age division. In developing countries (notably within Chris- tian and Hindu faiths), family groups define the combinations of pil- grims more than friends do (Morinis 1984).

Religious tourism has political aspects as well. Numerous religious places are correspondingly national sites. Guadalupe in representation of all of Mexico and the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem for all of Judaism are two examples. August 13 has a similar significance in Fatima, Portugal, when hundreds of thousands of guest-workers from all over Europe return to their homeland. A national meeting then takes place, in celebration of all foreign-living Portuguese. At many pilgrimage sites in the recent or still totalitarian countries (such as Poland and Chile), the oppressed church and population had the opportunity to meet one another through a pilgrimage journey to discuss religious and national problems. The Saudi Arabian government attempts to keep the pilgrimage to Mecca free of political overtones in an attempt to not further endanger the Islamic world, in the midst of its numerous social systems and crises.

FORMS OF RELIGIOUS TOURISM

Historical Development and Distribution

Religiously motivated tourism is probably as old as religion itself and is consequently the oldest type of tourism. It is no exceptional feature of Christianity, but rather a worldwide phenomenon of reli- gious history (Lanczkowski 1982:150). Anthropologists and archeolo- gists have established proof of this phenomenon among tribal societies of Europe, Asia, America, and Australia in prehistorical times. Thus, the menhirs, barrows, kromlecks (i.e., Stonehenge) and the cave- dweller paintings had the same function as today’s cathedrals. They were religious centers that attracted the faithful from near and far (Roussel 1972:9).

In the Ancient world, religious tourism experienced its first upturn. Among the Celts of western central, southern, and western Europe, the holy groves and burial sites were places of great gatherings and ceremonies to which the politically active priests brought their sacrifice (Roussel 1954: 12). Among the Germanic tribes, the Irminsul and the temple of Uppsala represented regional and supraregional religious centers, respectively. At times of great festivities, Germanic tribes from all over Sweden met, for example, at Uppsala.

Among the peoples of the early high cultures, religious and political power were closely tied. The religious centers in Ancient Egypt, such as Abydos, Heliopolis, Thebes, Luxor, and Karnak, attracted hun-

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dreds and thousands of pilgrims that admitted the rulers as well. The Hittites planned annual festivals and pilgrimages together with their king, occasions for which even war campaigns were interrupted. The Assyrians worshipped their God in Aleppo and Hierapolis, where pil- grims from as far away as Arabia gathered together. The Babylonians, as well as others, worshipped the God Marduk in Babylon. There were also other holy places, such as Nippour, where pilgrims prayed for peace, or Namma, where they implored God for a long life.

While the gatherings and ceremonies of the Romans had more politi- cal, athletic, and entertaining connotations, the festivities of the Greeks show evidence of strong religious character. There were many holy mountains, groves, springs, and temples, where the faithful of the surrounding area gathered and offered gifts of thanks or begged for assistance. In addition, these were supraregional holy centers with a larger catchment area, such as in Athens, Rhodes, Ephesus, Delphi, and Olympia, where the athletic competitions also possessed a partially religious character (Roussel 1954:11-21, 1972:9-11).

Religion required the participation of Hebrews, Israelis, and Jews in the festivities in Jerusalem, where annually over one million believers gathered. According to the period of development, three major types of pilgrimage sites can be differentiated today (Shokeid 1987; Weingrod 1988): holy, mostly historical sites from Biblical times in Jerusalem and its surroundings, holy burial sites of Talmudic and Gabbalic prophets from the first and fifth centuries in Galilee, and burial sites of holy men and prophets, which were especially popular in North Africa. The visitation of biblical sites are briefer than that of other sites, lasting often only a few hours, and are less ceremonial as well.

Religious tourism obtained special meaning as an institutional form-above all, that of the pilgrimage-first in the high religions: Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity, and Islam. In Hinduism, which evolved ca. 1000 A.D. from Brahmanism, the religiously motivated journey played a large role from the very beginning. Rivers and streams, particularly the Ganges, are in the Hinduism of South Asia the most important pilgrimage goals. In uninterrupted pilgrimhood, Hindus see a means to the perfection of life. They seek in the holy places the atonement of sin, the achievement of merit, contact with the highest, and a lessening of the suffering of reincarnation (Lanczkowski 1982: 152 ff). Annually over 20 million pilgrims visit some 150 well- known holy sites (Bhardwaj 1973, 1987, 1988).

Buddhism, founded in the sixth century A.D., stresses the meaning of the pilgrimage and promises the dying pilgrim direct entrance into heavenly Nirvana. The pilgrimage sites are predominantly associated with the life of Buddha, his activities, religions, and legends. Buddhism claims significant holy sites in Sri Lanka as well (Sievers 1985; Stod- dard 1988).

The Lamaism, a special form of Buddhism practiced in Tibet, has its religious center in Lhasa. Tibet’s pilgrims seek out natural sites such as caves, springs, lakes, and mountains. Pilgrimage journeys to these sites are quite often associated with the special festivals every 12 years, at which more than 10,000 pilgrims gather.

In Buddhist China, the pilgrimage journey to holy mountains, often

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playing a role of importance similar to Taoism, is a widespread prac- tice. Because religious activities outside of temples are generally forbid- den, this type of pilgrimage journey is no longer practiced. The numer- ous temples and other pilgrimage sites in all of China were destroyed during the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s. In the past years, however, these sites have been largely restored and are open to pilgrims from China and overseas. The majority of pilgrims are Chi- nese businessmen who live abroad. With a climbing standard of living, the pilgrimage sites are becoming the objects of mass tourism for for- eign visitors, as well as for the Chinese (Eiki 1987).

In contrast to China, the pilgrimage has developed strongly in Japan in all its practiced religions: Buddhism, Shintoism, and numerous new religions (Lanczkowski 1982; Schijller 1984, 1986). Many of the old pilgrimage sites, as well as the pilgrimage round trip to 33 holy places, are not only the goals of mass tourism, but also attract true pilgrims. Behind this phenomenon lies a certain nostalgia of the past, a reawak- ening of religious interests, and the desire to escape city life (Eiki 1987). While these traditional pilgrimage centers are sought out essen- tially by “superficial mass tourism,” the centers of the new religions have developed into true pilgrimage sites at which social activities take place and where an inner bonding can be perceived (Scholler 1984, 1986). Thus, for example, the followers of the Tenrikyo continually pilgrimage to the holy shrines and to serve their belief through the expansion of Tenri (Lanczkowski 1982; Schwind 1975).

For Christianity, the place in the Holy Land associated with the meaningful events in the life and works of Jesus were the preferred sites of pilgrimages. This has particularly been the case since the end of the persecution of Christians under Constantine the Great in the fourth century. At the same time, the holy places of the martyrs in readily accessible Rome were visited. After the conquering of Jerusa- lem by the Seldschuken (1079), the pilgrims turned even more to Rome. The stream of pilgrims to Jerusalem came completely to an end after the conquest of Constantinople (1453). In its place, numerous sites in Europe appeared where pilgrims worshipped relics of all sorts. As the political situation in Italy finally prevented the pilgrimage to Rome as well, Santiago de Compostela, with its Grave of the Holy James, became the most visited pilgrimage site of the medieval West- ern World. Pilgrims of all classes flowed to this area.

Because of the political situation in Europe and its high cost of living, which were necessary for a supraregional or international pil- grimage, only an extremely small and privileged part of the entire population of the Middle Ages (and of modern times up until a few decades ago) could afford to participate in such religious journeys. For this reason, the local and regional pilgrimage centers within a diocese and within a worldly kingdom were of greater significance and enabled at that time the greatest number of all religiously motivated tourist activities.

The settlers of the New World brought over their traditions of wor- ship, so that in the Catholic regions of North America and in all of Central and South America, a closely woven network of pilgrim cen- ters lies strewn over the entire land. In the beginning, the missionaries

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simply Christianized the holy places and burial sites of the native popu- lation. Because of certain special events in the history of the mission, the worship of martyrs and other holy persons developed. More signifi- cant was the adoption of European traditions of worship and corre- sponding features (Nolan 1987; Rinschede 1990; Rinschede and Bhar- dwaj 1990). In the missionary countries of Asia and Africa, the Catholic pilgrimage sites also developed and partially built upon the traditional beliefs. The centers in Goa and Velankani, India, annually attract one million and 500,000 pilgrims, respectively; and 100,000 in both Sri Lanka (Talawila, Madhu, etc.) and the Philippines (Stirrat 1988). Christianity with its many followers -over one billion - mainly concentrated in Europe and America, has today the largest share of religious tourists in the world. Catholics and members of Protestant confessions are involved in religious touristic activities.

The various Protestant confessions also possess religious centers in Europe and North America that are a point of attraction for numerous religiously motivated visitors. New centers have been established at the studios of television churches in the United States, where thousands of believers gather in order to take part in the religious performances. The visitation of the temple within the Church of the Latter Day Saints (Mormons) represents one type of religious tourism with an international and supraregional catchment area, which, however, does not possess all the characteristics of traditional pilgrimage tourism. In 1987, there was a total of 40 Mormon temples worldwide that enabled followers of the ever-increasing Mormon church to carry out certain religious practices. The capacity of the local community meeting build- ings alone was largely insufficient. These temples are located near the Mormon communities and eliminate the otherwise necessary journey to Utah.

The prophet Mohammed incorporated many pre-Islamic practices in his teachings of Islam, among others the pilgrimage journey to Mecca (ha.). However, these rites developed into maturity within 200 years after Mohammed’s death. In pre-Islamic times, Mecca itself (which represented an important stop on the caravan route between southern Arabia and the Levant) as well as its bordering cities of Arafat, Mimi, and Mudahifah were, independently from one another, sought out by Arabic tribes as holy places of worship. Islam tied these different rites together so that the site of Mecca and its surroundings, with about two million pilgrims per year, developed into a single place ofworship that the Muslims must visit (Long 1979:3-l 1). There is a yet greater choice ofholy places in the national and supraregional catchment areas of Islam. Medina in Saudi Arabia belongs to those cities that distin- guish themselves by their significant mosques, burial sites, and Koranic schools. In addition, there is yet a series of regional and local sites in the Islamic heartland of North Africa, the Near East, and Southeast Asia that are also the goals of religious journeys (Jackowski 1987; Lanczkow- ski 1982; Martin 1987; Roussel 1954, 1972).

The followers of the Bahai religion also build large temples in all parts of the world. This was done to eliminate the dependency upon the visitation of the Bahai center in Haifa, Israel, for certain religious practices.

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As shown earlier, religious tourism is a worldwide phenomenon. It is to be found in every high religion, as well as in a number of smaller religious communities and in every cultural part of the world, certainly in differing significance and influence. The author estimates that there are 200 million pilgrims alone who take part in international, national, and supraregional pilgrimage journeys alone. In addition, there is the yet uncounted number of travelers who annually gather at the regional religious centers or at religious ceremonies and conferences and who are not often counted as pilgrims.

Forms of Religious Tourism Today

A brief systematic overview of the different forms of religious tour- ism would shed more light on this subject. The forms can be differenti- ated according to the criteria of length of stay: either short-term with- out an overnight stay or long-term with overnight stay of at least one day.

Short-term religious tourism. Short-term religious tourism distinguishes itself by spatially limited travel over short distances. The goal of such tourism is to go to a religious center with local, regional, or suprare- gional catchment area (pilgrimage sites) or to participate in a religious celebration, a religious conference, or a church meeting.

The German term Wallfhrt (pilgrimage) may be used here because the distances involved are small in both space and time. The German term Pilgerfahrt (pilgrimage journey) implies the crossing of greater distances over a longer period of time. Local Wal2fahrt sites, which are located in the immediate neighborhood of the pilgrims, are sought out, as a rule, only several times per year by the pilgrims. The parish priest offers any additional necessary religious services. An additional infrastructure, which extends beyond that of the normal community or city, is neither available nor is it necessary. Today, as in earlier times, the distance to the pilgrimage site is covered on foot in a proces- sion over paths across the fields. Seldom does one employ an automo- bile or public transportation. At regional Wallfahrt centers, with a larger catchment area, the number of annual pilgrims lies in the tens of thousands. The church no longer has any other function except that of a pilgrimage church. It is, nevertheless, spiritually administrated from the nearby parish. A corresponding infrastructure such as park and picnic places, restaurant, and religious article shops are on loca- tion. Of all transportational means, pilgrims travel least of all on foot, especially on certain ceremonial days of holy persons. Up to 500,000 believers annual seek out supraregional Wallfhrt centers that extend be- yond the catchment area of the diocese. Most of these pilgrims travel by car or bus, even where the traditional foot journey is preserved. The influence of pilgrimage tourism is apparent in population and settlement development, as well as in the function of facilities: the religious center, the inns, the restaurants, and several religious article shops.

In addition to the pilgrimage, there is yet another form of religiously motivated tourism. It can be characterized through the visitation of religious ceremonies and conferences that take place annually, or as a

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jubilee at regular intervals. Diocese festivals have a permanent ceremo- nial location-mostly in the bishop’s city. However, conferences of church organizations and associations, as well as provincial church meetings, have a changing location. As a result of the single gathering of at times several hundred thousand believers at religious festivities of changing locations, the economic influence on the city is not determin- able. The influences are only evident for a period of time, especially in the form of heavy traffic, employment of special trains and buses, and provision of parking places, festival tents, and other necessary facilities.

Long-term religious tourism. Long-term religious tourism involves visits to religious centers for several days or weeks. It does not limit itself to the visitation of national and international pilgrimage sites (and so merely representing a mere extension of Wullfahrt tourism); rather, it includes the visitation of other national and international religious centers.

Significant pilgrimage centers began mostly as local and regional pilgrimage sites. This can be demonstrated by the example of Lourdes, which has developed since its beginning as a pilgrimage site in the middle of the nineteenth century into an international pilgrimage cen- ter (Nolan and Nolan 1989; Rinschede 1985). Such centers are sought out by one to ten million pilgrims every year. Fluctuations are gener- ally subject to increases during special ceremonies and jubilees or to decreases due to political upheaval, recession, and war. Rome and Mecca are distinct international pilgrimage centers. They hold a spe- cial position among the world churches as a result of the pilgrimage journey that is at times required of believers. While in Mecca only true pilgrims gather, as access is denied to those of other persuasions, in Rome, in addition to the 10 million pilgrimage tourists, countless numbers of holiday, cultural, sport, economic, and political tourists gather. Lourdes with its four million visitors is the most apt compari- son to Mecca, because in Lourdes hardly any other important func- tions are available or even possible. This consequence results largely from the city’s direct and indirect dependency upon pilgrimage tour- ism. Fatima has a similar international catchment area, but with the character of a national religious center, as is evident from the large number of Portuguese visitors. Guadalupe possesses an international character because of the worship of its saint in all of America; yet it remains, as a national holy place, the goal of national pilgrimages. This is the case, because, as in Mexico, every other country in Latin America possesses a similar national pilgrimage site. The Hindu site of Benares on the Ganges River is of tremendous national importance. It is generally assumed that the water is exceptionally holy (Singh and Singh 1987). The city of Jerusalem is of international importance for several world religions. It unifies the holy sites of Jews, Muslims, and Christians within its walls.

There are visits to national or international religious centers, fes- tivals and conferences that do not possess the character of a pilgrim- age journey. The International Annual Conference of the Mormon

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Church in Salt Lake City (which takes place at Temple Square with participants from all over the world) serves as an example. The visita- tion of various Mormon temples, of which there are presently 40 worldwide, can also be categorized within this form of religious tour- ism. Similarly, the temple in Frankfurt-Friedrichsdorf (founded in 1987) cares for believers in all of Germany, Holland, Belgium, Luxem- bourg, France, and Denmark.

Organizational Forms of Religious Tourism

For a further understanding and as an explanation for the phenome- non of religious tourism, even more organizational forms must be systematized according to certain definitive characteristics. These characteristics may include number of participants, means of transpor- tation, season, and demographic data.

Number of participants. Every type of tourism (classified by motivation) has a social aspect, which culturally, politically, or religiously moti- vated holiday-seeking travelers build upon. Individual travel enables the tourist to follow his or her interests and wishes, to choose travel goals and routes, and to prepare independently. Travel with family and friends in a private vehicle or with public transportation makes organization and social contacts easier.

In religious tourism, the person traveling alone (individual tourism) represents the minority. This has been shown in studies of pilgrims in Lourdes, Fatima, and Loreto, as well as in the United States, Canada, and Mexico. Studies of three pilgrimage sites in West Bengal, India, confirm these results. Of 1,537 pilgrims surveyed, only 11% were traveling alone, while 65% came with family members (family tour- ism), 12 % with friends, and a further 12 % with organized groups (group tourism) (Morinis 1984).

The number of large and small groups of organized pilgrims in Lourdes lay at 29% (R inschede 1985). Despite this small percentage, organized groups are of special significance. They make themselves noticeable, require special facilities, and, because they are registered, they are statistically easier to record. In the Christian religions, pil- grimage groups are often organized by the parishes, diocese, youth groups, schools, or senior clubs. In Hinduism, many are organized by factories, the government administration, and societies. More- over, there are travel agencies of all types on both local and region- al levels that have a share in the organization of religiously oriented trips. The largest church travel organization in the German-speaking area is the Bavarian Pilgrim Agency. Since 1950, it has carried out 6,000 religiously oriented journeys with approximately 600,000 parti- cipants. Of these, 6% traveled to Spain and Portugal, 6% to Switzer- land and Austria, 23 $% to Rome, 33 % to France, and 9% to the Holy Land. Recently, this author estimates, the number of trips to the Holy Land have taken a sharp plunge, while the number of trips to France (Lourdes) and Portugal (Fatima), and also overseas, have increased.

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Means of transportation. Until the middle of the nineteenth century, pilgrimages all over the world traveled on foot, often in combination with a mount or a ship. Today, the foot pilgrimage still exists in all re- gions and cultural hemispheres. It is often employed at Christian pilgrimage sites in South and Central America, in Tibet, Southeast Asia, on the Indian subcontinent, and in Europe. Thus, for example, in 1987, 37,414 pilgrims (5%) to Altotting, Bavaria, arrived on foot. The largest concentration of these foot travelers came from within a 25-km radius. However, some also came from a 50-150-km radius with overnight stays. In Lourdes and Fatima, foot pilgrims are fre- quent. In the pilgrimage centers of North America (with the excep- tion of Chimayo, New Mexico, which is frequented by Indians and Mexican-Americans), there are no foot pilgrims whatsoever. Even to- day, pilgrims from West Africa reach the holy city Mecca on foot using the land route (with the exception, of course, of the crossing of the Red Sea). Of these, 3-4,000 pilgrims, predominantly Hausa (55%), Fulfulde (20%), and Kasuri (10%) come from the savanna between Lake Chad and Senegal (i.e., essentially from Nigeria and Niger). This pilgrimage journey to Mecca lasts on the average five years, while the return journey often lasts three. At times, 25-30 years are required. The length of the pilgrimage journey indicates that few pilgrims travel alone and that most pilgrims travel as family groups (Birks 1975; Works 1976).

The ships’ passage was often combined with the foot pilgrimage, as during the Middle Ages to the Holy Land or to Santiago de Compost- ela. The English and the Irish reached France by ship in order to continue their journey on foot along the famous St. James’ path over the Pyrenees and through northern Spain. There was a similar combi- nation at the beginning of the century for travelers from the British Islands to Lourdes. The ship’s passage is of special significance for those Mecca-bound pilgrims from Southeast Asia. In 1967, travel by ship began to be displaced by the increasing air travel and today retains a mere 20% share (Long 1979).

The development of the train (rail tourism) played a large role in the increase of the number of pilgrims and in the extension of the catchment area. In Lourdes, train travel (which began in 1866), car- ried a share of about 30% annually, including special trains for the ill. Until the First World War, it was possible for at least a decade to travel to Mecca with the newly built Hedscha line. In India as, for example, in Allahabad, new train stations were built in order to accom- modate the millions of pilgrims at the time of the religious festivities of Mela Kumb (Deffontaines 1948). Gradually, the automobile replaced the train as a means of reaching pilgrimage destinations. In North America, train travel played a modest roll with respect to numerous pilgrimage sites up until the 1950s. In 1987, in Altotting and, in 1984, in Kevelaer, only 5% ( or 35,000) and 3.8% (or 20,000), respectively, of the total visitors arrived by train.

The most important methods of transportation in the framework of religious tourism are the bus and the automobile, and in developing countries the truck as well (car tourism). Since the 192Os, and espe- cially since the Second World War, there has been a dramatic increase

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in car tourism. According to the location, pilgrimage sites in Western industrial countries have a percentage of an automobile transport of 60- 100 % - Lourdes 62 %, Fatima about 90 % , Altotting 90 % , Keve- laer 92% (Rinschede 1985, 1988, 1989). Various pilgrimage sites in the United States and in Canada have almost 100% (Rinschede 1990). Mecca, however, has a percentage of only 30%. Organized pilgrimage journeys tend to be made predominantly by bus and less by auto- mobile.

Since the Second World War, air tourism has come onto the scene (Lourdes in 1940, Mecca in about 1950). In Lourdes, the percentage of pilgrims arriving by air lay at nearly 10 % in 1987, in Mecca at 33 % in 1980. Among the foreign pilgrims who visited Mecca in 1980 60% (813,000), of the pilgrims arrived by air (Rinschede 1989).

Seasonal patterns. Religious tourism is bound to a certain seasonality, even when some religious sites can be visited throughout the entire year. Important influential factors are religious ceremonies and com- memoration days, as well as the climatic location of the pilgrimage site and the work calendar of the rural population. Religious ceremonies and commemoration days certainly play a large roll, if not the decisive roll in the seasonal emphasis of pilgrimage tourism. For example, within two to three weeks during the pilgrimage month (three months after Ramadan), 1.5 million pilgrims go to Mecca in order to take part in the 12-day haj. High points of Christian pilgrimage sites are often the days of apparitions and other saints’ days. Thus, the days of the apparitions in Fatima on the 13th of each month (from May to October); in Lourdes, the Wreath of Roses festival in October; and in Guadalupe, the 12th of December represent high points in the pilgrim stream. The religious commemoration days first become significant when they occur at a convenient time of year. Thus, the very signifi- cant date (the 11 th of February, the day of apparition of Maria at Lourdes) hardly attracts pilgrims because of the inconvenient winter season (Figure 1).

Seen as a whole, the pilgrim season in the northern latitudes is limited to the summer months of April/May to October, because pil- grim activities often take place in the open air (summer tourism). According to latitudinal location and facilities of the pilgrimage sites, there is absolutely no pilgrimage tourism in, for example, Ste. Anne- de-Beaupre, Quebec, and Auriesville, New York. Otherwise, there is a sharply reduced visitation as, for example, in Washington DC (Na- tional Shrine). In the subtropics of the United States, the high season is during the winter months (as, e.g., in San Juan, in New Orleans, or in Orlando and Miami). In the southern hemisphere pilgrims take advantage of the corresponding seasons as well. The summer holiday months influence pilgrimage tourism in that the population pursues almost exclusively holiday activities, especially where the pilgrimage journey can be easily connected with holiday and educational func- tions, such as tourist attractions in the immediate area of the pilgrim- age site (Niagara Falls, Walt Disney World, etc.) (Rinschede 1990). On the other hand, the holiday month of August may also keep many holiday seekers away from such pilgrimage sites. Also the farmer’s

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Pilgnms

I

Figure 1. Number of Pilgrims in Organized Groups to Loreto, Italy in 1987

Source: Information from the Pilgrim’s Office

work calendar has an influence on the pilgrimage season. Thus, few pilgrims from the vineyards of France come to Lourdes during the harvest months. The periods of religious tourism that are centered around congresses and Church days are set by the church administra- tion, but are certainly also influenced by traditional commemoration days, the holiday season, and climatic conditions.

Social structure. The stream of religiously motivated tourists can be ana- lyzed and differentiated by aspects of its social structure. The distribu- tion of the sexes among pilgrims in the various world religions differs widely. In Lourdes, there is a strong representation of women (69% in 1978) -partly because of the special characteristic of Lourdes as the pilgrimage site of Maria. However, such a similar predominance of women can be found not only in all sites of Maria in West Europe and North America, but also in all Catholic pilgrimage sites (Rinschede 1985, 1990). W omen participants predominate also at Catholic church meetings. Of all participants, 56% were women at the Catholic Church convention in Munich in 1984 (personal communication, Zen- tralkomitee der Deutschen Katholiken, Bonn). The distribution of the sexes in the three West Bengalese Hindu pilgrimage sites (Tarakeswar, Navadvip, and Tarapith) showed in comparison a slight predomi- nance, 53%) of men (Morinis 1984). In Mecca, the predominance of men is even more pronounced (65 %), which is certainly a result of the social position ofwomen in the Islamic world and religion (Long 1979).

Similar differences can be found in the age of the pilgrims. In Lourdes, those under 25 years of age totaled only 34%) in contrast to West Bengal (10.4%). In L ourdes, the percentage of pilgrims over 60 lies at 39 % (senior tourism), in West Bengal at only 7.9 % (Long 1979). At German church meetings, a completely different picture

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than that at the pilgrimage sites becomes evident -more definitively than in preceding decades. At the Catholic Church convention in Mu- nich in 1984, 74.1% of the participants were under 25 years of age (youth tourism). Those between 25 and 60 years of age represented only 17.4%) and merely 3 % were 60 or older (personal communica- tion, Zentralkomitee der Deutschen Katholiken, Bonn).

The socioprofessional structure of organized pilgrims in Lourdes shows that those independently employed, as well as persons with a higher education, are not well represented. Certain religious activities and forms of expression, for example, the pilgrimage journey, tend to diminish in proportion to a rising standard of living. Pilgrims from the rural areas of France are represented rather heavily. In Hinduism, the high castes (Brahman inclusive) are well represented in contrast to those of the lower castes. Certainly, this differs from site to site. By no means should the pilgrimage structure be seen as a direct reflection of the social structure of the catchment area. The very small percentage of the rural population who can make a pilgrimage journey in winter is astonishing (Bhardwaj 1973; Morinis 1984).

Influence of [email protected] Tourism on Development

The visitation of religious ceremonies, church meetings, and other religious conferences and organized activities-which may take place annually or as jubilee at regular intervals of several years and at addi- tionally changing locations - have hardly any determinable influence on the development of the population, settlement, or economy of the religious centers. As a rule, relatively few persons take part in such activities in comparison to the constant stream of pilgrims that flow seasonally or throughout the entire year to regular pilgrimage sites. Fewer than 100,000 persons take part in the Church meetings in Ger- many, which take place every two to four years. In contrast, several million pilgrims gather annually at many pilgrimage sites.

The annual stream of pilgrims, however, has a large influence on the population development of the pilgrimage site. Lourdes, since its beginning as pilgrimage site (1858), has experienced a constant popu- lation growth (in contrast to other cities at the edge of the Pyrenees), from 4,155 to about 18,000 inhabitants (1990). Other pilgrimage cities have sprung from the open countryside under the influence of the pilgrimage stream and have developed rapidly- such as Loreto, a city of 10,500 inhabitants, or Fatima (Cova da Iria), founded in 1917, today a town of 3,000 inhabitants. The population growth stems mainly from the arrival of workers from the surrounding area, who hope to offer their services to the pilgrims (Rinschede 1985, 1988). Other cities, which depend exclusively on the pilgrimage trade and which have an international catchment area, are even larger. Today, Mecca boasts nearly 400,000 inhabitants and Varanasi over 600,000. Mecca and Varanasi are pilgrimage cities that experience population growth because of required workers and service personnel. However, the primary factor explaining the population increase over the long term is the settlement of the pilgrims themselves. Thus, Mecca has developed (as have Medina and Jidda) into a cosmopolitan city in

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the Islamic world. In some instances, pilgrims wish to remain only temporarily, because they must earn money for the return journey to their native country. Many, however, never return and settle perma- nently. At the beginning of the 196Os, 19% of Mecca’s population did not possess Saudi Arabian citizenship. Half of the remainder were not of Saudi Arabian descent. Today, the current of settling pilgrims has been effectively reduced by control measures-every arriving pilgrim must show a return ticket (Long 1979).

The development of settlement and economy of the pilgrimage cities is closely tied to the rapid population growth. In the well-known cities of Lourdes, Fatima, and Loreto, there were initially no great difficul- ties. Later the development was strictly planned. The core of the new city or the district became the religious center, usually surrounded by an open place where the pilgrims could gather. A number of other religiously oriented establishments (such as monasteries and hospitals, souvenir shops, travel agencies, parking lots, and a train station) surrounded this holy district, which was initially free of commercial activities (Figure 2). For the needs of the pilgrims, various economic branches establish themselves, as in all tourist sites, in addition to the various religious facilities. In 1987, in Fatima, there was a total of 52 various religious communities with about 500 persons and several hundred seminarists. Lourdes had 370 hotels in 1987, Fatima over 37, and Mecca only 4 (because the pilgrims generally stayed in large tent cities or simply in the open air). Many religious souvenir shops are located near the hotels. In Lourdes alone, there were 300 businesses in 1980 and in Fatima 192 in 1987. In the pilgrimage cities of developing countries, a large number of traveling salesmen arrive during the reli-

Figure 2. Religious Sites, Accommodation Facilities, and

Religious Souvenir Shops in Lourdes, France

Source: Author’s Fieldnotes

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gious holidays. On the whole, the economy of an entire city and its surroundings (Fatima and Lourdes) and sometimes of an entire coun- try (Mecca in Saudi Arabia) can be influenced by the pilgrim stream. Until the end of the Second World War, when the oil industry devel- oped dramatically, the income produced by the Mecca pilgrims was the backbone of Saudi Arabian economy. Today, one supposes that the government of Saudi Arabia directly or indirectly spends more on the Mecca pilgrims than it earns from them (Long 1979).

CONCLUSIONS

Religious tourism is tied, more than one would expect, to other types of tourism, especially to holiday and cultural tourism, and social and group tourism. In history, religious journeys always were multi- functional journeys, even when the religious factors seemed to domi- nate. However, in modern societies, the religious motivation seems to be less important than in ancient societies. Therefore, those pilgrimage sites will flourish most that are located in the immediate area of large tourist attractions.

Because of increased mobility, smaller religious sites with original local or regional catchment areas will lose significance and finally cease to exist, whereas larger sites with supraregional, national, and interna- tional catchment areas will gain significance. The development and expansion of religious centers will mainly occur in areas with favorable travel connections near large agglomerations.

Other various factors, such as increase in piety, shift of religious activities from daily or weekly services with local catchment areas to more periodical or episodical activities with regional, national, and international catchment areas, suggest further increase in pilgrim and religious tourist numbers. The elderly will take a particularly active part in leisure activities, searching new social contacts and fields of activity in the religious sphere as well.

Among the organizational forms of religious tourism, car and espe- cially air tourism will increase in the future. Because of its close con- nection to leisure activities, religious tourism is bound to a certain seasonality and will, therefore, mostly be summer tourism.

Religious tourism influences the development of the population, settlement, and economy at religious centers. The visitation of reli- gious conferences has hardly any determinable influence on the reli- gious site in contrast to the seasonal or even constant flow of pilgrims to larger pilgrimage places. Because of the increasing mobility of pil- grims, their spatial impact will probably change in the future. There will be less hotels or restaurants in the immediate vicinity of the reli- gious sites and more in their surrounding cities and countryside. 0 Cl

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Submitted 15 December 1990 Accepted 1 July 1991 Refereed anonymously