FIFTEENTH-CENTURY FLEMISH MANUSCRIPTS IN CAMBRIDGE COLLECTIONS || THE MINIATURE OF ST JOHN THE BAPTIST IN GONVILLE AND CAIUS MS 241/127 AND ITS CONTEXT

Cambridge Bibliographical Society

THE MINIATURE OF ST JOHN THE BAPTIST IN GONVILLE AND CAIUS MS 241/127 AND ITSCONTEXTAuthor(s): NICHOLAS ROGERSSource: Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society, Vol. 10, No. 2, FIFTEENTH-CENTURY FLEMISH MANUSCRIPTS IN CAMBRIDGE COLLECTIONS (1992), pp. 125-138Published by: Cambridge Bibliographical SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41154814 .

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THE MINIATURE OF ST JOHN THE BAPTIST IN GONVILLE AND CAIUS MS 241/127

AND ITS CONTEXT

NICHOLAS ROGERS

Manuscripts containing illumination in two or more distinct styles always present particular problems of interpretation. Do the differ- ences represent collaboration or interrupted production? If it is a case of collaboration, does the manuscript testify to a continuing partner- ship between artists from different backgrounds, or to a casual part- nership of the type which bedevils the history of early fifteenth-century Parisian illumination?1 If there was a break in the campaign, did one artist pick up the brush immediately after the death or departure of another, or did the client remove the half-completed work to be finished at a later date, or in another place? Juxtapositions of styles are most often found in major projects, such as Fitzwilliam 3-1954,2 or Arsenal 5070.3 Amongst the group of some two hundred liturgical manuscripts produced in the Low Countries for the English market,4 for the most part standard texts with modest programmes of illustration, one is usually dealing with the qualitative difference between master and assistant. However, there are instances of a starker difference between hands. Aberdeen U.L. 25, made for a patron from the Selby area, is illuminated throughout by the Master of the Hours of Dom Duarte, with the exception of one page, almost certainly a late work of the Master of the Beaufort Saints.5 Bodleian MS Lat. liturg.f.2 contains a mixture of work by the Loredan Master and another, more conservati^, artist. Soon after its arrival in England, the book's stylistic mélange was increased when the borders were titivated and additional miniatures provided by Herman Scheerre and his workshop.6

MS 241/127 at Gonville and Caius College is another book of hours of the use of Sarum which provides a particularly interesting

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case of stylistic juxtaposition.7 The manuscript is, unfortunately, in a sorry state. It lacks at the very least some initial prayers to saints, most of the memoriae at Lauds, the Penitential Psalms, Gradual Psalms and Litany, and the Office of the Dead and Commendation of Souls. What remains is badly misbound.8 The text is the work of two scribes, one writing a more rigidly vertical textura than the other, who gives his letter forms more pronounced bows.9 Fortunately, Netherlandish scribes catering for the export market for the most part adhered to a few standard exemplars. The calendar and hours text of the Caius manuscript correspond closely to those in London, Victoria and Albert Museum Reid MS 45,10 so it is highly likely that the Caius Hours had a litany of the same type as that in Reid 45, immediately recognisable because it includes the obscure Cambridgeshire saint, Pandonia of Eltisley.11 However, it is doubtful whether this has any bearing on the intended destination of the book. Nothing is known for certain about the provenance of the manuscript before its acquisi- tion by William Moore, Fellow of Caius and University Librarian, who bequeathed his collection of nearly 150 books to his college in 1659.12 An early sixteeenth-centry hand has added prayers on blank leaves throughout the book. The only traces of medieval ownership is a single addition to the calendar in a late fifteenth-century hand: the Translation of St Osmund. This feast, instituted in 1457,13 was observed throughout the province of Canterbury, but its inclusion alone of all the new feasts introduced in late medieval England may point to a connection with the diocese of Salisbury.14

All but one of the miniatures are in the distinctive style associated with the Dutch Master of Otto van Moerdrecht.15 Characteristic are the flat, rather Oriental, faces, the elongated heads and limbs, the garish palette dominated by blue, orange, and silvered purple, the

acutely pointed rock formations and the burnished gold backgrounds (see plates 1, 2 and 4). At one time the artist of Caius 241/127, whom I shall call the *b' Master, for reasons which will become

apparent below, was identified as Claes Brouwer, who worked on a Dutch history bible of 1431 in the Koninklijk Bibliotheek Albert I of Brussels.16 However, Claes Brouwer's work is cruder and more linear than that of the 'b' Master, which can be compared more close-

ly with the Cuijk Evangelistary.17 Whereas most of the artists of the Otto van Moerdrecht group are securely associated with the northern

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Netherlands, the links of the 'b' Master and an assistant are more with the south. He was responsible for the historiated initials in Copenhagen Thott 533 4°, a Psalter with French rubrics and a calendar suggesting a destination in northern France.18 The liturgical evidence of the several books of hours of the use of Rome containing illumination by the V Master points, if anywhere, to the Bruges region.19 In Swaffham MS 1, a Sarum Horae with integral miniatures by the 'b' Master, he collaborates with an artist whose style derives from that of the Bruges-based Master of Ushaw 10.20 There are also stylistic and compositional links between miniatures by the V Master and ones by artists in that broad group customarily known as the Gold Scrolls style. In Ushaw 12, an early work of the Master of Harleian 2846, one of the soldiers in the Betrayal on fol. 18V wears an unusual type of fauld often to be found in the V Master's work,21 and the room in which the Flagellation takes place on fol. 3T, with its oval, silvered windows, may be compared with several interiors by the V Master.22 In one instance in Liverpool Mayer 12009 the 'b' Master's associate abandons the plain or pounced gold background usually favoured by artists of the Otto van Moerdrecht group for foliate flourishing of the type usually found in the work of his Bruges contemporaries.23

The *b' Master has achieved a certain notoriety in recent years as the most prominent example of an illuminator who signed his work with an impressed stamp. Although documents relating to the use of such identifying marks were published by James Weale as long ago as 1865,24 it was not until 1980, when Douglas Farquhar published a paper in Viator,25 that examples of these marks became generally known. More recently the practice of signing miniatures has been re- examined in the light of new evidence by Maurits Smeyers and Hub- ert Cardon.26 The reason for this delay lies in the unobtrusive nature of the marks. The 'b' Master's work is signed by an impressed 'negative seal' in red, some 3V4 mm. in diameter, bearing a letter 'b', placed in the inner margin and usually covered by subsequently applied border decoration. I examined Caius 241/127 twice, once after having read the documents published by Weale, without recognising the red smudge at the bottom right corner of each miniature as an artist's mark. I am indebted to Professor Farquhar for drawing my attention to their existence in this manuscript. The letter

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V presumably refers to the miniaturist's name, as does the letter T used by his associate. Similarly the pen tau cross used as a mark by the V Master's collaborator in V. & A. Reid 45 may indicate that that artist's name was Anthonis.27 Other artists used devices such as a star, a lion, or a trefoil.28

The use of such marks stems from an incident in the power struggle between the stationers of Bruges and the painters' Guild of St Luke. On 1 April 1426/7 the scabini of Bruges, in response to allegations made by the painters, enacted ordinances for the better regulation of the book-trade.29 One of these forbade the practice of importing loose miniatures for use in the illustration of books. In their plaint the painters had referred to the stationers purchasing "ghety del ike beildekins ghemaect tUtrecht ende tanderen plaetsen buten der stede van Brugghe die zii binnen vercoopen, beede met boucken ende zonder boucken'.30 On the basis of this statement Délaissé constructed a theory of significant Dutch intervention in the ateliers of the southern Netherlands, arguing that 4he importation ... must have been pretty impressive to have provoked so strong a meas- ure'.31 But it must be remembered that it was a standard medieval legal technique to throw as much mud as possible. Therefore the painters' claim, even if true in substance, is likely to be as exagger- ated as their statement that those members of their guild who were miniaturists had little or nothing to do as a result of the underhand practices of the stationers.32 It may be that the 'b' Master moved to Bruges after 1427 in order to circumvent this protectionist ordinance. A further decree stipulated that those engaged in making images for books within Bruges should henceforth have 'een teeken' with which they were to mark their work, and that this mark was to be registered with the painters' guild.33

Most of the known examples of stamped miniatures are inserted singletons, which were often produced for sale to stationers who did not enjoy the services of an illuminator. However, there are apparent cases of integral miniatures which are thus marked. Farquhar published one example, Baltimore Walters 239, where the marks only occur on miniatures in a section added at the request of a patron.34 More puzzling is the case of a Sarum Horae (Rouen, Bibliothèque Municipale Leber 135) discovered by Smeyers and Cardon, where all the miniatures in the central Hours section of the book appear to have

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been marked.35 In both instances the Bruges stationer, not having the required section in stock, almost certainly referred the customer dir- ectly to the miniaturist, in strict conformity with the 1426/7 ordinances.36

The use of marks as a form of control can be paralleled in other media, the best-known being the city marks found on Netherlandish wood sculpture.37 However, to the best of my knowledge, Bruges is the only centre for which a system of signing miniatures is docu- mented. Farquhar has suggested that such marks were used elsewhere, citing the case of Arsenal 560, a book of hours of the use of Coutances illustrated by the Fastolf Master, who is associated with Rouen and England.38 But it is possible that at one stage in his peri- patetic career he was based in Bruges. In Arsenal 575 he collaborates with an artist whom John Plummer has localised securely in Bruges.39 The Poorterboeken of Bruges contain evidence of an influx of Nor- man craftsmen in the 1440s and 1450s, including, in 1443, an illuminator called Jehannin de Londenières, dictus van Abbeville, a native of Aumale in Normandy, who may possibly be the Fastolf Master.40

Christopher de Hamel has made the perceptive comment that the *b9 Master systematically applied his mark because his work, being unmistakeably Dutch in style, might otherwise have been taken for unauthorised imports.41 Other illuminators' compliance with the ordinance seems to have been more fitful, even allowing for the loss of marginal stamps through trimming.42 In 1457 the painters found several miniatures on sale which were 'ongheteekenť and exacted fines from Morissis de Нас and other stationers for supposed infringe- ments of the 1426/7 ordinances.43 The stationers, who successfully appealed, produced a detailed justification of their actions. Counter- ing a repetition of the accusation that they were importing loose miniatures, they stated that, on the contrary, 'zii dagheliix groóte me nic h te [van beildekins] utevoeren te Brugghe ghemaect ende vercoopen in andere steden als te Ghent, tYpre, tAnworpen ende elre'.44 The essential veracity of this claim is indicated by the fact that in 1463 Ghent found it necessary to ban the sale of imported miniatures, save at the time of privileged fairs.45 The following year, on 22 April 1464, a scabinal sentence was pronounced against one Gerard van Crombrugghe, seller of images, for contravening this ordinance.46

The miniatures by the V Master in Caius 241/127 are surrounded

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by distinctive fish-bone-like tendrils, by a vignetteur who also worked on Trinity B.I 1.18 (plate 3).47 These borders were, as has already been mentioned, added after the artist had stamped his miniatures. However, they differ markedly from the text-page borders, which consist of thick, feathery spirals bearing gold dots and degenerate ivy leaves, with crisp twists of acanthus or sprays of flowers at the cor- ners. A similar disparity of borders can be noted in several of the

manuscripts containing stamped miniatures, pointing to a conjunction of the products of distinct ateliers. It is likely that, in many cases, the loose miniatures were put on sale complete with borders.48

The final element of Caius 241/127 to be considered is the miniature of St John the Baptist on p. 106 (plate 4). This now lacks its

proper context, but comparison with the textually related Reid 45

suggests that it illustrated an antiphon to St John, a standard feature of Sarum Horae produced in the Low Countries.49 It is a work far

superior in quality to the efforts of the V Master. Although depend- ent on a model which can be traced back to the first decade of the fifteenth century,50 the miniature transcends routine shopwork. The

Baptist is a solidly modelled figure set within, rather than against, a

landscape, the spatial illusion being enhanced by the foot thrust over the frame. The artist has taken care over details such as the plants on the ground and the saint's broad grizzled beard. The border is

equally distinctive, quite unlike those surrounding miniature or text in the rest of the manuscript, consisting of fine pen tendrils surround-

ing blue and red quatrefoils and cinquefoils, and bearing pairs of

pointed green leaves probably modelled on Pondweed, and tooth-like

gold leaves. On the basis of the miniature on p. 106 Dogaer included Caius

241/127 among the manuscripts listed under the heading 'the Master of Guillebert de Mets (School)' in his Flemish miniature painting in the 15th and 16th centuries?1 This, like the related group assigned to the Master of the Privileges of Ghent and Flanders,52 subsumes a

variety of artists working in the same broad stylistic trend from the turn of the century until the late 1460s. I cannot pretend to have sorted out the various skeins of this development. It is difficult at

times, in such a close-knit group of artists, to tell whether one is

dealing with a late work of one artist or an early work of another, with two artists or two phases in one artist's stylistic development.

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Nevertheless, it is possible to give a broad overview of this trend and to indicate the Caius miniaturist's place within it.

Much of the strength of this stylistic tradition derives from the example set by a remarkable artist whose hand can first be detected in Pierpont Morgan M.439, a book of hours of the use of Arras.53 Even here, where he is still modelling his style on the Rouen Mas- ter,54 he shows a delight in challenging the spatial constraint of the frame. Already his figures show a characteristic introspectiveness, imbued with what Panofsky termed 'a "sweetly sad", soft-spoken gentleness'.55 He appears to have worked in the service of John the Fearless, for whom, at some point in the 1410s, he produced a book of hours, now BN nouv. acq. lat. 3055.56 Access to the riches of the ducal library enabled him to draw on an eclectic repertoire of decor- ative devices. Several, such as the bar borders which develop into elongated arched dragons, appear to be conscious revivals. His use of bas-de-pages also seems to hark back to fourteenth-century Parisian illumination. His fascination with naturalistic foliage ornament testi- fies, I believe, to an acquaintance with Lombard manuscripts, as does his habit of structuring the border into a second, outer frame. All these features can be seen fully developed in Walters MS W.166, a book of hours executed in the 1420s for the use of Elizabeth van Munte, the wife of Daniel Rijm, both members of prominent Ghent families.57 A second 'generation' is represented by the artist who first appears among those working on the Breviary of John the Fearless.58 His facial types are harder, with distinctive long, straight noses. Also characteristic are the elongated hands and the deeper, thicker palette. This miniaturist is commonly known as the Master of Guillebert de Mets, after the scribe of a French translation of Boccaccio's Deca- meron written for Philip the Good in the 1430s.59 The 'Guillebert de Mets' miniatures are in fact, as Délaissé noted,60 the work of two artists, one of whom paints more bony faces. These two hands can be detected at a later date in a book of hours of the use of Rome, formerly in the John Carter Brown Library and now at Malibu.61 The artist of the bony faces also worked on MS 10772 in the Koninklijk Bibliotheek Albert I at Brussels which has a composite calendar with a marked Ghent element.62 Bodleian MS Rawlinson liturg.e.14, a book of hours of the use of Tournai,63 belongs to a point in the 1440s when it is difficult to distinguish between the Master of Guillebert de

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Mets and the leading representative of the third 'generation', the Master of the Privileges of Ghent. The latter can be best appreciated in the collection of statutes, compiled soon after 1453 for Philip the Good, from which he takes his soubriquet,64 and the Franciscan Mis- sal made for Jean de Lannoy after 1451.

65 His palette is bright, and his figures typically round-headed with heavy eyelids. Unlike earlier artists in this trend he indulges in inhabited landscape backgrounds reminiscent of those in contemporary panel paintings. Contemporary with him is a lesser talent, who uses rather pallid, flat washes. To him are to be attributed some detached leaves at Waddesdon66 and all but one of the miniatures in BL Stowe MS 23, an Hours of the Compassion of the Virgin which postdates 1450 because it includes St Bernadine of Siena, canonized in that year.67 It is clear that the St John the Baptist on fol. 4T of this Horae is derived from the same model as that used by the artist of the Caius St John.

Where does the Caius artist fit into this tangle of hands? I see him as a pupil of the Master of Walters W.166 who, while never

displaying an equal inventiveness, was more successful than any other follower in his delicate handling of shading. An early work, predating the Caius miniature, is a detached leaf depicting St George in the Musée Marmottan in Paris.68 Together with the Master of Guillebert de Mets he participated in the illumination of Pierpont Morgan M.46, a Sarum hours of extraordinary codicological com-

plexity.69 Some of the borders in this manuscript are very close in character to that on p. 106 of Caius 241/127. He is also one of the artists of BN nouv. acq. lat. 3112, a ferial hours later altered for a member of the van der Meere family of Kruishoutem.70 Probably closest in date to the Caius miniature is a modest book of hours sold at Sotheby's in 1985. 71 The headdress of the woman owner protected by St Agnes suggests a date in the 1430s.72 Since the borders to the miniatures, which are of the Caius type, match those on the facing text pages it would be nice if one could localise the book. Unfortun-

ately the hours of the Virgin are of a type unrecorded elsewhere, but the calendar suggests that the Maastricht area should be considered as the intended destination.73 I am of the opinion that the Caius artist, some fifteen years later, contributed the Pietà on fol. 2V of Stowe 23. The careful shading in grey and the hair-pin drapery folds can be

paralleled in earlier work of his. The difference between the Caius

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artist and the Master of the Privileges of Ghent, whose figures are more heavily modelled, can be easily appreciated by comparing the Stowe Pietà with the miniature on fol. 151 of Prague University Library MS XXIII F 198, which employs the same model for the central figures of the Virgin and Christ.74 Somewhat more tentatively I would identify as this artist's latest known work the historiated initial on fol. 4 of the first volume of Ghent University Library MS 14, showing Jacob van Brüssel, Abbot of St Bavo's Abbey, Ghent, supported by St James, kneeling before St Amandus, and the miniature on fol. 5 of the second volume, depicting St Vinciana.75 How- ever, the borders in this Gradual are clearly the work of the artist of Waddesdon 5.76 Abbot van Brüssel was elected in 1452 and a firm terminus ante quern is provided by the binding of Gradual, which is dated 1469.

It is impossible to assign all these artists to one centre. The commissions of the Master of Walters W.166 and the Master of Guillebert de Mets suggest that they may have been attached to the Burgundian court The Master of the Privileges of Ghent may have been based, at least for part of his life, in Lille or Tournai.77 But time and again the trail leads back to Ghent, and it is that city I would see as the chief focus of this broad stylistic trend.

In view of the fragmentary condition of Caius 241/127 it is not possible to base the history of its construction on secure codicological grounds. However, a plausible reconstruction is that the text was written most probably in Ghent in the early to mid 1430s. Most of the required illustrations could be provided from a series of standard Passion subjects marketed by the Bruges-based V Master, but the stationer had to call on a local artist to provide the further images needed for a Sarum Hours. Whatever the precise circumstances of its creation, there is no doubt that Caius 241/127 is a significant monu- ment in the history of the Anglo-Flemish book-trade in the fifteenth century.78

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NOTES

1. For Parisian workshop practice of the late 14th and early 15th centuries see M. Meiss's volumes in the series French painting in the time of Jean de Berry: the late fourteenth century and the patronage of the Duke, 2 vols. (London, 1967); The Boucicaut Master (London, 1968); and The Limbourgs and their contemporaries, 2 vols. (London, 1974). For a recent study of a Parisian manuscript containing illumination in different styles see L. Dennison, 'The illumination of Royal 20 С vii: stylistic and codicologial analysis', The Ricardian, VIII, no. Ill (Dec. 1990) 503-08, 514.

2. F. Wormald and P. M. Giles, 'Description of Fitzwilliam Museum MS 3-1954', Trans.Camb.Bib.Soc., IV:1 (1964) 1-28.

3. De Gouden Eeuw der Vlaamse Miniatuur: Het Mecenaat van Filips de Goede 1445-1475, exhibition catalogue (Brussels, 1959) no. 1, pls. 10, 12. For colour reproductions of miniatures from Arsenal 5070 see E. Pognon, Boccaccio's Decameron: 15th-century manuscript (Fribourg, 1978).

4. For a discussion and listing of most of these see N. J. Rogers, Books of Hours produced in the Low Countries for the English market in the fifteenth century, M.Litt. dissertation (Cambridge, 1982).

5. M. R. James, A catalogue of the medieval manuscripts in the University Library Aberdeen (Cambridge, 1932), 25-35, pls. facing 33, 48, 49, 64; Rogers (1982) 202-14, 217-18, 346-47, pls. 58-60.

6. C. L. Kuhn, 'Herman Scheerre and English illumination of the early fifteenth century', Art Bulletin, XXII (1940) 141-43, figs. Ì-6; G. M. Spriggs, 'Unnoticed Bodleian manuscripts, illuminated by Herman Scheerre and his school', Bodleian Library Record, VII:4 (1964) 195, 202, 203, pls. Xb, XVIIa, XVIIIb: Rogers (1982) 136-42, 341, pls. 25-27.

7. M. R. James, A descriptive catalogue of the manuscripts in the library of Gonville and Caius College (Cambridge, 1907), I, 292-93; Rogers (1982) 60 n. 88, 197 n.106, 267, 272-74, 276, 280, 282, 284, 288, 348, Frontispiece, pls. 85, 86. 78 folios, paginated 1-156. 105 x 74 mm. Justification 68 x 40 mm. 18 lines to a page. Ruled in brown-black.

8. The original order was probably: pp. 1-24, Calendar; 105-06, Memoria of St John the Baptist; 65-82, Fifteen Oes (cf. Swaffham 1); 25-62, 121^0, 101-04, 107-20, 63-64, 83-100, Hours of the Virgin; 141-44, 147-48, 145-46, 149-56, Devotions to the Passion and the Blessed Sacrament.

9. The hands can be compared easily at pp. 140-41. 10. Characteristic entries in the calendar, which is also found in Pierpont

Morgan M.259 (Rogers (1982) 456-61), are: Deposition of Edward the Confessor (5 Jan.); Oswald, bishop (28 Feb.); Patrick (17 Mar.); Brandan (16 May); and Gereon & сотр. (10 [recte 8] Oct., in red). Both Horae have the rubric 'Hie incipiunt ma tuti ne de beata maria uirgine', the reading

' Ora mente pia' for the Benedictio to the second lection of Matins, a memoria of All Saints at Lauds beginning 'Sancii Dei

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omnes', and the versi cl e 'Elegít earn Deus* to the hymn "Virgo singularis' at Com- pline.

11. For a transcription of the saints from the litany in V. & A. Reid 45 see Rogers (1982) 501. On the cultus of St Pandonia see Nicholas Roscarrock's notes in CUL Add. MS 3041, fol. 346V, and D. H. Palmer, The Oxford Dictionary of Saints, ed. 2 (Oxford, 1987) 336.

12. James (1907) viii, 292. 13. A. R. Maiden, ed., The Canonization of Saint Osmund (Salisbury, 1901)

219. The entry, which should be on 16 July, is misplaced on 14 July. 14. The deposition of St Osmund (4 Dec.) was officially adopted throughout

the province of Canterbury by Convocation in 1480 (R. W. Pfaff, New liturgical feasts in later medieval England (Oxford, 1970) 3). Cf. CUL .MS Dd.5.65, a Sarum Horae of the 1460s or early 1470s, which includes both feasts of St Osmund in the calendar and, alone of all the English books of hours known to me, a memoria of the saint at Lauds.

15. Betrayal (plate 1), p. 44; Deposition, p. 64; Entombment (plate 2), p. 90; Crucifixion, p. 114; Christ before Pilate, p. 126; and Flagellation, p. 138. On the Otto van Moerdrecht group see J. H. Marrow, H. L. M. Defoer, A. S. Korteweg and W. C. M. Wüstefeld, The Golden Age of Dutch Manuscript Painting (New York, 1990) 75-86.

16. Brussels, Koninklijk Bibliotheek Albert I, MS 9020-23 (Marrow, et al. (1990) no. 39, fig. 63).

17. Marrow et al. (1990) no. 25. 18. E. J0rgensen, Catalogus Codicum Latinorum Medii /Evi Bibliothecœ Regice

Hafniensis (Copenhagen, 1926) 211-12; L. M. J. Délaissé, A century of Dutch manuscript illumination (Berkeley, 1968) 72, fig. 127. The calendar of the manuscript is a Dominican one.

19. Bodleian MS Canon. Iiturg. 17 has a Bruges calendar, and Matins of the Dead with only three lections, a feature typical of the diocese of Tournai; lot 15 at Sotheby's, 21 June 1982, formerly in the collection of Prince Furstenberg at Donau- eschingen, has several feasts typical of Bruges in its calendar (Dònatian, Giles and Brandan, the first two in red).

20. P. Lasko and N. J. Morgan (edd.), Medieval art in East An gli a 1300-1520 (London, 1974) no. 71, with pl.; Rogers (1982) 235-39, pls. 64-7.

21. Rogers (1982) pl. 68. 22. E.g. CUL Dd.15.25, fol. 45V; Cambridge, Trinity B.11.18, fol. 41V. 23. Liverpool, Merseyside County Museums, Mayer 12009, p. 62 (J. D. Far-

quhar, 'Identity in an anonymous age: Bruges manuscript illuminators and their signs', Viator, XI (1980) fig. 8); cf. BL Harleian MS 2982, fol. 92' and Bodleian MS Laud. Misc. 204, fol. 80v (Rogers (1982) pls. 61, 73).

24. W. H. J. Weale, 'Documents inédits sur les enlumineurs de Bruges', Le Beffroi, II (1864-65) 298-319.

25. Farquhar (1980) 371-83.

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26. M. Smeyers, H. Cardon, 'Merktekens in de Brugse Miniatuurkunsť, in Merken ортегкеп: Merk- en meestertekens op kunstwerken in de Zuidelijk Neder- landen en hei Prinsbisdom Luik: typologie en méthode, ed. С. van Vlierden, and M. Smeyers (Leuven, 1990) 45-63.

27. For an example see Farquhar (1980) fig. 3. 28. For a recent listing of known examples of artists' marks see Smeyers and

Cardon (1990) 52-53. To this can be added a detached miniature of the Entombment by the 'b' Master, lot 33 at Sotheby's, 18 June 1991, and now Fitzwilliam Museum MS 27-1991.

29. W. H. J. Weale, 'Documents inédits sur les enlumineurs de Bruges', Le Beffroi, IV (1875) 239-44. Much of the 1426/7 legislation was a re-enactment of ordinances of 1403.

30. 'From time to time images for books of hours made at Utrecht and other places outside the town of Bruges, which they sell in town both in books and separ- ately' (Weale (1875) 240).

31. Délaissé (1968) 70-71. 32. Weale (1875) 240. 33. Weale (1875) 243. 34. Farquhar (1980) 380, fig. 10; Smeyers and Cardon (1990) 59, fig. 7. 35. Smeyers and Cardon (1990) 56-63, figs. 1-5. 36. Ibid. 59; cf. Weale (1875) 243. 37. For a recent survey of this area see С van Vlierden and M. Smeyers

(1990). 38. Farquhar (1980) 380-82. A useful survey of the work of the Fastolf Master

is provided in J. J. G. Alexander, 'A lost leaf from a Bodleian Book of Hours', Bodleian Library Record, VIII:5 (1971) 248-51.

39. J. Plummer, '"Use* and "Beyond Use"', in R. S. Wieck, Time Sanctified: the Book of Hours in medieval art and life (New York, 1988) 150-52.

40. R. A. Parmentier, Indices op de Brugsche Poorterboeken (Bruges, 1938), I, Poorterboek over de Jaren 1434-1450, fol. 52V.

41. Sotheby's, Western manuscripts and miniatures, 23 June 1987, 214. 42. This point is made by Farquhar (1980) 381. 43. Weale (1875) 245-46. 44. 'They daily export a great many (sc. images) made in Bruges and sell them

in other towns, such as Gent, leper, Antwerp and elsewhere' (Weale (1875) 249). 45. E. de Busscher, Recherches sur les Peintres Gantois des XlVe et XV e

siècles (Ghent, 1859) 109. 46. Ibid. 47. On Trinity B.11.18 see Rogers (1982) 12, 241, 284-85, 349, pl. 93. 48. Another instance of this may be the pasted-in miniature of St Mary

Magdalene on fol. 254V of Fitzwilliam Museum 3-1954, which has an unmistakeably Dutch border (Wormald and Giles (1964) 27, pl. VI, 14).

49. Reid 45, which lacks its prefatory miniature, has the unusual antiphon 'Ave Johannes baptista precursor', also found in Stonyhurst 70, rather than the usual 'Gaude Johannes baptista'.

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50. The stance, though not the gesture, and the way in which the camel -skin robe is draped echo the figure of St John Baptist on fol. 21 v of Morgan M.439 (E. Panofsky, Early Netherlandish painting: its origins and character (Cambridge, Mass., 1953) fig. 192).

51. G. Dogaer, Flemish miniature painting in the 15th and 16th centuries (Amsterdam, 1987) 36.

52. Dogaer (1987) 59. 53. Panofsky (1953) 121, notes 118s, 1216, fig. 192. 54. On the Rouen Master, the artist of Rouen, Bibliothèque municipale, Leber

137, see Panofsky (1953) 112-15, figs. 154-58; Rogers (1982) 80--84, pls. 8-11. 55. Panofsky (1953) 119. 56. V. Leroquais, Un livre d'heures de Jean sans Peur, duc de Bourgogne

(1404-1419) (Paris, 1939); Gent Duizend Jaar Kunst en Cultuur, II, exhibition catalogue, Bijlokemuseum, Gent (Ghent, 1975) no. 583 (with bibliography); J. Harthan, Books of hours and their owners (London, 1977) 98-101, with pls.; E. Dhanens, 'De plastische kunsten tot 1800', in Gent: Apologie van een rebelse stad, ed. J. Decavele (Antwerp, 1989) 206, pls. on 209.

57. Flanders in the fifteenth century: art and civilization, exhibition catalogue (Detroit 1960) no. 197; Gent Duizend Jaar, no. 584 (with bibliography); Wieck (1988) m. 83, pl. 36. Daniel Rijm died 3 December 1431, and was outlived by Elizabeth (N. de Pauw, Obituarium Sancii Johannis. Nécrologe de Г église S* -Jean (S*-Bavœ4 è Gand, du XIIIe au XVIe siècle (Brussels, 1889) 265-66).

58. BL Harleian MS 2897, Add. MS 35311. M. Meiss, the Master of the Breviary of Jean sans Peur and the Limboures CLondon. 1971) 4.

59. See note 3 for bibliography. Dhanens (1989) 206, notes that 'de Mets' occurred as a surname in Ghent.

60. De Gouden Eeuw (1959) 21. The book also contains work by the Mansel Master and two assistants.

61. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 84.ML.67. Sotheby Parke Bernet & Co., Western illuminated manuscripts the property of the John Carter Brown Library, Providence, Rhode Island, 18 May 1981, lot 15.

62. С Gaspar and F. Lyna, Les principaux manuscrits à peintures de la Biblio- thèque Royal de Belgique, II (Paris, 1945) 45^8, pl. CXXVIIa.

63. O. Pacht and J. J. G. Alexander, Illuminated manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, I (Oxford, 1966) no. 313, pl. XXV.

64. O. Pacht, U. Jenni, D. Thoss, Flämische Schule, I (Die illuminierten Handschriften und Inkunabeln der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek, ed. O. Pacht, vol. 6) (Vienna, 1983) 23-24, col. pl. II, Abb. 28-44.

65. V. Leroquais, Les Sacramenta ires et les Missels Manuscrits des Biblio- thèques Publiques de France, III (Paris, 1924) 137-38 (as MS 32); De Gouden Eeuw (1959) no. 13; Pacht, Jenni and Thoss (1983) 33, fies. 24-27.

66. L. M. J. Délaissé, J. Marrow and J. de Wit, The James A. de Rothschild collection at Waddesdon Manor: illuminated manuscripts (London, 1977) 95-105 (MS 5).

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67. Catalogue of the Stowe manuscripts in the British Museum. I (London, 1895) 15-16. I am grateful to Professor Farquhar for directing my attention to this manuscript, which has rubrics in French and several devotions to Franciscan saints.

68. Musée Marmottan, La collection Wildenstein (Paris, n.d. [ca. 1980]) no. 145, with pl.

69. M. R. James, Catalogue of manuscripts and early printed books from the libraries of William Morris, Richard Bennett, Bertram fourth Earl of Ashburnham, and other sources now forming portion of the library ofJ. Pierpont Morgan. Manu- scripts (London, 1906) 121-23; Rogers (1982) 13, 232, 265, 267-73, 282, 313, 348, pls. 81-34. The Gnadenstuhl Trinity on fol. T and St George on fol. 27V can be attributed to the Cai us artist.

70. J. Porcher, éd., Manuscrits à peintures offerts à la Bibliothèque Nationale par le comte Guy de Boisrouvray (Paris, 1961) no. 17.

71. Sotheby's, Western manuscripts and miniatures, 26 November 1985, lot 127.

72. Cf. the headdress of Catherine of Cleves on pp. 65, 160 of Pierpont Morgan M.917 (J. Plummer, the Hours of Catherine of Cleves (New York, 1966) pls. 57, 96).

73. It includes Domitian (7 May), Servatius (13 May), Translation of Servatius (7 June), Lambert (17 September, in red), Severinus (23 October) and Hubert (3 November, in red).

74. E. Urbánková, Rukopisy a vzácné tisky Pražské Universitní Knihovny (Prague, 1957) pl. 47.

75. Baron J. de Saint-Genois, Catalogue méthodique et raisonné des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de la ville et de l'université de Gand (Ghent, 1849-52) 342; Gent Duizend Jaar, no. 600.

76. For a coloured detail of the border of fol. 4 of vol. I see Dhanens (1989) 208.

77. On the question of the location of this workshop see Pacht, Jenni and Thoss (1983) 32-33.

78. The research for this paper was carried out with the aid of a British Aca-

demy grant, for which I am most grateful.

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