Foiling the Pirates: The Preparation and Publication of Andreas Vesalius's De HUMANI CORPORIS FABRICA

Foiling the Pirates: The Preparation and Publication of Andreas Vesalius's De HUMANICORPORIS FABRICAAuthor(s): Harry ClarkSource: The Library Quarterly, Vol. 51, No. 3 (Jul., 1981), pp. 301-311Published by: The University of Chicago PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4307369 .

Accessed: 12/06/2014 20:29

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to TheLibrary Quarterly.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 185.44.78.76 on Thu, 12 Jun 2014 20:29:33 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ucpress

http://www.jstor.org/stable/4307369?origin=JSTOR-pdf

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


FOILING THE PIRATES: THE PREPARATION AND PUBLICATION OF ANDREAS VESALIUS'S

DE HUMANI CORPORIS FABRICA

Harry Clark

The plates showing the skeletal and muscular structure of the human body in Vesalius's De humani corporis fabrica have won recognition for the work as the cornerstone of modern anatomy. Vesalius's decision to have blocks for the illustrations cut in Venice and sent over the Alps to a printer in Basel, Johannes Oporinus, demands explanation, as Venice was an established printing center. Writers advancing reasons that Vesalius chose Basel have stressed the restrictive laws of Venice versus the relative freedom of Basel as well as Vesalius's confidence in Oporinus, whose work was well known to him. Venetian laws were se- vere, but enforcement was lax, and Basel was far from granting real freedom of the press. Though Vesalius expressed confidence in one letter to Oporinus, he reserved the right to give the work to others if Oporinus did not satisfy him. No writer has stressed either Vesalius's almost obsessive concern with piracy or Basel's superb location vis-a-vis both Italian and French and German markets. Books produced in Basel could reach critical northern European markets quickly and enjoy a reasonable period of sale before pirated copies could be marketed. Vesalius wanted the Fabrica to make a reputation for him. High quality in production and speed in distribution were vital for that reputation.

With the development of photosetting, offset printing, and jet trans- portation, there is nothing remarkable in publishing a book with illus- trative plates made in one city that has been printed and bound in another city, hundreds (or thousands) of miles away. Four hundred years ago, such a process of assemblage was arduous enough to make the present-day student of printing history ask what factors would lead to such a course.

Andreas Vesalius's De humani corporisfabrica (hereafter Fabrica) is the product of such an assemblage. One of the great scientific books of the sixteenth century and the foundation stone of the study of anatomy, the Fabrica was published in Basel in 1543 by Johannes Oporinus with illustrations designed and cut specifically for the book in Venice.

[Library Quarterly, vol. 51, no. 3, pp. 301-31 11 ? 1981 by The University of Chicago. 0024-2519/81/5103-0003$01.00

301



302 THE LIBRARY QUARTERLY

The illustrations to the Fabrica depict human anatomy more completely and accurately than any previous work. They are the cul- mination of a revolution in medical illustration from the stylization characteristic of medieval scholastic models to realism. Illustrated medical texts published up to the second decade of the sixteenth century show the viscera arranged within the body cavity in a formal pattern. Neither the arrangement nor the relative sizes and shapes of the organs bear any relationship to reality. They are copies of traditional con- ventionalized drawings in medieval manuscripts. In 1517 an illustration-bearing no relation to tradition-showing a cadaver with the body cavity opened and exposing the viscera in natural size and realistic arrangement was published in Lorenz Phryes's Spiegel der Artzny. Other writers on anatomy were attracted by the ability of woodcut illustrations to convey precisely the same information through thousands of copies and began to abandon traditional models. Natu- ralistic illustrations appear in the Commentaria and Isagogae of Beren- gario da Carpi in 1521 and 1522 and the Anatomia of Dryander in 1537 [1, pp. 65-66, 80, 85].

No one, however, presented the combination of artistic skill and large scale that Vesalius and his artists employed. The most striking of the illustrations in the Fabrica are a series of full-page engravings showing three skeletons in dramatic poses and fourteen frontal and dorsal views of a human body during successive stages of a dissection of the muscles, beginning with the flayed body and terminating with those muscles closest to the bone. The skeletons show front, side, and back views of the human frame in attitudes of appeal, contemplation, or mourning. The flayed figures bend, stretch, kick, point, and roll their heads in a danse macabre designed to show clearly the flexion and tension of the muscles depicted. In the later plates, flaps of exterior muscles, detached at one end and hanging from the knees, shoulders, and wrists of the figures, indicate clearly what has been removed to show the deeper muscles.

These "musclemen" are regarded as unexcelled for clarity and beauty of execution. They were prepared under Vesalius's direction and at his expense-probably by Jan Stefan von Kelkar, a student of Titian's [2, vol. 6, p. 461n.]-cut on pearwood blocks by an unknown engraver in Venice, and shipped to Oporinus in Basel over the Swiss mountain passes on muleback [3, pp. 130-31; 4, pp. 75-79].

Andreas Vesalius was a cosmopolitan. Born in 1514 in Brussels, he was the son of a physician in the train of the emperor Maximilian. He was educated in medicine at the Universities of Louvain and of Paris until 1536. While still a student, he was employed to dissect cadavers during anatomy classes for professors. According to the then-current academic practice, the professor seated himself above the operating theater and read aloud from a book, while barber-surgeons or other skilled assistants



VESALIUS'S DE HUMANI CORPORIS FABRICA 303

cut the body and exposed and displayed the placement and features of the organs discussed. Neither the professor who taught nor the pupil who witnessed the lesson touched the body; consequently, no one saw the interrelationship of its parts as closely as the dissector. Vesalius was disturbed by conflicts between what was read and what he saw.

Medicine at that time was dominated by the writings of Galen, a Greek physician of the second century. Avicenna and other Arab physicians had contributed to the literature and practice during the Middle Ages, but, with the revival of Greek, Galenism gained in strength. A large portion of medical literature consisted of comments on Galen or elab- orations based on his ideas. Vesalius's earliest writing compared the therapy of Rhazes, an Arab physician, with the medicine of the Greeks as set down by Galen. This work, Paraphrasis in nonum librum Rhazae medici Arabis clariss. ad regem Almansorem, was published in the same year in which Vesalius was examined at the University of Padua and invited to take a position on the faculty-the chair in surgery and anatomy [3, pp. 69-70, 75-77]. As a professor, he stepped down from the platform and continued to do dissections himself, bringing students to his side so that they might observe more closely [3, p. 81].

During his first year at Padua, he became acquainted with Kelkar, and the two men worked together on a manual for medical students, the Tabulae anatomicae. The Tabulae contained 6 large woodcuts of anatomy done by Vesalius himself and Kelkar. The work was published at Kel- kar's expense by Bernardinus Vitalis in Venice (April 1538) and was immediately popular with students. Within the next three years, woodcuts from the Tabulae were pirated in anatomical works published in five cities of the empire and in Paris: Augsburg, 1539 and 1540, by de Necker; Strasbourg, from 1541 to 1551 (in 3 works for a total of 10 editions), by Ryff; Marburg and Frankfurt, beginning in 1541, by Dryander (4 editions); Cologne, 1539, by Aegidius Macrolios; and Paris 1538-39, possibly by Wechel [4, pp. 16-32]. (Most of the compilers borrowed cuts freely from earlier books than the Tabulae as well.) Kelkar and Vesalius, of course, received nothing from the pirated editions. The problem was not new. Vesalius complained in his preface to the Tabulae about printers who ran off poor copies of sketches that he had distrib- uted to his pupils before he could have them printed himself [5, p. 167].

The Tabulae, which may have served students as a kind of syllabus, was tremendously popular. The realism and accuracy of the illustrations added the explanatory power of pictures to words, but the Tabulae was primarily for classroom use. In order to present his discoveries more fully to the world, Vesalius needed to write a much more comprehensive work. To realize profit from such a work, he needed to have it distrib- uted more rapidly so that piracies would not rob him of sales. As he had been in Paris between September 1533 and the summer of 1536, he may




have been aware of the major anatomy, De dissectione partium corporis humani III (hereafter Dissectione) being prepared by Charles Estienne and Estienne de la Riviiere, as the first woodcuts for the work must have been completed at this time. Whether this work inspired his own or not, he must have wanted to reach the market first. Publication of the Dissectione was held up by litigation beginning in 1539, and the Fabrica was published before the suit between the authors was settled in 1545 [1, pp. 87-881.

Vesalius was well satisfied with the work of the artist who did the illustrations for the Tabulae. In his Venesection Letter he stated that "if bodies become available and Joannes Stephanus, the distinguished con- temporary artist, does not refuse his services, I shall certainly undertake that task [of publication]" [3, p. 124]. The naturalism and sophistication of the art of Titian and his followers as well as the draftsmanship of the Venetian block cutters were important to the success of the work Ve- salius wanted to publish. Titian was the leading artist of the time; Ger- man art was suffering under the impact of religious warfare. Probably the mastery of form and motion displayed in the engravings of the "musclemen" could have been achieved in no other European studio.

Publication of the work in Venice would seem to have been logical also. Since the last decade of the preceding century, Venice had led Europe in the number of titles printed each year. The Giunta family, leading Venetian printers, produced 11 editions of Galen between 1522 and 1625. Venice is close to Padua, site of a university and medical school-a promising market for the book Vesalius was intent on writing. However, a combination of declining quality and increasing regulation tended to make publishing in Venice unattractive.

The Venetian Senate had attempted to arrest a perceived decline in printing quality in 1517 by abolishing existing privileges so that printers had to reapply for permits to publish. Again, in 1533, the senate acted to insure that printers should publish their books within a year of receiving privilege to print them, and in 1537 the senate imposed penalties (fines and loss of privilege) for the use of poor-quality paper. Censorship laws had also been enacted by the Council of Ten, executive leaders of the Venetian Republic. In 1526 the council passed a law demanding the licensing of new works and providing for prepublication examination by two censors appointed by the council. The law was passed in response to the complaint of the monks of San Francisco della Vigna against Cynthio degli Fabritii's book, The Origin of Vulgar Proverbs, which had received a copyright from the Venetian Senate, apparently because the book had not been examined before licensing [6, pp. 73-78].

Publishers of slight, ephemeral, or underground literature could af- ford to ignore these regulations. Their market was enormous but their




sales appeal quickly over. T he law did not set down procedures for enforcement, and a large number of books were published without privileges. Postpublication censorship occurred rarely and only in response to pressure on the heads of the Council of Ten to punish an offending author or publisher [7, p. 71]. Not until 1543, the year of the publication of the Fabrica, was an agency, the Esecutori contra la bes- temmia, placed in charge of punishing presses for violating the law. During the 1540s, the Esecutori levied penalties for press offenses only three times; the cases involved heretical or lascivious books, and punishment consisted of small fines rather than the heavy fines and flogging enjoined by the law [7, p. 80]. Vesalius had little to fear from Venetian censorship, but the delay involved in waiting for a censor to read and puzzle over the text before granting a privilege, with the consequent potential for leaks to unauthorized printers in and out of Venice, would be highly undesirable. Moreover, as Vesalius had learned following the publication of the Tabulae, Venetian privilege meant nothing outside the borders of the Venetian Republic.

Distribution of the work from Venice would be slow and difficult, too. The northern European markets were important, but Venice no longer sent galleys to Antwerp as she had during the late medieval period. The most practical route between northern Italy and Germany was by way of the Swiss mountain passes and the Rhine. The passes were still free of the glaciers which would close them at the century's end, and trade between Italy and Germany was brisk [8, pp. 186-87]. The journey over the Alps by pack mule took about five weeks, however, and carrying a great number of folio volumes by pack mule would have been costly and inefficient. A single rider carrying a book to a printer in Strasbourg or Cologne could easily outdistance such a pack train and hurt Vesalius's sales and reputation by bringing out a hasty, cheap copy to preempt the market.

If not Venice, where? Other northern Italian cities suffered the same disadvantages of location, and German printing centers like Cologne and Strasbourg were far from the Italian market. An intermediate location for publishing and distributing the book was required; the city of Basel with its burgeoning printing industry offered such a location.

Basel, situated at the head of the navigable portion of the Rhine, had long been a center for trade between Italy and Germany. It had also been a center of liberal religious ferment for more than a century- having been, between 1431 and 1448, the site of a council of churchmen that asserted its authority as superior to the pope's and attempted to depose and replace the reigning pontiff [9, pp. 66, 68-69]. The attempt failed and the conciliar movement ended, but Basel remained free spirited, a center for German humanism. Humanism throve in the




university (founded in 1462) and in the shops of leading printers. At- tracted by Basel's respect and love for learning, Erasmus came to the city and worked as editor for the printer Johann Froben.

The Reformation brought fresh religious conflict, for Basel was a bishopric, although its government had been in the hands of a council of burgesses and guild members since 1275 [10, vol. 1, pp. 33-34]. Oecolampadius, a follower of Zwingli, had come to preach in the city in 1522 and rapidly attracted a following. In 1523, Oecolampadius helped arrange the retirement of the bishop to Porrentruy and continued to arrange public debates on religion. After a brief period of religious toleration, in 1529 the city council recognized Protestantism as the exclu- sive religion [11, pp. 154-55].

Although Oecolampadius envisioned a truly evangelical government, he did not succeed in Basel as Calvin did in Geneva. Church leaders did not play an important part in government, although the civil government did enforce the tenets of the church. The council moved strongly against nonconformists, particularly among the peasantry in the estates surrounding the city, sentencing many to prison or the pillory; but intolerance was normal in the religious upheaval of the period. During 1530-31, three death sentences were carried out-fewer than in Zurich or Berne. No further executions for religious reasons are on record [ 12, pp. 23-26].

The council had also censored books as early as 1524, when it passed an ordinance setting up a commission of three-a burgomaster, a guild master, and the city clerk-to inspect all books to be printed in Basel. All books passed by the council had to bear the name of the printer. In 1542, a specific penalty of 100 gulden was assessed to the printer if he failed to show a copy of the book that was to be printed to a councilman or deputy before the actual printing took place [13, p. 61]. The law seems to be concerned as much with privilege as with censorship. There were no laws addressed to poor-quality printing.

Although Erasmus left Basel for a few years in 1529, the city's location on a principal route between the universities of Italy and the great book fairs of France and Germany continued to attract scholars to its printing establishments as well as to its university. A book printed in Basel could be edited by scholars, find a ready local market, and be on sale in Strasbourg, Frankfurt, and Cologne before a pirated rival edition could be completely set in type.

To get to Basel from Venice, the blocks for Vesalius's plates would have to travel over the Gothard Pass, a journey of several weeks with the constant possibility of damage. The risk, however, could be minimized by careful packing, and the blocks would make a smaller, less costly package than a full edition of several hundred folios. Though privilege




to print granted in Basel covered little territory, imperial privilege could be obtained to cover Germany, the Netherlands, and Spain, all part of the Holy Roman Empire of Charles V.

Vesalius in his travels had visited the city and had two early works, the second edition of the Paraphrasis (1537) and his Venesection Letter (1539) published there by Robert Winter. Winter was at the time in partnership with Oporinus, his brother-in-law. Both had previously been involved with Thomas Platter and Balthasar Lasius in a larger firm. Winter had technical skill, and Oporinus knew Latin and Greek and had training in medicine. Oporinus was probably responsible for editing and reading proofs on the volumes. Oporinus founded his own press in 1542, and it was to Oporinus that Vesalius turned when he was ready to have the Fabrica printed. There are no -letters in Oporinus's surviving correspondence to indicate that the two men were in contact before 1542, so it is not possible to say who initiated the proposal to print the Fabrica in Oporinus's shop [14, pp. 11-12, 35-36].

Johannes Oporinus, before becoming a printer, had been a professor of Latin and Greek at the University of Basel. The son of an artist, Hans Herbst, he had early contact with Erasmus and Froben, who ordered sketches for illustrations and initials from his father. After some schooling and a short period as teacher in a Lucerne seminary, he returned to further study in Basel and to work as a copyist for Froben. Study, work, and further association with Erasmus and his circle stimu- lated the youth to change his name from Herbst ("autumn") to its Greek equivalent, Oporinus. (Such changes were common among scholars of the period.)

In 1526, Oporinus secured what appeared to be a choice post, amanuensis to Paracelsus, the celebrated German physician and metaphysicist. Paracelsus had come to Basel, assuaged a piercing pain in Froben's foot, and accepted the post of town physician with a lectureship at the university. As Oporinus hoped at the time to become a physician, this association seemed promising to him. Unfortunately, Paracelsus lost favor in Basel because of a seeming lack of classical background, and, after Froben died, a quarrel with the Basel court of law caused him to flee in February 1528. According to Oporinus, who followed him to Colmar, Paracelsus drank heavily in the taverns, then returned to his quarters to dictate rapidly and almost incomprehensibly to his secretary or, in depression, to duel with unseen specters, while Oporinus cowered in his cot in fear of the recklessly slashing blade.

Oporinus terminated the taxing relationship and returned to Basel, where he resumed teaching, securing a post as teacher of Latin at the university in 1533. In 1537, he was made professor of Greek and dean of the Collegium Sapientae, a recently established college of liberal arts. He




held these posts until 1539, when the requirement that a professor possess a doctorate caused him to resign. He had entered the partnership with Platter, Lasius, and Winter in 1536, and from 1539 on he aggressively sought manuscripts from the scholar friends he had made as a professor.

Works from his press bore a high reputation for scrupulous, scholarly editing, and he refused to be deterred from publishing a work for fear of censorship. In 1542, Oporinus applied for permission to publish Theodor Bibliander's Latin translation of the Koran-the first time that the Muslim holy book had been presented to Europe. There was an immediate outcry against the proposal, and Oporinus was briefly im- prisoned. In 1543, after Luther himself intervened in favor of exposing the heresies of the Koran by publishing it, Oporinus brought the work out with an explanatory preface by Melancthon and a refutation of its heretical dogmas [14, passim; 15, passim].

In the same year, the first edition of the Fabrica was published. Ve- salius had ventured to give Oporinus the work for publication even though the printer had never published large illustrations before. The author specified, however, that the blocks were to remain his property, and that, if he were dissatisfied with the work of the printer-whether over poor proofs, too small a format, or on other grounds-he might place the woodcuts with another entrepreneur rather than having the costly blocks disfigured by poor copying [14, p. 36].

A letter sent by the author to the publisher when the blocks were shipped to Basel iterates this reservation while expressing confidence that Oporinus will produce the kind of work desired. The letter gives a vivid picture of the lively concern of the author over the printed results. Vesalius states that he has, with two skilled assistants, placed proofs for the plates (struck by the engraver) and letterpress pertaining to the figures between the plates themselves and has written on each proof where it is to go in the book. He gives Oporinus explicit instructions on what type to use in the marginal notations to refer to the plates [16, pp. 46-48].

In the same letter Vesalius promises to bring or have sent privileges he has obtained for the work, an imperial license, a license from the French king, and a decree from the Venetian Senate protecting the plates- even though in the next sentence he holds such privileges to be of little worth in preventing publishers from printing unauthorized copies of the work, mournfully recalling the many piracies of the Tabulae anatomicae [16, p. 47]. He does not refer to any difficulty in securing the privileges from Venice or from the representatives of those Catholic monarchs, Emperor Charles V and King Francis I of France.

Stated in this letter to his publisher are most of the concerns that led Vesalius to prepare and publish his work in the manner he did: his




admiration for the work of the Venetian artists and engravers; his fears of further plagiarism which would not only deprive him of returns on the book but also present his work in a poor light through inferior reproduction; his confidence in Oporinus, his chosen printer, but also his determination to give the work to another if Oporinus did not satisfy him. Presumably that person would have been another Basel printer. Vesalius assumed correctly that if his work, with its splendid cuts, were tastefully printed and efficiently marketed, it would bring him lasting fame as well as immediate income. Clumsy piracies like some of those of the Tabulae would hurt both his returns and recognition. Attaining wide distribution of the original work before piracies could hurt sales and reputation was vital.

The first edition of the Fabrica has been estimated at 3,000-4,000 copies [1, p. 113]. Evidence of an enthusiastic reception in Germany is given by a letter written to a friend by Georg Agricola, a physician and scientist who was later to publish a seminal work in metallurgy in Basel. Agricola wrote Wolfgang Meurer, also a physician, in January 1544, saying that he had not seen a copy of Vesalius's work as few were sent to Leipzig, and those few were sold before he was aware of the work's arrival. He planned to order the book from Frankfurt and was looking forward to examining those parts of the work that had aroused con- troversy because of differences with Galen [3, pp. 197-981.

Within two years, the Fabrica was published by an unauthorized printer. Thomas Geminus in London published a Latin edition in 1545 and English editions in 1553 and 1559 with copper-engraved repro- ductions of the original woodcuts [4, pp. 122, 126, 128]. Vesalius complained bitterly of the reduction in size of the illustrations. He repeated the offer to provide printers with the illustrations rather than be subjected to unskillful copies [3, p. 224]. No printer took up the offer, however, and Oporinus used the blocks again in 1555 in a revised edition of the Fabrica, proof apparent that Geminus's piracies had not dimmed the reputation or satiated the market for the work.

Vesalius entered the service of Charles V as imperial physician in 1543, a post he held until the emperor's abdication in 1555. From that date to his death in 1564 he was consulted by Philip 11 of Spain, the emperor's son, and other European rulers as one of the leading physicians of Europe. Oporinus published other works of his, the Epitome (an abridgment of the Fabrica) in 1543 and 1555, and the Letter on the China Root in 1546. But the voluminous correspondence Oporinus preserved contains no letter exchanged between them except for Vesalius's letter concerning the Fabrica.'

1. Steinmann lists 807 letters directed to or coming from Oporinus. Only one, August 1542, is from Vesalius; none is directed to Vesalius [14, pp. 121-42].




In 1567, the year before his death, Oporinus sold his firm. The lengthy sales contract described in detail the items of property trans- ferred to the new owners. Specifically reserved for the seller and his heirs were the copyrights and blocks of the Fabrica. Oporinus promised to allow the new owners to vend copies in their shop as long as copies lasted, with the proceeds from 4 out of 5 copies going to him or his heirs. The new owners were to keep a fifth of the proceeds for their care and trouble. If a new edition were to be required, Oporinus and his heirs were bound to lease the blocks to the new owners for a royalty amount- ing to the proceeds of 1 out of every 5 copies sold. Alternatively, to forestall any claim by the heirs of Vesalius, the contract stipulated that the new owners could purchase the blocks at a reasonable price [17, pp. 200-201]. Neither option was acted on. The original blocks disappeared from sight until rediscovered and reprinted, by Willy Wiegand at the Bremer Press, in the twentieth century [ 18], and the piracies continued-one by Franciscus Franciscius and Jan Criegher, giving full credit to Vesalius, was published in Venice in 1568, the year of Oporinus's death [4, p. 921.

The reputation and survival of the original testifies to the wisdom of Vesalius's choice of artist and printer. The selection of Venetian artists and a scholarly Basel printer led to a result well worth the innovative methods of designing the finished work. Finding a trustworthy printer in a centrally located city led to a production and marketing program that effectively established the work as preeminent in its field before the unauthorized borrowings of other printers could dim its luster.

REFERENCES

1. Herrlinger, Robert. History of Medical Illu-strationfrom Antiquity to A.D. 1600. Translated by Graham Fulton-Smith. New York: Editions Medicina Rara, 1970.

2. Vasari, Giorgio. Vite depiu eccellenti pittori . . . Florence: Appresso i Giunti, 1568. 3. O'Malley, C. D. Andreas Vesalius of Brussels, 1514-1564. Berkeley and Los Angeles:

University of California Press, 1965. 4. Cushing, Harvey. A Bio-Bibliography of Andreas Vesalius. 2d ed. Hamden, Conn.: Ar-

chon Books, 1962. 5. Tomassini, Carmenina Tarquinio. "The Printing of the Medical Writings of Andreas

Vesalius: A Historical Study of Medical Printing in the First Half of the Sixteenth Century." M.L.S. thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1957.

6. Brown, Horatio F. The Venetian Printing Press 1469-1800: An Historical Study Based on Documents for the Most Part Hitherto Unpublished. 1891. Reprint. Amsterdam: Ge6rard Th. van Heusden, 1969.

7. Grendler, Paul F. The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press, 1540-1605. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1977.

8. Parry, J. H. "Transport and Trade Routes." In Cambridge Economric History of Europe. Vol. 4. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967.




9. Stieber, Joachim Wolfgang. "Pope Eugenius IV and the Council of Basel: Their Conflict over Supreme Authority in the Church and the Response of the Secular and Ecclesiastical Authorities in the Empire." Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1974.

10. Wackernagel, R. Geschichte der Stadt Basel. 3 vols. Basel: Helbing, 1907-16. 11. Bonjour, Edgar; Offler, H. S.; and Potter, G. R. A Short Histoiy of Suntzerland. Oxford:

Clarendon Press, 1955. 12. Burckhardt, Paul. Geschichte der Stadt Basel von der Zeit der Reformation bis zur Gegenwart.

Basel: Helbing & Lichtenhahn, 1942. 13. Roth, Carl. "Die Bucherzensur im alten Basel." Zentralblatt fur Bibliothekswesen 31

(February 1914): 49-67. 14. Steinmann, Martin. Johannes Oponrnus: Ein Basler Buchdrucker um die Mitte des 16.

Jahrhunderts. Basel: Helbing & Lichtenhahn, 1967. 15. Fisch, Max H. "The Printer of Vesalius's Fabrica." Bulletin of the Medical Library Associa-

tion 31 (July 1943): 240-59. 16. Saunders, J. B. de C. M., and O'Malley, Charles D. The Illustrationsfrom the Works of

Andreas Vesalius of Brussels. Cleveland: World Publishing Co., 1950. 17. Steinmann, Martin. "Aus dem Briefwechsel des Basler Druckers Johannes Oporinus."

Basler Zeitschriftrfu Geschichte und Altertumskunde 69 (1969): 103-203. 18. Vesalius, Andreas. Icones anatomicae. New York: New York Academy of Medicine,

1935.

