@article{ author = {Aday, S. and Cluverius, J. and Livingston, S.}, title = {As goes the statue, so goes the war: The emergence of the victory fr ame television coverage of the Iraq war}, journal = {Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media}, volume = {49}, number = {3}, pages = {314-331}, note = {Aday, S Cluverius, J Livingston, S}, abstract = {This study analyzes how broadcast news coverage of the toppling o f a statue of Saddam Hussein on April 9, 2003, employed a ''victory" frame that crowded out other potential news narratives from that day, notably the heavy fig hting continuing throughout Baghdad and other parts of Iraq. A second level of a nalysis comparing the news agendas of the 2 networks in the week prior to and th e week after April 9th suggests that the victory frame had the effect of dramati cally reducing the amount of battle-related stories.}, year = {2005} } @article{ author = {Aday, S. and Livingston, S. and Hebert, M.}, title = {Embedding the truth a cross-cultural analysis of objectivity and tel evision coverage of the Iraq war}, journal = {Harvard International Journal of Press-Politics}, volume = {10}, number = {1}, pages = {3-21}, note = {Aday, S Livingston, S Hebert, M}, abstract = {This article reports on a cross-cultural analysis of television c overage of the 2003 Iraq War that seeks to assess and understand the dimensions of objectivity in the news during wartime. A total of 1,820 stories on five Amer ican networks (ABC, CBS, NBC, CNN, Fox News Channel [FNC]) and on the Arab satel lite channel Al Jazeera were included in the study. The study assessed bias on t wo levels: tone of individual stories and the macro-level portrait of the war of fered by each network. Results showed that at the story level,the overwhelming n umber of stories broadcast by Al Jazeera and the American networks other than FN C were balanced. Yet the data also revealed a strong bias in support of the Amer ican-led war effort at FNC and important differences in how the various networks covered the war. Also, broadcasters showed a war devoid of blood, dissent,and d iplomacy, focusing instead on a sanitized version of combat. Overall, the study found evidence that the news norm of objectivity is defined in large part by cul ture and ideology more than events, as the norm would imply. The study also expl ored in detail the coverage of embedded reporters to assess their objectivity an d compare their coverage to other types of reporters, especially "unilaterals" w ith whom they shared the battlefield.}, year = {2005} } @article{ author = {Angstrom, J.}, title = {Mapping the Competing Historical Analogies of the War on Terrorism: The Bush Presidency}, journal = {International Relations}, volume = {25}, number = {2}, pages = {224-242}, note = {Angstrom, Jan}, abstract = {This article maps the historical analogies of the war on terroris m used by the Bush administration. It identifies four historical analogies of th e war on terrorism present in the US political and academic discourse since the

attacks on 11 September 2001. These are the war on terrorism as: (a) the Second World War; (b) the Crusades; (c) the Vietnam War; and (d) the Cold War. These an alogies have been a constant presence in the US discourse, although the analogy with the Crusades has been more prominent in the academic discourse than in the political. There is, moreover, no conclusive pattern of when and how these analo gies have been used, suggesting that we cannot use them to evaluate how well the war on terrorism is progressing. This also indicates that the Bush administrati on, with one exception, was not successful in framing the policy agenda in a cer tain direction regarding the war on terrorism. Understanding the war on terroris m as a new Cold War, for example, still implies different policy measures such a s roll-back and containment.}, year = {2011} } @article{ author = {Armborst, A.}, title = {Modelling Terrorism and Political Violence}, journal = {International Relations}, volume = {24}, number = {4}, pages = {414-432}, note = {Armborst, Andreas}, abstract = {This article introduces some conceptual thoughts to the study of terrorism and provides answers to questions such as: can terrorism be studied li ke other crime phenomena? What are the conceptual and methodological challenges when framing terrorism as crime or military conflict? What are the epistemologic al consequences of studying a highly politicized object? What makes terrorist vi olence different from other forms of political violence such as guerrilla warfar e and insurgency? For this purpose, in the first part of the article a review wi ll be conducted to ascertain what criminologists have contributed to the concept ion of terrorism. In the second part a model of terrorism is elaborated that dep icts the crucial parameters of this form of political violence and thereby bypas ses some of the existing conceptual difficulties and misconceptions. We learn fr om the various definitions of terrorism that the singularity of terrorism has so mething to do with the victim, the purpose and the consequences of violence. Spe cifically the fact that terrorists are as indifferent to the various targets as they are to the various political consequences of their attack is what distingui shes terrorism from related phenomena of political violence.}, year = {2010} } @article{ author = {Aspinall, E.}, title = {The construction of grievance - Natural resources and identity in a separatist conflict}, journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution}, volume = {51}, number = {6}, pages = {950-972}, note = {Aspinall, Edward}, abstract = {This article makes a case for extending social constructivist app roaches to the study of grievance in natural resource conflicts. It does this by analyzing the separatist conflict in Aceh, Indonesia, which is often portrayed as a paradigmatic resource conflict due to the importance of the natural gas ind ustry there. It is argued here, however, that natural resource exploitation prom oted conflict in Aceh only because it became entangled in wider processes of ide ntity construction and was reinterpreted back to the population by ethnic politi cal entrepreneurs in a way that legitimated violence. Rather than any intrinsic qualities of natural resource extraction, the key factor was the presence of an appropriate identity-based collective action frame. The argument is strengthened

by comparison with two other resource-rich Indonesian provinces where resource extraction patterns were similar to Aceh but where no protracted violence occurr ed because similar identity resources were not available to local actors.}, year = {2007} } @article{ author = {Baum, M. A. and Groeling, T.}, title = {Reality Asserts Itself: Public Opinion on Iraq and the Elasticity of Reality}, journal = {International Organization}, volume = {64}, number = {3}, pages = {443-479}, note = {Baum, Matthew A. Groeling, Tim}, abstract = {Prevailing theories hold that U.S. public support for a war depen ds primarily on its degree of success, U.S. casualties, or conflict goals. Yet, research into the framing of foreign policy shows that public perceptions concer ning each of these factors are often endogenous and malleable by elites. In this article, we argue that both elite rhetoric and the situation on the ground in t he conflict affect public opinion, but the qualities that make such information persuasive vary over time and with circumstances. Early in a conflict, elites (e specially the president) have an informational advantage that renders public per ceptions of "reality" very elastic. As events unfold and as the public gathers m ore information, this elasticity recedes, allowing alternative frames to challen ge the administration's preferred frame. We predict that over time the marginal impact of elite rhetoric and reality will decrease, although a sustained change in events may eventually restore their influence. We test our argument through a content analysis of news coverage of the Iraq war from 2003 through 2007, an or iginal survey of public attitudes regarding Iraq, and partially disaggregated da ta from more than 200 surveys of public opinion on the war.}, year = {2010} } @article{ author = {Benoit, W. L.}, title = {President Bush's image repair effort on Meet the press: The complexi ties of defeasibility}, journal = {Journal of Applied Communication Research}, volume = {34}, number = {3}, pages = {285-306}, note = {Benoit, William L.}, abstract = {The candidates for the Democratic presidential nomination in 2004 were united in attacking President George W. Bush. Their continued criticism, c ombined with news stories about such topics as the failure to find weapons of ma ss destruction in Iraq and job losses in the United States, steadily eroded the president's image. On February 8, 2004, President Bush appeared on Meet the Pres s to repair his reputation, exemplifying the problem of how an incumbent preside nt can reply to such attacks while in the midst of a campaign for re-election. T his essay applies the theory of image repair to this discourse to critically ana lyze and evaluate Bush's attempt to repair his image. Bush responded to two key accusations: justification for the war in Iraq and concerns about the economy (i ncluding jobs and the deficit). He tried to frame himself as a "war president" ( transcendence) who should be evaluated on those grounds but failed to make this the most important problem for most voters. He employed denial, but the support for denials was often weak. He also relied heavily on defeasibility. However, Bu sh's use of the strategy of defeasibility raises doubts about whether he will be able to solve problems in a second term. Thus, President Bush's image repair ef fort was' largely ineffectual.},

year = {2006} } @article{ author = {Boettcher, W. A. and Cobb, M. D.}, title = {Echoes of Vietnam? Casualty framing and public perceptions of succes s and failure in Iraq}, journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution}, volume = {50}, number = {6}, pages = {831-854}, note = {Boettcher, William A., III Cobb, Michael D.}, abstract = {In the early stages of the counterinsurgency campaign in Iraq, mi litary leaders resisted the release of body count and "casualty ratio" data. How ever, in the spring of 2004, the U.S. military (and American media) began to foc us on the "limited" American casualties in specific operations versus the "signi ficant" number of insurgents killed. This article examines the extent to which b ody count/casualty ratio "frames and individual casualty tolerance influence pub lic perceptions about the war and the success or failure of U.S. military operat ions. Two experiments were conducted pitting alternative casualty frames against one another to measure their relative impact. The results demonstrate the influ ence of framing effects on public perceptions and clarify understanding of the d eterminants and impact of casualty tolerance.}, year = {2006} } @article{ author = {Boettcher, W. A. and Cobb, M. D.}, title = {"Don't Let Them Die in Vain" Casualty Frames and Public Tolerance fo r Escalating Commitment in Iraq}, journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution}, volume = {53}, number = {5}, pages = {677-697}, note = {Boettcher, William A., III Cobb, Michael D.}, abstract = {This article builds on past framing research to probe the impact of casualty frames on the public's willingness to expend additional "blood and t reasure" in an ongoing war. The rhetoric of "sunk costs" (often described as "sa crifices") that must be redeemed through further conflict is a well-known, yet i rrational, trope. Utilizing an experiment embedded in a nationally representativ e survey on attitudes about Iraq, we find that "investment frames" increase supp ort for the war among individuals who believe the U.S. "did the right thing in I raq," but decrease support for the war among those who feel the U.S. " should ha ve stayed out." We also find, however, that framing effects are inconsistent whe n the frames are attributed to sources. These latter results demonstrate the imp ortance of including unattributed frames to evaluate source effects in framing r esearch.}, year = {2009} } @article{ author = {Bonds, E.}, title = {Strategic Role Taking and Political Struggle: Bearing Witness to the Iraq War}, journal = {Symbolic Interaction}, volume = {32}, number = {1}, pages = {1-20}, note = {Bonds, Eric}, abstract = {U. S. and Canadian peace activists traveled to Iraq as a social m

ovement tactic, in the buildup to the war and during the war itself, in an attem pt to sustain or increase peace activism at home. Based on interviews with fourt een peace activists, this study analyzes how the presence of antiwar activists i n Iraq serves two social movement goals. First, their presence in Iraq bestowed activists increased access to media, bolstering their ability to reframe the war within mainstream media accounts. Second, by traveling to Iraq, activists furni shed themselves with stories of the hardships and suffering of war to share with audiences at home. By retelling these narratives, activists provide opportuniti es and obligations for audience members to imaginatively take the role of Iraqi civilians, in the hope that audience members will practice moral reasoning and b e consequently moved to act against the war. To provide these role-taking opport unities, peace activists must also engage in a political struggle over "otherhoo d" by countering official attempts to dehumanize Iraqis.}, year = {2008} } @article{ author = {Borrelli, S. A. and Lockerbie, B.}, title = {Framing effects on public opinion during prewar and major combat pha ses of the US wars with Iraq}, journal = {Social Science Quarterly}, volume = {89}, number = {2}, pages = {502-522}, note = {Borrelli, Stephen A. Lockerbie, Brad}, abstract = {Objectives. Our purpose was to develop and test several hypothese s concerning the impact of poll-question wording on aggregate public support for war. We drew on general insights from framing theory and specific insights from various theories of public support for war. Methods. Our database consisted of two collections of aggregate poll results drawn from the prewar and major combat phases of the Gulf War (1990-1991) and the Second War with Iraq (2002-2003). Fo r each data set, we used multivariate OLS regression to gauge the impact of spec ific question-wording variations on the percentage of respondents expressing sup port for war, controlling for systematic time and pollster effects. Results. Mos t of the hypothesized wording effects were significant in the expected direction . Mentioning WMDs, terrorism, Saddam, hostages, and international support for wa r boosted aggregate war support in one or both wars; mentioning the president, o il or gasoline, international opposition to war, and U.S. or Iraqi casualties de pressed support. Conclusions. Various theories emphasizing different "rational" aspects of public attitudes toward war are supported. However, the significance of mentioning Saddam by name in the Second War with Iraq, and mentioning the pre sident in both wars, would seem to imply framing effects based more on emotion a nd/or symbolism.}, year = {2008} } @article{ author = {Boyle, M. J.}, title = {Between freedom and fear: Explaining the consensus on terrorism and democracy in US foreign policy}, journal = {International Politics}, volume = {48}, number = {2-3}, pages = {412-433}, note = {Boyle, Michael J. SI}, abstract = {Why have two successive US administrations concluded that fightin g terrorism must involve democracy promotion? This assumption became prevalent i n US political discourse following the events of September 11 despite the fact t hat the empirical evidence linking democracy and terrorism is weak or ambiguous.

More strikingly, it has persisted even after the missions to establish democrac ies in Afghanistan and Iraq have led to increasing violence, including a worldwi de increase in terrorist attacks. This article argues that the link between demo cracy and terrorism was established by the combined effect of three factors: (a) the framing of the September 11 attacks in a way that increased the receptivity to this conceptual opposition between freedom and fear; (b) the ideological inf luence of the Wilsonian tradition, as manifested today in an unusual consensus b etween modern neo-conservatives and liberal internationalists on the desirabilit y of democratic reform as a means of changing foreign policy behaviour; and (c) a powerful bipartisan domestic constituency in favour of democracy promotion. Ow ing to these three factors, the contraposition of democracy and terrorism in Ame rican political discourse is effectively over-determined because it mirrors the dominant ideological and political preferences of American elites. This fixed pr eference for democracy promotion explains why the Obama Administration has remai ned wedded to the binary distinction between freedom and fear in its public stat ements despite its efforts to break in style and substance with the policies of its predecessor. International Politics (2011) 48, 412-433. doi:10.1057/ip.2011. 1}, year = {2011} } @article{ author = {Brantner, C. and Lobinger, K. and Wetzstein, I.}, title = {EFFECTS OF VISUAL FRAMING ON EMOTIONAL RESPONSES AND EVALUATIONS OF NEWS STORIES ABOUT THE GAZA CONFLICT 2009}, journal = {Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly}, volume = {88}, number = {3}, pages = {523-540}, note = {Brantner, Cornelia Lobinger, Katharina Wetzstein, Irmgard}, abstract = {The experiment investigates visual framing effects of news storie s on readers' (1) emotional response, (2) evaluation of communicative quality, ( 3) journalistic credibility and (4) objectivity, and (5) perception of actor rep resentation. Three versions of a news report about the Gaza conflict were used. While the text remained the same, different images were added representing visua l human-interest framing, visual political framing, and no visual framing. Visua l human-interest framing elicited stronger emotional responses, higher values co ncerning the communicative quality, and had an impact on the perceived actor rep resentation. No differences in objectivity and credibility were found among the three stimuli.}, year = {2011} } @article{ author = {Carpenter, S.}, title = {US elite and non-elite newspapers' portrayal of the iraq war: A comp arison of frames and source use}, journal = {Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly}, volume = {84}, number = {4}, pages = {761-776}, note = {Carpenter, Serena}, abstract = {Stories from two elite and four non-elite newspapers were content analyzed for the use of sources and frames over a three-year period during and after the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. The study used frames previously ap plied in studies conducted on elite publications. Results indicate that the use of frames and the inclusion of international, national, and local sources differ ed significantly; however, the inclusion of military sources was nearly balanced in elite and non-elite newspapers.}, year = {2007}

} @article{ author = {Chandler, D.}, title = {War Without End(s): Grounding the Discourse of 'Global War'}, journal = {Security Dialogue}, volume = {40}, number = {3}, pages = {243-262}, note = {Chandler, David}, abstract = {This article seeks to explain the limits of critical discourses o f 'global war' and biopolitical framings of 'global conflict' that have arisen i n response to the globalization of security discourses in the post-Cold War era. The central theoretical insight offered is that 'global war' should not be unde rstood in the framework of contested struggles to reproduce and extend the power of regulatory control. 'Global war' appears 'unlimited' and unconstrained preci sely because it lacks the instrumental, strategic framework of 'war' understood as a political-military technique. For this reason, critical analytical framings of global conflict, which tend to rely on the 'scaling up' of Michel Foucault's critique of biopolitics and upon Carl Schmitt's critique of universal claims to protect the 'human', elide the specificity of the international today. Today's 'wars of choice', fought under the banner of the 'values' of humanitarian interv ention or the 'global war on terror', are distinguished precisely by the fact th at they cannot be grasped as strategically framed political conflicts.}, year = {2009} } @article{ author = {Christensen, W. M. and Ferree, M. M.}, title = {Cowboy of the world? Gender discourse and the Iraq war debate}, journal = {Qualitative Sociology}, volume = {31}, number = {3}, pages = {287-306}, note = {Christensen, Wendy M. Ferree, Myra Marx SI}, abstract = {In this article we examine the debate preceding the most recent w ar in Iraq to show gendered framing can compromise the quality of debate. Drawin g on a sample of national news discourse in the year before the war began, we sh ow that both anti-war and pro-war speakers draw on binary images of gender to co nstruct their cases for or against war. Speakers cast the Bush administration's argument for invasion either as a correct "macho" stance or as inappropriate, ou t-of-control masculinity. The most prominent gendered image in war debate is tha t of the cowboy, used to characterize both President Bush and US foreign policy in general. The cowboy is positioned against a diplomatic form of masculinity th at is associated with Europe and valued by anti-war speakers, but criticized by pro-war speakers. Articles that draw on gender images show a lower quality of th e debate, measured by the extent to which reasons rather than ad hominem argumen ts are used to support or rebut assertions.}, year = {2008} } @article{ author = {Clemens, W. C.}, title = {Can - Should - Must We Negotiate with Evil?*}, journal = {Pacific Focus}, volume = {26}, number = {3}, pages = {316-335}, note = {Clemens, Walter C., Jr.},

abstract = {How should the USA and its allies deal with regimes that abuse th eir own people and threaten world order? Are some regimes so evil that it is wro ng and unwise to engage with them even on matters of shared concern? The answer depends not only on the facts of the case but also on priorities and frames of r eference. Thus, two Soviet citizens, each a Nobel Prize winner, disagreed on whe ther Western governments should treat the Kremlin as a viable partner in negotia tions to control the arms race. Alexander I. Solzhenitsyn said no, because a reg ime that oppressed its own people could not be trusted. But Andrei D. Sakharov a nswered yes, because the stakes for humanity were so high. Solzhenitsyn put huma n rights first; Sakharov, the survival of humanity. Today a similar choice confr onts Washington, Seoul, and Tokyo as they face leaders in Pyongyang moving to ex pand their nuclear and missile capabilities. President George W. Bush placed Nor th Korea on an "axis of evil." He loathed a leader who permitted more than a mil lion of his subjects to starve. But even if this repugnance was justified, did i t serve US and allied interests to end the dialogues that, in the Clinton years, offered hope of limiting and perhaps terminating the North's nuclear weapons an d missile programs? "We are good and they are bad" is dangerous as an approach t o foreign affairs. But it is also wrong and reckless to assume that all actors a re equally flawed. Still, if a cruel dictatorship is willing to negotiate securi ty arrangements likely to limit arms competition and make war less likely, democ ratic governments should engage and seek verifiable arrangements.}, year = {2011} } @article{ author = {Coletta, D.}, title = {Courage in the service of virtue - The case of General Shinseki's te stimony before the Iraq war}, journal = {Armed Forces & Society}, volume = {34}, number = {1}, pages = {109-121}, note = {Coletta, Damon}, abstract = {Army Chief of Staff Eric Shinseki testified to the Senate Armed S ervices Committee before Operation Iraqi Freedom that several hundred thousand A merican Army soldiers were needed to occupy Iraq following a successful completi on of the war. In hindsight, after many postwar problems occurred during Army an d Marine efforts to stabilize Iraq, General Shinseki's action has been almost un iversally praised as prescient and courageous. This article counters that, from a civil-military relations perspective, Shinseki's testimony was neither suffici ently accurate nor sufficiently respectful of civilian control to serve as a hea lthy model for future officers. The U.S. civil-military relationship framed by t he 1986 Goldwater-Nichols Act, which preserved the power of individual service c hiefs to provide independent testimony, is better served when high-ranking offic ers adopt a notion of courage in light of military authority delegated to region al combatant commands and in consideration of the political vulnerabilities of t heir civilian masters.}, year = {2007} } @article{ author = {Cottle, S.}, title = {Reporting demonstrations: the changing media politics of dissent}, journal = {Media Culture & Society}, volume = {30}, number = {6}, pages = {853-+}, note = {Cottle, Simon}, abstract = {In liberal democratic theory demonstrations and protests have lon g been seen as a bridge helping to overcome possible disconnects between publics

, opinion formation and decision-makers and, in more recent social theory, they are thought to perform a role in vitalizing moribund parliamentary democracies, crystallizing collective identities and circulating new cultural codes, In Brita in today, as in many other Western democracies, demonstrations and protests have moved from the margins to the mainstream. becoming increasingly profuse and an accepted political tactic for an expanded range of organizations, singled issue campaigns, new social movements and transnational advocacy networks. They depend on the media, and the news media particularly, to get their message across and mobilize wider support. Much has changed however, since earlier studies document ed how the news media reported protests and demonstrations through a dominant la w and] (dis)order frame, labelling protesters as deviant and de-legitimizing the ir aims and politics by emphasizing drama, spectacle and violence. This discussi on considers some of these major changes and, on this basis, proposes a new rese arch agenda for the exploration of the complexities and contingencies that now i nform the news media's reporting of dissent.}, year = {2008} } @article{ author = {Cottle, S.}, title = {Global Crises in the News: Staging New Wars, Disasters, and Climate Change}, journal = {International Journal of Communication}, volume = {3}, pages = {494-U1117}, note = {Cottle, Simon}, abstract = {We live in a world increasingly defined by global crises. These a re crises whose origins and outcomes cannot adequately be encompassed or explain ed by national or even international frames of reference. How they are staged in the world's news media proves critical to their constitution as "global crises" and variously conditions their course and conduct. This paper grounds and elabo rates on these claims in respect of three selected global crises - new wars, maj or disasters, and climate change. Here, three general forms of news staging are delineated in terms of global surveillance, global-focusing events, and global s pectacle. Global crisis reporting, it is argued, variously expresses today's "ne gatively globalized planet" (Bauman, 2007), but how global crises become staged and enacted within the news media also extends their global reach and variously intensifies their responses. In such ways, the news media may even, on occasion, contribute to an emergent global "cosmopolitanism outlook" (Beck, 2006).}, year = {2009} } @article{ author = {Coy, P. G. and Woehrle, L. M. and Maney, G. M.}, title = {A Typology of Oppositional Knowledge: Democracy and the US Peace Mov ement}, journal = {Sociological Research Online}, volume = {13}, number = {4}, note = {Coy, Patrick G. Woehrle, Lynne M. Maney, Gregory M.}, abstract = {Institutionally privileged political discourses not only legitima te the policy agendas of power-holders, but also de-legitimate dissent. Oppositi onal discourses are social movement responses to these cultural obstacles to mas s mobilisation. Integrating discourse analysis and framing theory, we argue that the production of oppositional knowledge constitutes a long-term, counter-hegem onic project that connects macro-level discourses with meso and micro-level effo rts at political persuasion, mobilisation, and change. Drawing examples from sta tements issued by U. S. peace movement organisations (PMOs) over fifteen years, we map the production of oppositional discourses across five conflict periods. U sing qualitative data analysis and both inductive and deductive theorising, we d

evelop a typology of the U. S. peace movement's discourses on democracy. We show that four forms of oppositional knowledge were generated by PMOs to facilitate policy dialogue and accountability. Through their statements, peace movement org anisations crafted a shared conception of democracy that is antithetical to mili tary intervention abroad and political repression at home.}, year = {2009} } @article{ author = {Daase, C. and Kessler, O.}, title = {Knowns and unknowns in the ' War on terror': Uncertainty and the pol itical construction of danger}, journal = {Security Dialogue}, volume = {38}, number = {4}, pages = {411-434}, note = {Daase, Christopher Kessler, Oliver}, abstract = {Knowledge and non-knowledge are equally constitutive for politica l decisionmaking. The relationship between what we know, what we do not know, wh at we cannot know and what we do not like to know determines the cognitive frame for political practice. This article analyses how uncertainty is perceived and how danger is constructed in the global 'war on terror'. We fist identify threat s, risks, catastrophes and ignorance as distinct kinds of danger. We then demons trate how different notions of probability are used to determine their magnitude and to assign political responsibility. In the third part, we show how these 'l ogics of danger' play out in current anti-terror strategies. Security policy in general and the 'war on terror' in particular can only be explained, we argue, i f ways of managing non-knowledge are taken into account.}, year = {2007} } @article{ author = {Dalgaard-Nielsen, A.}, title = {The test of strategic culture: Germany, pacifism and pre-emptive str ikes}, journal = {Security Dialogue}, volume = {36}, number = {3}, pages = {339-359}, note = {Dalgaard-Nielsen, A}, abstract = {Germany was the first country to issue a categorical refusal to s upport the US-led war in Iraq. Some have interpreted this as the result of a cla sh between the strategic cultures of Germany and the USA, others as a sign that a more nationalistic and assertive Germany is emerging. This article explains th e apparently contradictory aspects of Germany's stance on Iraq by identifying tw o competing strands within Germany's strategic culture. It concludes that the Ge rman refusal signals neither a reversion to a pacifist stance nor that Germany i s in a process of shedding the bonds and alliances that have so far framed the r eunified Germany's military policy. Iraq simply showed that Germany, like most o ther countries, has conditions that have to be met - in Germany's case, conditio ns flowing from the coexistence of two competing schools of thought within Germa ny's strategic culture.}, year = {2005} } @article{ author = {Dimitrova, D. V. and Kaid, L. L. and Williams, A. P. and Trammell, K. D.}, title = {War on the web - The immediate news framing of Gulf War II}, journal = {Harvard International Journal of Press-Politics},

volume = {10}, number = {1}, pages = {22-44}, note = {Dimitrova, DV Kaid, LL Williams, AP Trammell, KD}, abstract = {This study examined the immediate coverage of the 2003 Iraq War o n the home pages of 246 international news Web sites. The results show that most of these online publications provided coverage and made Gulf War II their top s tory only hours after the war began. However, foreign news sites framed the war differently than U.S. sites. Domestic news sites focused more heavily on the mil itary conflict, human interest, and media self-coverage while the responsibility frame was more common for international sites. Also, online news coverage in co untries officially supporting the war was more positive than in the countries op posing the war. The implications of these differences are discussed, and example s to illustrate the differences are offered.}, year = {2005} } @article{ author = {Donnar, G.}, title = {A SUPPORT WITHDRAWN: 'SPAIN'S 9/11' AND AUSTRALIAN NEWSPAPER FRAMING }, journal = {Media International Australia}, number = {130}, pages = {39-49}, note = {Donnar, Glen}, abstract = {This study represents an attempt to redress the neglect of academ ic research into coverage of the Madrid train bombings through a content analysi s of major Australian newspapers in the immediate aftermath (12 21 March 2004). It quantifies a sudden and significant shift in representation from a 'support f or Spain' news frame following the bombings to a 'criticism of Spain' frame foll owing the Spanish national election result only three days later. Australian new spapers made support for a terrorised Spain conditional on a politics of represe ntation marked by the war on terror' as a master frame, and served to reflect th e political interests and sponsored interpretation of government sources. The mo ral implications of this withdrawal of support for the Spanish cannot be under-e stimated, for it suggests that Australian newspapers were prepared to contribute to an 'erosion' of compassion for recent victims of terrorism.}, year = {2009} } @article{ author = {Edy, J. A. and Meirick, P. C.}, title = {Wanted, dead or alive: Media frames, frame adoption, and support for the war in Afghanistan}, journal = {Journal of Communication}, volume = {57}, number = {1}, pages = {119-141}, note = {Edy, Jill A. Meirick, Patrick C.}, abstract = {This paper attempts to measure the impact of naturally occurring media frames on public support for a policy. Content analysis of network nightly news during late October of 2001 reveals that U.S. media framed the events of S eptember I I in terms of both war and crime. A concurrent survey of 328 Tennesse ans reveals that rather than adopting either a war frame or a crime frame, audie nces combined elements of these media frames in various ways and that their subs equent understanding of the events of September I I had an impact on their suppo rt for the war in Afghanistan. The results reveal the complexity of the framing phenomenon in natural environments and suggest the need for better measures of h ow audiences perceive media frames as well as further investigation into framing as a means of coalition building.},

year = {2007} } @article{ author = {Entman, R. M.}, title = {Cascading activation: Contesting the White House's frame after 9/11} , journal = {Political Communication}, volume = {20}, number = {4}, pages = {415-432}, note = {Entman, RM}, abstract = {President Bush's initial frame for the attacks of September 11, 2 001, overwhelmingly dominated the news. Using that frame as a springboard, this article advances a coherent conception of framing within a new model of the rela tionship between government and the media in U. S. foreign policy making. The ca scading activation model supplements research using the hegemony or indexing app roaches. The model explains how interpretive frames activate and spread from the top level of a stratified system (the White House) to the network of nonadminis tration elites, and on to news organizations, their texts, and the public - and how interpretations feed back from lower to higher levels. To illustrate the mod el's potential, the article explores the frame challenge mounted by two journali sts, Seymour Hersh and Thomas Friedman, who attempted to shift the focus from Af ghanistan to Saudi Arabia. As hegemony theory predicts, 9/11 revealed yet again that media patrol the boundaries of culture and keep discord within conventional bounds. But inside those borders, even when government is promoting "war" again st terrorism, media are not entirely passive receptacles for government propagan da, and the cascade model illuminates deviations from the preferred frame. As in dex theorists suggest, elite discord is a necessary condition for politically in fluential frame challenges. Among other things, the cascade model helps explain whether that condition arises, and how journalists can hinder or advance it.}, year = {2003} } @article{ author = {Evangelista, M.}, title = {Chechnya's Russia problem}, journal = {Current History}, volume = {102}, number = {666}, pages = {313-319}, note = {Evangelista, M}, abstract = {In October 2002, armed Chechen terrorists seized control of the D ubrovka Theater in downtown Moscow and held nearly 800 people hostage. They dema nded an immediate end to Russia's war in Chechnya and withdrawal of the Russian army. Eighteen of the fifty Chechens were women, veiled and dressed in black rob es, with explosives strapped to their bodies. They threatened to blow up the bui lding if their demands were not met. After a tense 58 hours, Russian special for ces piped in an incapacitating gas and then stormed the theater. They killed the Chechens and freed the hostages, although more than a hundred of those freed la ter died from the effects of the gas. Russian President Vladimir Putin character ized the hostage taking as entirely about international terrorism-and nothing el se. He linked the Chechens to the Al Qaeda terrorist network. He said that the C hechen republic president, Aslan Maskhadov, whose election Russia had recognized as legitimate in 1997, was complicit in the hostage operation and therefore cou ld not be part of a negotiated solution to what had become known as the second C hechen war. In the months that followed, even as Chechen suicide bombings of Rus sian military and civilian targets mounted-both inside Chechnya and elsewhere in the Russian Federation-Putin declared victory over the secessionists and began to implement his preferred postwar policy. A March 2003 referendum ostensibly de

monstrated overwhelming popular support among Chechens for a new constitution th at would reaffirm the region's status as a republic of the Russian Federation, t hereby repudiating the separatist government of Maskhadov and the armed oppositi on to Russian occupation. A presidential election was scheduled for October 2003 . But no one believes that the situation in Chechnya will become stable anytime soon. Hundreds of thousands of refugees who fled the war are struggling to remai n in camps in neighboring republics such as Ingushetia, even though the Russian authorities have sought to cut off international humanitarian aid and force the refugees to return home. Their reluctance to do so speaks more eloquently than t he referendum results about the prospects for peace in Chechnya. As long as Pres ident Putin insists on framing the war in Chechnya as a struggle with internatio nal terrorism, as long as he refuses to consider a negotiated or internationally sanctioned resolution, and as long as the West tacitly acquiesces to his approa ch, there may be no end to the bloodshed.}, year = {2003} } @article{ author = {Figenschou, T. U.}, title = {Al Jazeera: The counter-flow channel}, journal = {Internasjonal Politikk}, volume = {64}, number = {2}, pages = {171-+}, note = {Figenschou, Tine Ustad}, abstract = {This article analyses the relationship between the US administrat ion and Al Jazeera Channel during the 2003 war in Iraq. The article starts by di scussing the development of the new transnational Arab satellite channels and ho w these channels, with Al Jazeera Channel in the forefront, represented a counte r-flow of information after September 11, 2001. After 2001, the relationship bet ween the US authorities and Al Jazeera has ranged from courting to criticising, censoring and bombing the satellite channel's offices in the field. During the w ar in Iraq, all these aspects of the relationship were present. Three aspects ar e highlighted here: 1) How Al Jazeera's war coverage challenged the official US framing of the war, and how the US reacted to this challenge, 2) The relationshi p between the Al Jazeera staff on the ground and the representatives from the US administration, and 3) The extent to which the American public diplomacy campai gns directed through Al Jazeera succeeded.}, year = {2006} } @article{ author = {Fried, A.}, title = {Terrorism as a context of coverage before the Iraq War}, journal = {Harvard International Journal of Press-Politics}, volume = {10}, number = {3}, pages = {125-132}, note = {Fried, A}, abstract = {This article examines terrorism as a context in the major newsmag azines' coverage of Iraq in the prewar period. Contexts and associated issues he lp create news frames, which can affect judgments of events and policies. This i nvestigation relies on the issues of Time and Newsweek published in September 20 02 and from the first issue of January 2003 through the March 24, 2003, issue an d includes analysis of the issues' cover art, graphics within news stories, and Iraq and terrorism stories. During this period, newsmagazines frequently juxtapo sed terrorism and Iraq and used graphics that linked Iraq to terrorism and terro rists.}, year = {2005} }

@article{ author = {Froese, P. and Mencken, F. C.}, title = {A US Holy War? The Effects of Religion on Iraq War Policy Attitudes} , journal = {Social Science Quarterly}, volume = {90}, number = {1}, pages = {103-116}, note = {Froese, Paul Mencken, F. Carson}, abstract = {Objective. Throughout the course of the Iraq War, the Bush Admini stration has consistently framed its war policy in religious language. Therefore , we investigate the extent to which public religiosity predicts neoconservative foreign policy attitudes. Method. We use the 2005 Baylor Religion Survey to est imate OLS models predicting the effects of religious measures on support for a n eoconservative Middle East foreign policy. Findings. We find that support for U. S. Iraq policy is partially an outcome of what we call "sacralization ideology, '' as measured by the belief that religious and secular institutions should be m ore closely in collaboration. Conclusion. We argue that the religious framing of U.S. foreign policy appeals to a certain religious type who is not fully Republ ican or conservative evangelical.}, year = {2009} } @article{ author = {Gagin, R. and Unger-Arnov, Y. and Shinan-Altman, S. and Tessler, A. }, title = {The Suffering is Similar-Is the Treatment Equal? An Intervention Wit h Arab Terror Injured}, journal = {Social Work in Health Care}, volume = {50}, number = {5}, pages = {376-389}, note = {Gagin, Roni Unger-Arnov, Yael Shinan-Altman, Shiri Tessler, Aviva}, abstract = {In the course of the last Intifada and during the Second Lebanon War, all citizens of Israel were exposed to waves of terrorism that claimed many people wounded and killed, unrelated to religious differences, age, gender, or nationality: Jews and Arabs suffered alike. The acts of terror exposed all inhab itants equally to injury, suffering, and the need to adjust. The professional li terature attests that minority groups are at a higher risk of experiencing posttraumatic symptoms as a result of exposure to acts of terror. This article descr ibes the treatment with terror injured, Jews and Arabs, in the frame of the proj ect for terror victims at Rambam Medical Center, in cooperation with Operation E mbrace. It also covers the project intervention with casualties of the shooting incident in the Arab town of Shefaram, with the cooperation of Shefaram Social W elfare department. The psycho-social work conducted with the injured, Jews and A rabs, emphasized their similarities, their common fate, and the fact that any of us could be injured in a terror act or a war. The suffering, the loss, and the hurt are common to us all. At the same time, the interventions referred to cultu ral differences and the diverse ways of coping with the aftermath of the events, based on values, faith, and outlook on life arising from cultural background.}, year = {2011} } @article{ author = {Gavriely-Nuri, D.}, title = {Rainbow, Snow, and the Poplar's Song: The "Annihilative Naming'' of Israeli Military Practices}, journal = {Armed Forces & Society}, volume = {36},

number = {5}, pages = {825-842}, note = {Gavriely-Nuri, Dalia}, abstract = {This article explores the phenomenon of military naming, that is, the act of giving a name to military practices such as military operations, wea ponry, and military units. The basic theoretical supposition is that military na ming is a simple and useful mechanism that might be employed to blur undesired a spects-such as the human and economical costs-associated with the respective pra ctices. Inspired by John B. Thompson's "strategies of operation of ideology," th e research uses the construct of strategies of annihilative naming to analyze a corpus of 239 Israeli names of military operations and weaponry. By using names coming from nature and the Bible, the Israeli military uses three strategies-nat uralization, euphemization, and legitimation-that mediate Israeli public opinion toward controversial military operations as well as weaponry development. Futur e research of other military names will support the construction of generalizati ons about this important phenomenon.}, year = {2010} } @article{ author = {Gray, J.}, title = {Blair's project in retrospect}, journal = {International Affairs}, volume = {80}, number = {1}, pages = {39-+}, note = {Gray, J}, abstract = {New Labour came into being as an attempt to frame a successor pro ject to Thatcherism, but in practice it has proved to be a continuation of it. B lair's project was to achieve hegemony for Labour by blending free market polici es with a concern for social cohesion. He accepted the new economic settlement t hat Thatcher had established, but believed it could be made more sustainable if it was tempered with a concern for social justice. Within the Labour Party his p roject was set in terms of modernizing social democracy, but in the country as a whole it was perceived as a variation on One Nation Toryism-a strand in the Bri tish political tradition which the Conservatives had seemingly forgotten. In fac t, Blair's domestic agenda has had more in common with Thatcher's than with eith er social democracy or One Nation Toryism. There were significant constitutional reforms in the first term, but privatization and the injection of market mechan isms into hitherto autonomous institutions has remained the central thrust of po licy. Blair has been committed to modernizing Britain, but his conception of mod ernization was a variation on Thatcher's, In one centrally important area, Blair diverges from Thatcher: he believes an essential component of Britain's moderni zation was an improved relationship with the EU, culminating in British entry in to the euro. Yet his uncompromising support for the US over Iraq has left Britai n as deeply alienated from France and Germany as it had ever been in Thatcher's time. Britain may still some day join the euro, but it will not be Tony Blair wh o takes us in. Blair's strategy was to attain hegemony for New Labour by appropr iating the Thatcherite inheritance. In domestic terms, this strategy has been a success, but it relies on continuing Conservative weakness and an economic and i nternational environment congenial to neo-liberal policies. At present both of t hese conditions appear to be changing to Blair's disadvantage. The Conservative Party seems to be shaping a post-Thatcherite agenda. At the same time, the US is leading a movement away from neo-liberal orthodoxies towards protectionism and deficit financing and faces an intractable guerrilla war in Iraq. In these circu mstances, the neo-Thatcherite strategy that sustained Blair in power could prove to be his undoing.}, year = {2004} }

@article{ author = {Greenberg, J.}, title = {Framing and temporality in political cartoons: A critical analysis o f visual news discourse}, journal = {Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology-Revue Canadienne De Sociologie Et D Anthropologie}, volume = {39}, number = {2}, pages = {181-198}, note = {Greenberg, J}, abstract = {Political cartoons are a form of visual news discourse. Sociologi sts normally dismiss their ideological import on the grounds that cartoons simpl y offer newsreaders absurd accounts of putative "problem" conditions and are not likely to be taken very seriously. Nevertheless, it is through comedic conventi ons that cartoons seize upon and reinforce common sense and thus enable the publ ic to actively classify, organize and interpret in meaningful ways what they see or experience about the world at a given moment. Informed by the interactionist theories of Goffman and Mead, two cartoons illustrating the recent "crisis" of "migrant waves" to Canada will be examined.}, year = {2002} } @article{ author = {Groshek, J.}, title = {Homogenous agendas, disparate frames: CNN and CNN international cove rage online}, journal = {Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media}, volume = {52}, number = {1}, pages = {52-68}, note = {Groshek, Jacob}, abstract = {Although CNN and CNN International represent just a fraction of g lobal news coverage, the networks are widely viewed, crucial agenda-setting agen ts the world over. This study found that the online versions of these 2 networks were remarkably consistent in telling audiences in America and abroad what to t hink about. However, American and non-American online audiences received dispara te amounts of coverage and were cued how to think about issues in unique ways. T hese findings and the high level of news homogenization in this content analysis are evidence of the influence that American news values have in global media cu lture.}, year = {2008} } @article{ author = {Haines, H. H.}, title = {Dangerous issues and public identities: The negotiation of controver sy in two movement organizations}, journal = {Sociological Inquiry}, volume = {76}, number = {2}, pages = {231-263}, note = {Haines, HH Annual Meeting of the Midwest-Sociological-Society 2004 Kansas City, MO Midwest Sociol Soc}, abstract = {Social movement organizations frame not only their target issues, but their own organizational identities. In doing so, they are sometimes forced to make difficult decisions that pit principle against considerations of image. This article compares and contrasts episodes from two different movements: (1)

Amnesty International's (AIUSA) expansion of its human rights agenda to include death penalty abolitionism and (2) the American Civil Liberties Union's (ACLU) e ndorsement of drug legalization. Based upon documentary and interview data, I de monstrate that Amnesty's decision to work toward the abolition of capital punish ment provoked intense internal debate based upon the prevalence within AIUSA at that time of a narrow conception of human rights, concern about the effect of an ti-death penalty projects on the group's priorities, and the fear that the caref ully crafted image the organization had built would be damaged by anti-death pen alty work. The ACLU's endorsement of drug legalization provoked some of the same concerns, but issues of public identity management were far less evident. Inste ad, internal debates focused on the proper breadth of the organization's anti-pr ohibitionism. I suggest that the differences between the two cases may be unders tood in terms of contrasting organizational cultures, framing vocabularies, and membership profiles.}, year = {2006} } @article{ author = {Halfmann, D. and Young, M. P.}, title = {WAR PICTURES: THE GROTESQUE AS A MOBILIZING TACTIC}, journal = {Mobilization}, volume = {15}, number = {1}, pages = {1-24}, note = {Halfmann, Drew Young, Michael P.}, abstract = {This article examines the uses and effects of grotesque imagery i n the antislavery and antiabortion movements and considers implications for theo ries of movement framing and mobilization. Grotesque images can produce strong e motions that may increase the resonance of movement frames and provide physiolog ical "evidence" of immorality. Such images may also produce confusion and ambigu ity that deeply engages readers or viewers and potentially breaks frames. But gr otesque images can also be counterproductive for activists. They can cause reade rs or viewers to turn away in disgust, and their use can taint activists as prur ient, irrational, uncivil, or manipulative. Finally, the effects of grotesque im ages are likely to vary across audiences, social contexts, and the skill of the activists that deploy them.}, year = {2010} } @article{ author = {Hayes, D. and Guardino, M.}, title = {Whose Views Made the News? Media Coverage and the March to War in Ir aq}, journal = {Political Communication}, volume = {27}, number = {1}, pages = {59-87}, note = {Hayes, Danny Guardino, Matt}, abstract = {Criticism of the news media's performance in the months before th e 2003 Iraq War has been profuse. Scholars, commentators, and journalists themse lves have argued that the media aided the Bush administration in its march to wa r by failing to air a wide-ranging debate that offered analysis and commentary f rom diverse perspectives. As a result, critics say, the public was denied the op portunity to weigh the claims of those arguing both for and against military act ion in Iraq. We report the results of a systematic analysis of every ABC, CBS, a nd NBC Iraq-related evening news story1,434 in allin the 8 months before the inv asion (August 1, 2002, through March 19, 2003). We find that news coverage confo rmed in some ways to the conventional wisdom: Bush administration officials were the most frequently quoted sources, the voices of anti-war groups and oppositio n Democrats were barely audible, and the overall thrust of coverage favored a pr

o-war perspective. But while domestic dissent on the war was minimal, opposition from abroadin particular, from Iraq and officials from countries such as France , who argued for a diplomatic solution to the standoffwas commonly reported on t he networks. Our findings suggest that media researchers should further examine the inclusion of non-U.S. views on high-profile foreign policy debates, and they also raise important questions about how the news filters the communications of political actors and refractsrather than merely reflectsthe contours of debate. }, year = {2010} } @article{ author = {Healy, A. F. and Hoffman, J. M. and Beer, F. A. and Bourne, L. E.}, title = {Terrorists and democrats: Individual reactions to international atta cks}, journal = {Political Psychology}, volume = {23}, number = {3}, pages = {439-467}, note = {Healy, AF Hoffman, JM Beer, FA Bourne, LE}, abstract = {Three experiments conducted in 1997 and 1998 explored individual responses to reported fictitious international conflict involving the United Sta tes and other nations. Participants escalated the conflictual level of their res ponses to repeated attacks. In Experiment 1, escalation of conflict was greater in response to terrorist attacks than to military ones. In Experiment 2, after t he initial attacks, men were more conflictual in responding to terrorist attacks by a democratic nation than by a nondemocratic nation, whereas the opposite pat tern was found for women. In Experiment 3, participants responded with a higher level of conflict to terrorist attacks on military targets than to attacks on cu ltural/educational targets. Participants with greater personality dominance show ed steeper escalation of conflict in their responses across successive attacks. These results are interpreted within the frame work of an image theory of intern ational relations and an expansion of the democratic peace hypothesis.}, year = {2002} } @article{ author = {Hickerson, A. A. and Moy, P. and Dunsmore, K.}, title = {REVISITING ABU GHRAIB: JOURNALISTS' SOURCING AND FRAMING PATTERNS}, journal = {Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly}, volume = {88}, number = {4}, pages = {789-806}, note = {Hickerson, Andrea A. Moy, Patricia Dunsmore, Kate}, abstract = {Drawing on the literature related to indexing and sourcing, this study analyzes portrayals and sourcing patterns of New York Times coverage of Ab u Ghraib and invocations of the events during Alberto Gonzales' nomination as U. S. Attorney General. Content analysis of all 760 articles published revealed tha t journalists overwhelmingly consulted official, though not necessarily partisan , sources during the pre-nomination, nomination, and hearing phases leading up t o Gonzales' confirmation. Despite introducing the idea of "scandal" into coverag e of Abu Ghraib, which suggests press independence, journalists consulted routin e sources and increasingly relied on congressional sources over time.}, year = {2011} } @article{ author = {Hipsher, P. L.}, title = {Heretical social movement organizations and their framing strategies },

journal = {Sociological Inquiry}, volume = {77}, number = {2}, pages = {241-263}, note = {Hipsher, Patricia L. 99th Annual Meeting of the American-Sociological-Association AUG 14-17, 2004 San Francisco, CA Amer Sociol Assoc}, abstract = {This article is an exploratory study of heretical social movement organizations (HSMOs) and the challenges that they face in framing their issue positions. It examines how identity communities' core issue positions serve to d emarcate the boundaries of authentic group membership, making "heretics" out of community organizations that have contrary positions. It also analyzes how these organizations finesse their heretical status by utilizing specific framing stra tegies. It illustrates these processes using data on two social movement organiz ations involved in the American abortion controversy, Catholics for a Free Choic e, a Catholic pro-choice organization, and Feminists for Life of America, a femi nist pro-life organization, during the period between 1972 and 2000. I begin by demonstrating the Catholic and feminist communities' use of an abortion litmus t est to maintain community boundaries. I, then, describe the two organizations' u se of value amplification and boundary framing to frame their "heretical" issue positions both within and against their identity communities, respectively. I co nclude by discussing the trend toward orthodoxy in many identity communities and the role of heretical social movement organizations in challenging this trend.} , year = {2007} } @article{ author = {Holland, J.}, title = {Howard's War on Terror: A Conceivable, Communicable and Coercive For eign Policy Discourse}, journal = {Australian Journal of Political Science}, volume = {45}, number = {4}, pages = {643-661}, note = {Holland, Jack}, abstract = {This article explores the relationship between language and polit ical possibility. It is argued that John Howard's language from 11 September 200 1 to mid 2003 helped to enable the 'War on Terror' in an Australian context in t hree principal ways. Firstly, through contingent and contestable constructions o f Australia, the world and their relationship, Howard's language made interventi onism conceivable. Secondly, emphasising shared values, mateship and mutual sacr ifice in war, Howard embedded his foreign policy discourse in the cultural terra in of 'mainstream Australia', specifically framing a foreign policy discourse th at was communicable to 'battlers' and disillusioned 'Hansonites'. Thirdly, posit ioning alternatives as 'un-Australian', Howard's language was particularly coerc ive, silencing potential oppositional voices.}, year = {2010} } @article{ author = {Hotchkiss, N.}, title = {Globalizing security? Media framing of national security in France a nd the United States from the Cold War through 11 September}, journal = {International Journal of Comparative Sociology}, volume = {51}, number = {5}, pages = {366-386},

note = {Hotchkiss, Nikole}, abstract = {This article offers a longitudinal examination of the public disc ourse on national security, as indicated by media frames, in France and the Unit ed States. The analysis presented here encompasses an era characterized by key c hanges to issues of national security in both nations, including the Cold War an d the fall of Communism, and Islamic extremist-led terrorist attacks in each cou ntry. The focus is on cross-national and longitudinal differences in the way the media frames security issues. I seek to extend previous work on cross-national media framing which finds stability and persistence of national cultural reperto ires over time. I test for change in framing strategies drawing on world polity and media transnationalism approaches. Results point to changes on multiple fron ts between 1984 and 2004, though these changes occur against a backdrop involvin g the apparent persistence of national cultural repertoires. Implications for th eory and research on national security, media, and culture are discussed.}, year = {2010} } @article{ author = {Hughes, C. W.}, title = {Japan's security policy, the US-Japan alliance, and the 'war on terr or': incrementalism confirmed or radical leap?}, journal = {Australian Journal of International Affairs}, volume = {58}, number = {4}, pages = {427-445}, note = {Hughes, CW}, abstract = {Japan's response to the 'war on terror', in the form of the despa tch of the JSDF to the Indian Ocean and Iraq, has given policy-makers and academ ic analysts grounds for believing that Japan is becoming a more assertive milita ry power in support of its US ally. This article argues that JSDF despatch does not necessarily mark a divergence from Japan's previous security path over the s hort term. This is because its policy-makers have continued to hedge around comm itments to the US through careful constitutional framing of JSDF missions and ca pabilities, allowing it opt-out clauses in future conflicts, and because it has also sought to pursue economic and alternative diplomatic policies in responding to terrorism and WMD proliferation in the Middle East. However, at the same thi s article argues that Japan has established important precedents for expanded JS DF missions in the 'war on terror', and that over the medium to longer terms the se are likely to be applied to the bilateral context of the US-Japan security tr eaty in East Asia, and to push Japan towards becoming a more active military pow er through participation in US-led multinational 'coalitions of the willing' in East Asia and globally.}, year = {2004} } @article{ author = {Ish-Shalom, P.}, title = {Defining by naming: Israeli civic warring over the Second Lebanon Wa r}, journal = {European Journal of International Relations}, volume = {17}, number = {3}, pages = {475-493}, note = {Ish-Shalom, Piki}, abstract = {Politics is a public effort directed at the allocation of resourc es, both material and symbolic. Quite often it involves conflict in the form of a public struggle over the allocation of resources. Informed by Antonio Gramsci' s theory of hegemony, this article offers a political reading of constructivism (a theoretical perspective here called Political Constructivism). It maintains t hat politics is guided by a conscious effort by political agents to control the

commonsensical understanding of social reality using the media of political conc epts, metaphors, symbols, and - the focus of this article - names and definition s. Political agents regard controlling the commonsense as one of the most effect ive political tools. They understand that it can be controlled by attaching mean ings to political concepts, by linking metaphors and symbols to ideas, and by li nking events to classes of events through naming and defining. This article exam ines the civic warring in Israel over the defining and naming of the Second Leba non War as a case in point. Defining and naming the event involved a political s truggle to frame the commonsense, gain the upper hand in the political process o f constructing socio-political reality, and reap the political gains. The articl e argues that the political struggle was resolved by what I call a weak Kripkean -like defining, in other words, defining by naming.}, year = {2011} } @article{ author = {Ivie, R. L.}, title = {BREAKING THE SPELL OF WAR: PEACE JOURNALISM'S DEMOCRATIC PROSPECT}, journal = {Javnost-the Public}, volume = {16}, number = {4}, pages = {5-21}, note = {Ivie, Robert L.}, abstract = {This essay examines and extends peace journalism's critique of ma instream news media in order to articulate a model of an enriched news narrative resistant to war propaganda and consistent with democratic praxis. It discusses the potential of political myth to delimit demonising projections that otherwis e debilitate democratic deliberation and suggests that news media would advance democratic culture by enhancing the public archive on which deliberative practic es depend. Critical attention is focused on two factors that reduce the democrat ic potential of news narratives: (1) the persistent omission of key information and (2) a chronic imbalance in interpretive frames. Whether or not professional conventions and market considerations render corporate media incapable of correc ting truncated and unbalanced news narratives, the capacity of the public archiv e to support democratic deliberation corresponds to the knowledge and perspectiv e it accrues to curtail alienating projections. We must ask, then, if democracy' s deliberative prospect can be realised short of correcting the shortcomings of news media.}, year = {2009} } @article{ author = {Jourde, C.}, title = {The international relations of small neoauthoritarian states: Islami sm, warlordism, and the framing of stability}, journal = {International Studies Quarterly}, volume = {51}, number = {2}, pages = {481-503}, note = {Jourde, Cedric 45th Annual Convention of the International-Studies-Association MAR 17-20, 2004 Montreal, CANADA Int Studies Assoc}, abstract = {The literature on democratization and authoritarian survival has rightfully studied the role external forces play in such processes. These extern al actors and structural constraints are said to be especially substantial when dealing with small and poor authoritarian states. Although this literature ackno wledges that small states are not entirely powerless when confronting hegemonic external forces, little effort has been made to refine and specify the role they

play and the actions they undertake to engage international democratization pre ssures. This paper addresses this lacuna by using the framing approach and the c oncept of "extraversion'" to analyze the process by which weak African authorita rian states draw on and change the representations that Western powers hold abou t them. These representations provide a specific lens through which Western gove rnments and experts look at political dynamics in developing countries, and even tually shape policies toward these countries. This paper analyzes how two small authoritarian African regimes, Guinea and Mauritania, have enacted a series of p erformances such as the arrests of alleged "Islamists," "warlords," and other tr ansnational "subversive threats," thereby framing their domestic and foreign pol icies in ways that can resonate with hegemonic international discourses, seeking to obtain either more support from Western states or to lower their democratiza tion pressure (or both).}, year = {2007} } @article{ author = {Kaufman, S. J.}, title = {Symbols, Frames, and Violence: Studying Ethnic War in the Philippine s}, journal = {International Studies Quarterly}, volume = {55}, number = {4}, pages = {937-958}, note = {Kaufman, Stuart J.}, abstract = {This article examines the utility of opportunity theory, framing analysis, and symbolic politics theory in explaining the causes of ethnic war, f ocusing on the 1970s Mindanao case. Opportunity variables are present as expecte d, but process-tracing shows they do not operate according to the hypothesized m echanisms. The framing approach identifies several important dynamics. The reson ance of frames was influenced by the salience of the issue highlighted, the narr ative fidelity of the frame to preexisting cultural beliefs, the credibility of leaders proposing them, and processes of frame bridging. Symbolic politics theor y offers the most complete explanation, embracing most of the alternative explan ations insights while filling in their logical gaps. The symbolist analysis begi ns with group myths justifying hostility on both sides, the result of past Chris tianMuslim warfare. Combined with fears of group extinction, opportunity factors , and hostile popular attitudes, these myths enabled group elites to manipulate emotive symbols to justify mobilization against the other group, creating a secu rity dilemma spiral that resulted in the outbreak of war.}, year = {2011} } @article{ author = {Khelashvili, G. and MacFarlane, S. N.}, title = {The Evolution of US Policy towards the Southern Caucasus}, journal = {Uluslararasi Iliskiler-International Relations}, volume = {7}, number = {26}, pages = {105-124}, note = {Khelashvili, George MacFarlane, S. Neil}, abstract = {This article examines the evolution of American policy in the Sou thern Caucasus since 1991. It begins with a discussion of the principal drivers of that policy. A discussion of the evolution of the policy since the end of the Cold War follows. The article argues that US policy in the region has been ad h oc and inconsistent, reflecting ideological considerations (democracy promotion in Georgia), economic interests (access to Caspian Basin energy product and the development of US relations with Azerbaijan), US minority lobbying (US policy to wards the Karabagh conflict), and idiosyncratic leadership preference (the perso nal relationship between Presidents Bush and Saakashvili). This amalgam reflecte

d the weakness of strategic drivers and notably Russia's inability to act on its hegemonic aspirations in the region. As Russian power increases, and its effort to rebuild its influence in the Southern Caucasus grows, the strategic framing of US policy may also be expected to strengthen.}, year = {2010} } @article{ author = {Kim, Y. and Jeong, I. and Khang, H. and Kim, B.}, title = {BLOGGING AS 'RECODING': A CASE STUDY OF THE DISCURSIVE WAR OVER THE SINKING OF THE CHEONAN}, journal = {Media International Australia}, number = {141}, pages = {98-106}, note = {Kim, Yeran Jeong, Irkwon Khang, Hyoungkoo Kim, Bomi}, abstract = {This article explores how Korean bloggers, in contestation, parti cipate in the social structure of communication and potentially transform it thr ough their vernacular practices of decoding and recoding in the blogosphere. As a neo-liberal regime has been established, citizens practise discursive politics in a seemingly democratic and technologically advanced society that is actually a coercive-controlled communication system. Through the analysis of news blogs on the Cheonan disaster, it is suggested that a majority of bloggers are seen to utilise news media stories to gain leverage for their points of view or to prov ide counter-arguments against the dominant frames generated by the established n ews media. The critical reframing of the digital network in Korean society allow s a reflexive reading of the Korean digital wave, which should be contextualised within generation politics, economic polarisation and ideological contestation. In order to avoid a nationalistic celebration of the IT power of the country, c itizens' digital media practices are analysed as contributions to the democratis ation of the public sphere and the enhancement of social openness and participat ion in the digitised arena of discursive politics.}, year = {2011} } @article{ author = {Klein, A. G. and Byerly, C. M. and McEachern, T. M.}, title = {Counterframing Public Dissent: An Analysis of Antiwar Coverage in th e US Media}, journal = {Critical Studies in Media Communication}, volume = {26}, number = {4}, pages = {331-350}, note = {Klein, Adam G. Byerly, Carolyn M. McEachern, Tony M.}, abstract = {This research sought to determine how the U. S. news media report ed on public dissent in the U.S./Iraq War campaign in the months surrounding the Congressional midterm elections of 2006. In total, 89 news stories of antiwar c overage from 11 national news sources were analyzed using mixed research methods . The study found that news on Iraq War dissent was largely vocalized by public antiwar protestors and active military/war veterans. These war critics presented new counterframes to the original war story, which earlier research showed had been framed by the Bush administration. Counterframes collectively characterized the war story as "illegal,'' "immoral,'' and "based on lies.'' These public-dri ven messages also replaced the elite sourcing (of earlier coverage) with the vie ws of non-elites, that is, ordinary citizens. Such counterframes emerged primari ly through journalist-selected news quotes about the Iraq War that amplified the mes of White House accountability.}, year = {2009} } @article{

author = {Konstantinidou, C.}, title = {The spectacle of suffering and death: the photographic representatio n of war in Greek newspapers}, journal = {Visual Communication}, volume = {7}, number = {2}, pages = {143-169}, note = {Konstantinidou, Christina}, abstract = {This article analyses the visual construction of human suffering in war, with special reference to the signifying practices of the photographs pu blished in Greek newspapers during the Second Iraq War. The author carries out a socio-semiotic analysis, arguing that the overall construction of the Second Ir aq War in the Greek press - illustrated by two case studies which are examined i n detail - combines contradictory elements and assumptions. Representations of t he war are 'framed' by the 'overpoliticization' of the Greek public sphere and t he dominant political culture synthesizing themes of 'anti-Americanism', 'anti-g lobalization' and 'pro-Third Worldism', but also a particular version of what Sa id called 'Orientalism'. More specifically, the insistence on spectacular images of suffering, and the combination of a humanitarian discourse of compassion for the 'innocent distant victims of war' with populist and Greek Christian Orthodo x conceptualizations of the self are constitutive elements of the newspapers' si gnifying practices, which aid the Greek press to be critical of the hegemonic we stern discourse regarding the Second Iraq War without, however, slipping to the other side of 'Orientalist binary oppositions'. On the contrary, this persistenc e on the humanitarian discourse of compassion towards victims is pivotal in iden tifying with the western moral virtues of 'civilized' humanity.}, year = {2008} } @article{ author = {Krebs, R. R. and Lobasz, J. K.}, title = {Fixing the meaning of 9/11 - Hegemony, coercion, and the road to war in Iraq}, journal = {Security Studies}, volume = {16}, number = {3}, pages = {409-451}, note = {Krebs, Ronald R. Lobasz, Jennifer K. 47th Annual Convention of the International-Studies-Association MAR 24, 2006 San Diego, CA Int Studies Assoc}, abstract = {As the costs of the invasion and occupation of Iraq mount, schola rs have sought to explain how the United States came to launch this war in the f irst place. Many have focused on the "inflation" of the Iraq threat, and indeed the Bush administration did frame the national dialogue on Iraq. We maintain, ho wever, that the failure of most leading Democrats to challenge the administratio n's case for war in 2002-2003 cannot be explained fully by the bully pulpit, Dem ocrats' reputation for dovishness, or administration misrepresentations. Rather, we argue that leading Democrats were relatively silent in the run-up to war bec ause they had been "rhetorically coerced," unable to advance a politically susta inable set of arguments with which to oppose the war. The effective fixing of th e meaning of the September 11 attacks in terms of the "War on Terror" substantia lly circumscribed political debate, and we explain why this discourse became dom inant. The Bush administration then capitalized on the existing portrait of Sadd am Hussein to bind Iraq tightly into the War on Terror and thereby silence leadi ng Democrats and legitimate the war. The story of the road to war in Iraq is not only one of neoconservative hubris and manipulated intelligence. It is also the story of how political actors strove effectively after 9/11 to shape the nation 's discourse of foreign affairs and of how the resulting dominant narratives str

uctured foreign policy debate. Behind the seemingly natural War on Terror lurk p olitical processes of meaning-making that narrowed the space for contestation ov er Iraq.}, year = {2007} } @article{ author = {Kurki, M.}, title = {Democracy and Conceptual Contestability: Reconsidering Conceptions o f Democracy in Democracy Promotion}, journal = {International Studies Review}, volume = {12}, number = {3}, pages = {362-386}, note = {Kurki, Milja}, abstract = {Democracy is a deeply contested concept: historically, complex de bates have revolved around the meaning of democracy and the plausibility of diff erent 'models of democracy.' However, democracy's conceptual contestability has received diminished attention in the post-Cold War democracy promotion debate as the attention of democracy promotion actors and scholars has turned to fine-tun ing of policies through which a liberal democratic model can be successfully enc ouraged. It is argued here that the focus on the extension of the reach of the l iberal democratic mode of governance has resulted in a conceptually impoverished appreciation of the multiple meanings that the idea of democracy can take. It i s argued that the 'essential contestability' of the idea of democracy is not ade quately recognized and tackled, which in turn has important effects for the abil ity of democracy promotion scholars, as well as practitioners, to take into acco unt the consequences that considering alternative (non-or extra-liberal) models of democracy might have for democracy promotion. To move the debate forward, I e xplore here, primarily in conceptual and theoretical terms, what serious engagem ent with the essential contestability of democracy might mean for democracy prom otion. I argue that it entails a two-fold move: 'pluralization' and 'contextuali zation' of the conceptions of democracy. The latter part of the article examines in detail the reasons that might exist for considering such a move in framing t he study and the practice of democracy promotion, as well as the potential dange rs that might be involved.}, year = {2010} } @article{ author = {Larkin, C.}, title = {BEYOND THE WAR? THE LEBANESE POSTMEMORY EXPERIENCE}, journal = {International Journal of Middle East Studies}, volume = {42}, number = {4}, pages = {615-635}, note = {Larkin, Craig}, abstract = {This article seeks to address how Lebanese youth are dealing with the legacy of civil War (1975-90), given the national backdrop of official sile nce, persisting injustice, and competing memory discourses. Drawing on Marianne Hirsch's concept of postmemory, it explores the memory of a generation of Lebane se who have grown up dominated not by traumatic events but by narrative accounts of events that preceded their birth. This residual form of memory carries and c onnects with the pain of others, suffusing temporal frames and liminal positions . The article examines how postmemory is mediated and transformed through the mn emonic lenses of visual landscapes and oral narratives. Consideration is given t o the dynamic production of "memoryscapes"-memories of violence localized in par ticular sites-and to narrative constructions of the past implicated in the ongoi ng search for meaning, historical truth, and identity. This article seeks to cha llenge pervasive notions of Lebanese postwar amnesia and of a generational detac

hment from the residual effects and future implications of war recollections.}, year = {2010} } @article{ author = {Ledwidge, M.}, title = {American power and the racial dimensions of US foreign policy}, journal = {International Politics}, volume = {48}, number = {2-3}, pages = {308-325}, note = {Ledwidge, Mark SI}, abstract = {This article consists of a critical discourse that examines the m eteoric rise of Barack Obama within the context of international and domestic ra ce relations. The article explores the impact of American racism on domestic and foreign affairs, in addition to providing contrasting viewpoints on the signifi cance of Obama's election to the presidency. The article utilises the Obama phen omenon to assess US perceptions of the North-South divide, race, ethnicity, reli gion and anti-Americanism, in addition to unpacking the controversy surrounding Rev. Jeremiah Wright's characterisations of American power. The Obama campaign's post-9/11 context will be used to ascertain whether conservative efforts to ass ociate Obama with Islam represent a conservative backlash that represents an eth nocentric re-articulation related to race, religion and the War on Terror, follo wed by an assessment of whether the Obama phenomenon is indicative of the perfec tibility of US democracy, which would justify the exportation of American values . The article will engage in an interdisciplinary discourse grounded in politica l science, history and IR to provide the depth of knowledge and theoretical comp etency to frame the discussion in a historical and contemporary context that ack nowledges Obama's relevance to domestic and international politics. Internationa l Politics (2011) 48, 308-325. doi:10.1057/ip.2011.6}, year = {2011} } @article{ author = {Lee, C. C. and Pan, Z. D. and Chan, J. M. and So, C. Y. K.}, title = {Through the eyes of US media: Banging the democracy drum in Hong Kon g}, journal = {Journal of Communication}, volume = {51}, number = {2}, pages = {345-365}, note = {Lee, CC Pan, ZD Chan, JM So, CYK}, abstract = {In the shadow of globalization, international newsmaking remains inherently ethnocentric, nationalistic, and even state-centered Major U.S. media frame the transfer of Hong Kong from British to Chinese sovereignty in terms of four dominant ideological packages, that is, the United States (a) is a "new gu ardian" of Hong Kong (b) in an emerging cold war between the West and China wher eas Hong Kong (c) will suffer from the erosion of freedom and democracy under Ch inese rule on the one hand, and (d) will be a "Trojan horse" to spearhead China' s political and economic change on the other. In sum, the media rally around the "star-spangled banner" to bang the democracy drum in consonance with elite cons ensus and foreign policy. Their news net is narrowly cast. To rescue the handove r from being a dull media event the media seek to hype up, their stories. Even t he lighthearted pieces flaunt ideological messages.}, year = {2001} } @article{ author = {Lee, S. T. and Maslog, C. C.},

title = {War or peace journalism? Asian newspaper coverage of conflicts}, journal = {Journal of Communication}, volume = {55}, number = {2}, pages = {311-329}, note = {Lee, ST Maslog, CC 54th Annual Meeting of the International-Communication-Association MAY 27-31, 2004 New Orleans, LA Int Commun Assoc}, abstract = {This study examines the extent to which four Asian regional confl icts involving India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Indonesia, and the Philippines are fr amed as war journalism or peace journalism based on Johan Galtung's classificati on. A content analysis of 1,338 stories from 10 newspapers suggests that, overal l, the news coverage of these conflicts is dominated by a war journalism frame. The Indian and Pakistani coverage of the Kashmir issue shows the strongest war j ournalism framing whereas the coverage of the Tamil Tiger movement and the Minda nao conflict by the Sri Lankan and the Philippine newspapers reveals a more prom ising peace journalism framing. The three most salient indicators of peace journ alism are the avoidance of demonizing language, a nonpartisan approach, and a mu ltiparty orientation. The war journalism frame is supported by a focus on the he re and now, an elite orientation, and a dichotomy of good and bad.}, year = {2005} } @article{ author = {Lehmann, I. A.}, title = {Exploring the transatlantic media divide over Iraq - How and why US and German media differed in reporting on LIN weapons inspections in Iraq, 20022003}, journal = {Harvard International Journal of Press-Politics}, volume = {10}, number = {1}, pages = {63-89}, note = {Lehmann, IA}, abstract = {There were significant differences in media reporting in the Unit ed States and Germany in the seven months prior to the war in Iraq. This article focuses on the coverage of United Nations weapons inspections in two print and two television media from the two countries. The main finding of this article is that,while media reporting in Germany and in the United States differed qualita tively, policy certainty and effective government framing of their respective bu t divergent policies on Iraq were critical factors. Both the Bush and the Schroe der governments were able to build on a predominant national consensus. The abse nce of critical reporting in both countries allowed the respective governments t o dominate the foreign policy agenda. This led, in the United States, to support for the war and in Germany, to abstention from it. The American media in partic ular neglected their watchdog function.}, year = {2005} } @article{ author = {Leitz, L.}, title = {Oppositional Identities: The Military Peace Movement's Challenge to Pro-Iraq War Frames}, journal = {Social Problems}, volume = {58}, number = {2}, pages = {235-256}, note = {Leitz, Lisa}, abstract = {In the United States, rhetoric in support of the Iraq War often f

ocuses on discourses of patriotism and supporting the troops. These discourses h old enormous sway over the American public because of the discursive legacies of the Vietnam War and the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. In response, memb ers of the peace movement who are veterans, soldiers, and military families stre ss their military identities during activism. These individuals have organized a s an important branch of the U.S. antiwar movement that challenges the pro-war f raming of patriotism and troop support by strategically deploying "oppositional identities." The oppositional identity strategy involves highlighting the activi sm of individuals who many would assume would be part of the movement's oppositi on. In an effort to assert credibility and support their frames, activists asser t this novel and seemingly contradictory identity. through organizational affili ation, rhetoric, clothing, mannerisms, and symbols.}, year = {2011} } @article{ author = {Lewis, J. and de Masi, S.}, title = {Unholy wars: Media representations of the first bali bombings and th eir aftermath}, journal = {Media International Australia}, number = {122}, pages = {59-72}, note = {Lewis, Jeff de Masi, Sonya}, abstract = {Over the past three decades, the Indonesian tourist island of Bal i has been appropriated into the Australian national imaginary. For Australians, Bali has become a neighbourhood playground and psycho-cultural land-bridge to I ndonesia and the Asian region. With the emergence of a global 'war on terror, Ba li has also become a primary battleground, dividing the symbolic claims of the I slamist militants against the Western economic and hedonistic empire. This divid e becomes crystallised in the Australian news reporting of the Islamist attacks in Bali of 2002 and 2005. Our research has found a common frame of reference in the reporting of the attacks, most particularly as Australian journalists' refer ence to a sense of national history, the '9/11 wars' and Australia adherence to US foreign policy and cultural hegemony. News reporting tended to subsume the de tails of Islam' and Islamic grievance within a more xenophobic rendering of Aust ralian identity and an apocalyptic vision of good and evil.}, year = {2007} } @article{ author = {Lewis, S. C. and Reese, S. D.}, title = {WHAT IS THE WAR ON TERROR? FRAMING THROUGH THE EYES OF JOURNALISTS}, journal = {Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly}, volume = {86}, number = {1}, pages = {85-102}, note = {Lewis, Seth C. Reese, Stephen D.}, abstract = {This study explored the War oil Terror framing process through in terviews with journalists at USA Today, testing the presumption that, because fr ames are organizing principles whose manifestations extend beyond the level of c ontent alone, journalists' personal discourse Will reflect and reinforce frames found in the text. Results show that reporters "transmitted" the War oil Terror as shorthand for policy, "reified" the frame as concrete and uncontested, and "n aturalized" it as a taken-for-granted condition. These findings suggest broader lessons for the U.S. press in becoming more aware of the words and catch ph