American People Ask 'Something Be Done' On Foreign Policy

'Social Visit' of Vinson To Truman Is Just That Despite Many Rumors

By David Lawrence KEY WEST, Fla., Mar. 23.—

Reference has been made in these

dispatches to the presence here of Chief Justice Fred Vinson. It

has. been announced as just a

"social visit”—which it really is. After all, the President doesn’t have many persons with whom he

can chat about matters of state

without becoming involved in somebody’s ambitions or becoming entangled in the schemes or

purposes of some group or faction. It’s not at all novel for Presidents to talk things over with a

Chief Justice. Members of the Supreme Court are usually men

of objectivity and integrity who can give disinterested advice. Other Presidents, too, have found in them a source of wisdom.

Mr. Vinson has an unusual background. He served for many years in the House of Representatives on the all-powerful Ways and Means Committee. He was Director of Economic Stabilization and of the Office of Mobilization and Reconversion during the war, and was later Secretary of the Treasury. What a relief for the President to sit down with such a man and talk about anything, knowing that the Chief Justice hasn't any ax to grind!

Speculation is Natural.

Naturally there is speculation when Mr. Vinson comes here. He was mentioned, it will be

recalled, only a few weeks ago by the President as a man who might head a mission to Moscow if any such plan were ever thought desirable. During the 1948 campaign Mr. Truman wanted to send him to Russia, but Gen. Marshall, then Secretary of State, disapproved.

Naturally also, if Dean Acheson ever does decide to retire from his present post, the President probably would try to draft the Chief Justice to head the Department of State. But why should Mr. Vinson accept? Public service only would be the reason, and it would be assumed immediately in political circles that Mr. Truman had decided not to run again in 1952 and wanted to back Mr. Vinson for the Democratic nomination for the presidency.

One report has it that Mr. Acheson might go to the Supreme Court some day. He is, of course, onu of the ablest lawyers in the country. He started his career as

private secretary to the late Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, and, as between the two posts—Secretary of State and an Associate Justiceship in the Supreme Court of the United States—there is little doubt among his friends that, in a professional sense. Mr. Acheson would prefer to be on the high court.

Runs Ahead of Facts. Such speculation, however, runs

ahead of present-day circumstances. The fact of the matter is that the President thinks that Dean Acheson is doing a fine job. It would be-far more accurate to say that a Vinson mission to Moscow is more likely than a change in the Secretaryship of State. Such a mission would not mean that Mr. Vinson would have to relinquish his post as Chief Justice. Other members of the high court in past history have served temporarily on International Commissions of critical importance to the Nation.

What is needed, to be sure, is an answer to the rising demand of the American people that “something be done” about the tensions between Russia and the United States.

When the speech-making stops and there are heart-to-heart talks about ways and means of providing a “modus vivendi”—the device of diplomacy whereby two opposing nations agree to find a

way to live alongside each other without retreat from basic principles or fundamentals—then and only then will a start be made toward a truce in the cold war. Maybe after that it will be opportune to talk publicly about peace treaties and major solutions. It’s the foundation that isn’t being1 laid as yet that the country wants to see started. There’s a ground swell of opinion in America that asks that “something be done.”! The American people just don’t like watchful drifting.

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This Changing World 15,000 Letters and Wires Received By McCarthy Since Probe Started

By C onstantine Brown Senator “Bull” McCarthy has

received no less than 15,000 letters and telegrams since the Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee started hearings on his charges against officials of the State Department.

The overwhelming number of these

communications approve the investigation which was

prompted b y his accusations. It appears from the tone Of the Const*"”"* Brown,

letters that the w-riters are less worried over the ideological tendencies of State Department officers who are involved than they are by their “nasty moral habits.”

Criticism, with few exceptions, is directed at the method of the investigation by the subcommittee, which so far neither has proved nor discredited entirely some of the charges vented at the public hearings.

Disservice to Dr. Jessup. For instance. Dr. Phillip C.

Jessup. American ambassador-atlarge, made a masterful presentation of his own case by reading a carefully prepared document setting forth not only the services he has rendered the Government of the United States, but also his impressive background of Americanism.

Yet it must be said, without prejudicing Dr. Jessup’s statement in the least, careful analysis of his presentation shows that it was superficial. The fault is not his but is that of the subcommittee, which did not permit Senator McCarthy to ask pertinent questions.

If Senator McCarthy’s request had been granted it is very probable that the last shred of suspicion would have been eradicate^ and Dr. Jessup would have been completely cleared during last Monday’s hearing. As it was the Republican member of the subcommittee asked him some vague and perfunctory questions, leaving doubts in the minds of those who follow-ed the hearings, particulari ly with reference to the Hiss case

in which D». Jessup testified as a, character witness for the defendant.

The Democrats followed by giving him a clean bill of health without going into the files on which Senator McCarthy's allegations of “affinity” for pinkos were based. This was much more unfair and harmful to Dr. Jessup than to his accuser.

The insertion into the testimony of letters of commendation and trust from two outstanding Americans such as Gen. George C. Marshall and Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower was more impressive than convincing. Neither of these personalities have had the time or opportunity to look into the

! files which Senator McCarthy col! lected and which now have been handed over to the subcommittee. It is recalled that two outstanding judges of the Supreme Court —Justices Frankfurter and Reed— took the stand in the Hiss trial and gave him their full indorsement.

Ancestry Is No Help. The fact that a person can

trace his American ancestry back to the Eighteenth Century—or

I even farther—does not necessarily : place him beyond suspicion. Nor do his official activities and statements “on the record.”

This is not intended, it must be emphasized, to cast any reflection on Dr. Jessup's statement that he has no affinity for any kind of subversive. Reds and pinkos. Alger Hiss testified before the House Committee on Un-American Activities that his loyalty should not be questioned, since he had served as a policy-maker at Yalta and was proud of his achievements there, and since he had come from a very old American family.

If Senator Tydings, the subcommittee chairman, had not acted on the spur of the moment he would have realized that he was rendering a real disservice to Dr. Jessup by refusing to permit: Senator McCarthy—the only man in the room who is supposed to have had pertinent questions to ask—to cross-examine the witness, whose character and discretion as a Government official were impugned.

Dr. Jessup unquestionably wanted to dispose of all such doubts once and for all when he eagerly offered himself for a

searching cross-examination by his accuser.

On the Other Hand Kerr Bill Not Sliding Through Senate With Anticipated Ease By Lowell Mellett

The battle in the Senate over the Kerr bill has grown a bit grim this week. The measure designed to take away the Federal Power Commission’s authority to regulate the price of natural gas is not having the easy sailing conte mplated by the associated Senators from the Southwest. When brought onto the floor last week it was thought that two or three L»w*n

days of debate would suffice to dispose of the matter to the satisfaction of the bill’s sponsors. But it isn’t working out that w;ay. Indications now are that the vote will not be obtained until next week. Opponents believe that every day of debate lessens the bill’s chances.

Apparently the bill’s advocates have had the same idea. Aside from the opening statement by Chairman Ed Johnson of the Interstate Commerce Committee when he brought the bill up, virtually all the speeches have been made by the opponents. The bill’s defenders have limited themselves to questions. This was completely true up to Tuesday when Senator Paul Douglas called attention to it as an extraordinary fact.

Opposition Is Surprise. There is reason to believe that

some of the opposition now being heard has come as a surprise. While, for example, Senator Owen Brewster of Maine was knowrn to be opposed to the bill, he was hardly expected to make the devastating attack with which he held the Senate’s attention the greater part of Monday afternoon. Nor were Senators Kem and Donnell of Missouri credited in advance with the thorough preparation for the fight that they have revealed as the debate progresses.

One explanation given for the

tom taken in the battle is that a number of Republicans have come to see a good political issue in the case for continued regulation of natural gas prices. Last week the Kerr forces claimed 16 Republican vptes. The number, according to one Republican’s personal check, has been whittled down to a maximum of 13, with not all of those firmly committed.

On the Democratic side an interesting undercover campaign has been going on. The rumor— and nobody has been able to make it anything more than that—is persistently spread that the President is prepared to withdraw his opposition to the bill. Counteracting this are equally positive assertions, on equally uncertain authority, that the President still stands firmly against any change in the regulatory power of the Power Commission.

Vicious Rumor in Open. Another rumor, one more vicious in character, has entered

into the discussion. Senator Gillette of Iowa brought it out into the open on Monday.

“In this debate,” he said, “we have learned a shocking fact The producers of natural gas for whose special and particular benefit this legislation is designed, hold today an immense power in their hands—the power to deprive the consumers of the Nation of natural gas by refusing to deliver gas into the interstate pipe lines.

“There has been, in fact, evidence of a very thinly veiled threat; that this is precisely what some of them intend to do if their bill is not passed.”

When Senator Douglas suggest-; ed that this could be only a bluff: intended to influence the 12 Senators from New England, Senator Gillette replied:

“When any one asserts in good^ faith on the floor of the Senate that he can and will do such a

thing, and in addition when hei announces to the Senators from New England that it might be necessary to take action to deprive them of their fuel, so that their industries would be removed to some other section of the country, I claim it is unfortunate, even if it is a bluff.”

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Startled by Reaction Gabrielson Nibbles at Forbidden Apple Of Dixiecrat-G. O. P. Coalition By Don's Fleeson

Republican National Chairman Guy Gabrielson has been nibbling at the forbidden apple of a Dixiecrat-G. O. P. coalition. The reaction in the form of protests from Negro organizations and others has proved somewhat startling to the politically naive chairman and more embarrassing than somewhat to those who manage his public relations.

In an interview Mr. Gab- Doris Fleeson.

rielson offhandedly mentioned that he had recently discussed with States Rights leaders "a trial marriage at the top" between them and the G. O. P.

Elements of Strategy. The elements of this strategy

which could defeat President Truman in 1952 are:

The Republicans meet first and nominate their candidates. The States Righters then convene and nominate the same men. The invention of the Alabama State Chairman, Gessner McCorvey, this scheme is guaranteed by the Dixiecrats to produce twice as many Southern electoral votes as they got in 1948. Many Democrats agree and are heartily afraid of it.

The gimmick, however, is that such an arrangement necessarily implies that the Republicans and States Righters have a pre-convention understanding on accept-; able candidates. At the least it would give the States Righters a veto power over the G. O. P. slate.

It also suggests a veto power for them over civil rights legislation,! as many people are briskly point-;

ing out to Republican headquarters. The difficulty of making a

direct answer without pulling the rug out from under a very important person is obvious. It is probable, however, that the National Chairman will be more careful in the future both of his conferences and confidences.

Replies to Negro Reporter. Mr. Gabrielson has had difficulties in matters of this kind before.

In reply to a Negro reporter’s question about whether he favored FEPC, he told a press conference that you could not legislate human relations. An aide swiftly struck in with a reminder

i that his own State of New Jersey had an anti-discrimination law often praised by Republican Gov. Driscoll. The chairman gulped and clambered safe to shore with fuller explanations that FEPC w’as a fine thing.

It is not too hard to understand that Republicans are greatly tempted by devices that after 20 years may put them back in power. The conservatives, of whom Mr. Gabrielson is one, are especially restive and in a mood to try anything once.

But to accept the Dixiecrat proffer involves sacrifice of the civil rights principle by the party of Abraham Lincoln. Southern newspapers which are editorializing widely on the Gabrielson-Dixiecrat discussions, warn that * Republicans cannot get the South without abandoning civil rights enforced by the Federal Government.

Republican sentiment on this question will be tested in the Senate soon when Majority Leader Lucas calls up the FEPC bill and asks that cloture be applied to the inevitable Southern filibuster.

Meanwhile Republicans are shopping harder than ever for an astute press agent for the National Committee and Mr. Gabrielson.

On the Record Ugly Form of Rugged Individualism Emerging in Western Germany * |

By Dorothy Thompson It is encouraging, with a view

to the German situation, that the ! Secretary of State, last Thursday, should have advocated German

| unification and a general elec| tion of all zones,

but the question remains “unification for what sort of life?”

It was my impression, after a month of intensive .study in all three Western zones last year, that Russia and communism have met resistance only Dorothy

because of Russia and the Communists, and—apart from currency reform and Marshall aid— not because of the policies of the Western Allies or the new Western German governments.

One notices everywhere the lack of integrated energy and human imagination, plus a horrendous bureaucratism, the latter increased by the creation in Western Germany alone of 11 separate states, many conforming to no historic entities.

Little Nationalism. Sometimes I think today’s foreign correspondents, who increasingly look to official sources for

information, have "taken leave of their senses,” failing to collect the evidence of their eyes and ears. Our papers are full of reports of nationalist and Nazi revival. The vote, and my own probings, showed little evidence of either. There is immeasurably less nationalism than five years after World War I. Most thinking Germans desire to limit German sovereignty within a European confederation.

But obvious to the naked eye is the emergence, among a certain class of people, of a peculiarly ugly

j and callous form of rugged individualism. Members of class are profiteers of currency reform, industrial managers, and highplaced government officials. They are seen in Rhenish and Baltic resorts, and in restaurants offering 25 to 30 meat, fowl and fish dishes. .

Many high government officials live in relative splendor. One such invited me to a large dinner party in an official residence, luxuriously restored with crystal chandeliers, plushy carpets and newly damask-covered furniture, in a city where, a few blocks away, one could see lights glimmering among cliffs of rubble, revealing that families were still living in caves.

Though such government offiicials and new rich may not receive high salaries, and/or are

heavily taxed, what journalists call “the swindle sheet” is liberally used, with dinners, cars and country trips put down to “business expenses” and hence tax exempt.

Contrasts Appalling. The contrasts, therefore, between a small upper class and

the gray masses, and even between the latter and the wretched refugees from the East are appalling. Where the example of simplicity, austerity and social consciousness should be set, luxury flourishes.

Nor do the Allies set an example. Allied families of two or three occupy large villas, while German city workmen live in tiny cubicles, separated from their families living in far-away undestroyed villages, and united only on occasional week ends.

The French zone is crowded with relatives of occupation officials, who have no legitimate reason for being there.

Eminently needed are greatly

McLemore— Tells New Yorkers How to Get Rain

By Henry McLemore I hate to snicker at a great big

city, but here I am in New York snickering.

I am snickering at New York's effort to get rain in order to have enough water for its inhabitants to have a slug of the clear stuff when they want to, shave in the morning, bathe more often than on Saturday nights, and give the pots and pans and dishes a sousing whenever the mood Henry McLemore.

strikes them. With the reservoirs half empty,

and the city on H20 rations, what do you think the goofy Gothamites are thinking of doing? They are planning to rid the city strong box of many thousands of dollars to import rain-making scientists— fellows who soar high in the air and scatter dry ice among the clouds, and other such tricks.

What Waste of Money. What foolishness! What a waste

;of money! i For round-trip taxi fare from

my office on 42nd street to City Hall, plus five bucks for my trouble, I’ll tell Mayor O’Dwyer at least half a dozen sure ways of getting a downpour to pour itself down on New York.

Here are a few sample suggestions: Let the mayor declare next

Thursday a civic holiday and

| order every family to go on. a pic|nic. I am willing to bet you that | even though the skies be fair and iclear on Wednesday the heavens will open up shortly after New York’s citizens head for the woods for their picnics. History proves that Nature loathes picnics and weeps whenever Mama and Papa have gone to the trouble to take; the children for a day’s outing.

If the Mayor wants more rain just let him order all New York mothers to give birthday parties for their small children and invite more small children than will fit comfortably into their homes. No sooner will the little guests arrive and start playing outdoors; than rain will start coming down in sheets, thus forcing the mothers! to herd the little destructionists inside for the rest of the afternoon.

Will Still Be Raining. It will still be raining when the

time comes for the little party guests to go home. Few are the parents who have ever sent their children off to birthday parties and have not had to call for them at great inconvenience because of heavy rain.

Then, of course, there is the simple, old-fashioned way of i

causing rain. Have everyone who owns a car pay to have it washed j and polished. The spanking clean cars will not have gone three blocks from the garage before Jupiter Pluvius will say to himself. “Much as I don’t feel like going to work, this is too good a chance to miss.” Thereupon rain will pour down as if from buckets, spotting the newly-washed cars but meanwhile filling the reservoirs.

Oh, Mr. Mayor, don't throw money away on scientists.

Just give me a ring at my office and I'll save you enough money to provide New York with some skyscrapers, something it sadly lacks.

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increased signs of social effort. Why is dismantling not stopped on condition that the profits from spared industries go for 10 years to build homes for workers and refugees?

Why are not youth and unemployed mobilized into a “Great German Peace and Reconstruction Army” and given machines and tools to rebuild from salvaged rubble even for subsistence wages?

Women in refugee camps are idle. Yet Germans have a passion for work.

There are many silent but visible answers to the Russians, w'ho are making a shambles of their zone, yet winning youth by offers of excitement and power.

Example, not propaganda, is the essence of education and morale.

(Released by the Bell Syndicate. Inc.)

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