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Behavioral Sciences and the Law
Behav. Sci. Law 20: 141–160 (2002)
Published online in Wiley InterScience (www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI: 10.1002/bsl.481
Equality in Hiring PermanentResident Foreign Nationals inthe United States: When Loyaltyis theQuestion, But Not the Issue
Uco Jay Wiersma, Ph.D.*
Permanent resident foreign nationals, who have been leg-
ally admitted to the United States, have the right to work.
However, when deciding the constitutionality of a state
statute that requires citizenship for a public domain job,
the rights of permanent residents to seek gainful employ-
ment are balanced against the rights of state governments
to ensure that important sovereign functions are entrusted
only to their citizens. Several important Supreme Court
decisions have been 5/4 split decisions because of this
tension and dissenting judges have countered that the
majority rulings were based on presumptions, and not
facts, that citizens are more loyal than permanent resi-
dents. The judges have also disagreed about the level,
within a civil service hierarchy, below which a citizenship
requirement is unconstitutional. This article reviews
United States court decisions for relevant issues and solu-
tions, and shows how empirical studies in the area of
human resource management can help resolve the issues
that have caused the dissent. The analysis will be useful to
legal and human resource professionals in the U.S. and
other countries affected by surging global migration.
Copyright # 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Prejudice, writes Allport (1958), ‘is a bias or prejudgement, favorable or unfavorable
that has no basis in fact. It may be directed towards a group or towards an individual
because he is a member of that group’ (p. 10). Prejudice becomes discrimination
when it translates into the unequal treatment of individuals who are the object of the
prejudicial attitudes. Do legally admitted permanent resident foreign nationals, who
are not U.S. citizens, face discriminatory hiring practices when they apply for
government civil service positions and other jobs controlled by government statutes?
Copyright # 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
*Correspondence to: Dr Uco Jay Wiersma, American University of Sharjah, P.O. Box 26666, School ofBusiness and Management, Sharjah, United Arab Emirates. E-mail: [email protected]. Wiersma is an associate professor in the Department of Management. He would like to thank the tworeviewers for their helpful comments on a previous draft of this article.
The effects of post-1965 legal immigration have been and will continue to be
dramatic. Latinos will outnumber blacks in 15 years, and a quarter of the U.S.
population will be comprised of Asians and Hispanics in 50 years. Over seven
million foreign nationals were legally admitted to the United States between 1981
and 1990, two million in 1991, one million in 1996, and currently 800,000 more are
admitted annually. Numerically, legal immigration in recent decades has matched
the great waves of the 1880–1910 period. This trend is set to continue because of the
Immigration Act of 1990, whose objective is to serve the country’s economic
interests by increasing the number of employment based visas to highly skilled
foreign nationals from 54,000 to 140,000 annually.
Although permanent residents are not as protected in U.S. society as such sub-
groups as race, color, religion, sex and national origin, permanent residents have
received special attention by the judiciary (Graham v. Richardson, 1971). However,
they can encounter problems procuring employment in public positions, and hiring
practicesbased oncitizenship can have significant practical consequences.Local, state,
and federal governments employabout 16% of the U.S. labor force, or about 20million
people. State and local governments account for about 75% of all public employment,
or over 15 million jobs. Of these 15 million, education and police occupations account
for eight million, and a little more than one million, jobs respectively. However,
permanent residents are not eligible for jobs in the federal civil service, and they may be
barred from many state and local civil service positions, such as law enforcement and
public education jobs.1 Furthermore, of the 800,000 annual immigrants, 48% settle in
the states of California, New York, and Texas, the three states that have most
strenuously contested non-citizen employment for public sector jobs.
In addition to the number of jobs from which permanent residents are excluded,
there are several reasons why an analysis of employment discrimination for this
subgroup is important. First, there is a consideration of the costs and benefits of
hiring permanent residents. In short, the sole cost of hiring this group of employees,
mentioned by the courts, is that permanent residents may be less loyal than citizens
and might therefore execute their duties less faithfully. No evidence has ever been
offered, however, to support this premise. Conversely, the major benefit of permit-
ting permanent residents to apply for government positions centers on merit based
systems of employment in which the most capable and skilled job candidates receive
hiring preference. Research shows that hiring and promoting employees based on
merit is highly correlated with organizational effectiveness and efficiency.
1Twenty-five states had statutes requiring citizenship specifically for law enforcement positions, andanother ten states had a general U.S. citizenship requirement for employment, when the Supreme Courtupheld New York State’s requirement that state troopers must be citizens. The following statutes requiredcitizenship for law enforcement positions: Ark. Stat. Ann. § 42–4206; Cal. Gov’t Code Ann. § 1031; Fla.Stat. Ann. § 943.13(2); Ga. Code § 92A–214; Ill. Rev. Stat., ch. 121, § 307.9; Ind. Rules & Regs, Tit. 10,Art. 1, ch. 1 § 4–7; Iowa Code § 80.15; Kan. Stat. Ann. § 74–2113(c); Ky. Rev. Stat. § 16.040(2)(c);Mich. Comp. Laws § 28.4; Miss. Code Ann. § 45–3–9; Mo. Rev. Stat. § 43.060; Mont. Rev. Codes Ann.§ 31–105(3)(a)(v); Nev. Rev. Stat. § 281.060(1); NJ Stat. Ann. § 53: 1–9; NM Stat. Ann. § 39–2–6; NDCent. Code § 39–03–04(4); NY Exec. Law § 215(3); Ore. Rev. Stat. § 181.260(1)(a); Pa. Stat. Ann. Tit.71, § 1193; RI Gen. Laws § 42–28–10; SD Comp. Laws Ann. § 3–7–9 and § 3–1–4; Tex. Rev. Civ. Stat.Ann., art. 4413(9)(2); Utah Code Ann. § 27–11–11. The following statutes had general U.S. citizenshipemployment requirements: Okla. Stat. Tit. 47 § 2–105(a); Ala. Code, Tit. 36, § 2–1(a)(1); Ariz. Rev.Stat. Ann. § 38–201; Haw. Rev. Stat. § 78–1; Idaho Code § 59–101 and Idaho Const., art. 6, § 2; Me.Rev. Stat. Ann., Tit. 5, § 556; Mass. Gen. Laws Ann., ch. 31, § 12; Ohio Rev. Code Ann. § 124.22; Tenn.Code Ann. § 8–1801; Vt. Stat. Ann., Tit. 3, § 262; and W. Va. Const., art. 4, § 4.
142 U. J. Wiersma
Copyright # 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law 20: 141–160 (2002)
Second, several Supreme Court decisions have been 5/4 split decisions and
dissenting judges have raised cogent counter-arguments. When deciding the con-
stitutionality of a state statute that requires citizenship, the rights of permanent
residents to seek gainful employment must be balanced against the rights of state
governments to ensure that important sovereign functions are entrusted only to their
citizens. The Supreme Court has ruled, in Sugarman v. Dougall (1973), that states
may reserve for citizens those jobs that require the formation, execution, or review of
broad public policy, or those in which job incumbents perform functions that go to
the heart of representative government. In short, only citizens may hold policy-
making positions.
But where and how does one draw the line between policy-making and
nonpolicy-making jobs? For example, only citizens in the State of New York may
become state troopers. But do police officers really operate on a policy-making level,
or do they merely perform their duties according to a set of codes as described in a
job description? Similarly, public school teachers in New York must be U.S. citizens
(or at least intend to become citizens), but do school teachers hold policy-making
positions? The boundaries of public functions have been interpreted divergently.
Third, United States courts have upheld the right of permanent residents to
become a(n) attorney, notary public, civil engineer, public transit operator, phy-
sician,2 youth counselor,3 office clerk,4 mental aide worker,5 sorting machine
operator,6 general laborer, railroad clerk, or labor union business agent, and the
right to work in most state civil service jobs. Conversely, the courts have ruled that
states have the right to bar permanent residents from becoming state troopers,
probation officers, or public school teachers, and from serving on community action
agencies. These rulings have, however, not yielded a clear framework from which
future cases may take their cues. The Supreme Court has even said that ‘we must
necessarily examine each position in question to determine whether it involves
discretionary decision making, or execution of policy, which substantially affects
members of the political community’ (Foley v. Connelie, 1978, p. 292). However,
this would be never-ending work, as evidenced by the Dictionary of OccupationalTitles, which lists 28,800 positions.
The purposes of this article are (i) to provide a review of important United States
court opinions for this protected subgroup, (ii) to analyze the major issues of debate,
and (iii) to offer suggestions derived from empirical research to help decision-
making. An analysis of, and suggestions for resolving, the issues raised may help
2New York state’s requirement that physicians become U.S. citizens within ten years of receiving theirlicense bears no rational relationship to their continued professional competence (Surmeli v. New York,1976).3The following city of Boston ordinance was declared unconstitutional: ‘Every officer in charge of adepartment shall to the best of his ability cause all statues, ordinances, regulations, and orders relating tothe duties of his department to be observed and enforced . . . that none but citizens shall be employed inany capacity’ (Mohamed v. Parks, 1973).4An Arizona statute was declared unconstitutional: ‘No person not a citizen or ward of the United Statesshall be employed upon or in connection with any state, county or municipal works . . . ’ (Miranda v.Nelson, 1972).5The following Vermont statute was disallowed: ‘No department or commission of the state governmentshall regularly employ an alien’ (Teitscheid v. Leopold, 1971).6See Tovar v. U.S. Postal, 1993.
Copyright # 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law 20: 141–160 (2002)
Hiring permanent resident 143
legal and human resource professionals in the U.S. and in other countries affected
by surging global migration.
A LAND OF IMMIGRANTS
The history of America is a history of immigrants and the judiciary has long been
concerned about employment discrimination against permanent residents. In YickWo v. Hopkins (1886), the Supreme Court invalidated a San Francisco municipal
ordinance that discriminated against Chinese laundry operators, and ruled that a
lawfully admitted permanent resident is a person within the meaning of the Four-
teenth Amendment’s directive that a state must not deny to any person within its
jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. Almost thirty years later, in Truax v.Raich (1915), the Court rejected an Arizona statute that required employers with
more than five persons to employ at least 80% qualified electors or native-born
citizens of the United States. Subsequently, the Court ruled unconstitutional a
California statute that prohibited issuing fishing licenses to persons who were
ineligible for citizenship (Takahashi v. Fish & Game Comm’n, 1948). Furthermore,
it has emphasized that states that adopt a suspect classification ‘bear a heavy burden
of justification’ McLaughlin v. Florida, 1964, p. 196). To emphasize this point
further, in a landmark case concerning the extension of welfare benefits to
permanent residents, the court concluded ‘Classifications based on alienage, like
those based on nationality or race, are inherently suspect and subject to close judicial
scrutiny. Aliens as a class are a prime example of a discrete and insular minority for
whom such heightened judicial solicitude is appropriate’ (Graham v. Richardson,
1971, p. 372). Although these decisions are not concerned necessarily with employ-
ment in the public sector, they underscore the value that once foreign nationals have
been lawfully admitted to the United States as permanent residents, they have a
basic right to exist in the community and should not be barred from any occupation
essentially economic in nature.
However, the courts have had to balance the employment rights of permanent
residents against the rights of a state or community to political sovereignty. In Boydv. Thayer (1892) the Court stated that ‘Each State has the power to prescribe the
qualifications of its officers and the manner in which they shall be chosen’ (p. 161),
and in Taylor v. Beckham (1900) it noted that ‘It is obviously essential to the
independence of the States, and to their peace and tranquility, that their power to
prescribe the qualifications of their own officers . . . should be exclusive, and free
from external interference, except so far as plainly provided by the Constitution of
the United States’ (pp. 570–571). It reaffirmed this position in Foley v. Connelie(1978) when it said ‘The essence of our holdings to date is that although we extend
to aliens the right to education7 and public welfare, along with the ability to earn a
livelihood and engage in licensed professions, the right to govern is reserved to
citizens’ (p. 297). Thus, these rulings support discriminatory hiring procedures
against permanent residents and there is a political justification for doing so.
7The Supreme Court disallowed New York state to reserve only for citizens (or intending citizens), statefinancial assistance for higher education, such as scholarships and student loans (Nyquist v. Mauclet,1977).
Copyright # 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law 20: 141–160 (2002)
144 U. J. Wiersma
Employment discrimination against protected classes received heightened atten-
tion in the United States when Congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Title
VII of this Act prohibits discrimination because of race, color, religion, sex, or
national origin. Title VII protects permanent residents who are victims of illegal
discrimination; Title VII, however, does not prohibit discrimination on the basis of
citizenship. An employer may refuse to hire all permanent residents, but may not
favor permanent residents of a particular national origin (e.g. Dutch) over and above
those of another (e.g. Mexican).
The Supreme Court has held that alienage and national origin are not synon-
ymous. In Espinoza v. Farah (1973), a U.S. permanent resident of Mexican
citizenship who lived in the U.S., but who was refused a job as a seamstress because
she was not a U.S. citizen, claimed discrimination against a private employer
because of her national origin. However, the employers’ right to hire only United
States citizens was upheld because the company hired many employees of Mexican
national origin if they were U.S. citizens.8 Subsequently, an appeals court con-
fronted with a city ordinance that prevented a permanent resident from applying for
the job of laborer cited Espinoza and noted ‘The 1964 act does not apply to
employment discrimination on the basis of alienage’ (Ramirez v. Sloss, 1980,
p. 167), but the court did allow relief under the 1866 Civil Rights Act.
Allegations of unfair employment practices by state governments have frequently
been brought under the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment of the U.S.
Constitution. Although these cases have been mainly against states, other public
employers such as counties, local municipalities, and fire districts may also be liable
under the equal protection clause. Allegations against the federal government have
been brought under the due process clause of the fifth Amendment. Additional
premises for redress include Section 1981 of the Civil Rights Act of 1866, the
Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) of 1986, and the Immigration Act of
1990.
IRCA extends citizenship discrimination protection to those who are intending to
become citizens. The term ‘intending’ is defined as those who have acquired lawful
U.S. domicile, who initiate the naturalization process within six months of becom-
ing a permanent resident, and who complete the process within two years of the
application. Such individuals are protected against hire and discharge discrimina-
tion based on citizenship, but not against compensation, or employment condition,
discrimination. This protection affects private employers primarily because federal,
state, and local government employers are exempt from the constraints of IRCA if
8Rulings about employment discrimination against permanent residents in the private domain have notbeen clear. Immediately after Espinoza, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals also ruled that a permanentresident, who had been a warehouse laborer, was not entitled to relief from employment discrimination bya private employer under Title VII’s national origin discrimination prohibition (Guerra v. ManchesterTerminal, 1974), but that he could seek protection under the Civil Rights Act of 1866. Subsequently, aU.S. District Court also concluded that Title VII does not protect aliens against private discrimination(De Malherbe v. International Union of Elevator Constructors, 1977), and went a step further to conclude thatthe 1866 Act does not do so either. Finally, the same Fifth Circuit Appeals Court reversed its decision inGuerra and decided that neither Title VII, nor the 1866 Act, prohibited discrimination against permanentresidents by private employers (Bhandari v. First National Bank, 1987). However, see also Chaiffetz v.Robertson Research (1986), in which a U.S. citizen geologist who worked for a Texas subsidiary of a Britishparent corporation claimed discrimination under Title VII because he was discharged as a result of hisU.S. national origin.
Copyright # 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law 20: 141–160 (2002)
Hiring permanent resident 145
they have adopted contravening regulations that mandate discrimination based on
alienage (Tovar v. U.S. Postal, 1993). Intending citizens lose their protection and
revert to normal permanent resident status if they fail to adhere to the time
constraints listed above. IRCA also states that a citizen may receive preference
over a permanent resident in the event that both are equally qualified for a particular
position.
LEGAL ANALYSIS
When the courts review government statutes that require citizenship as a condition
for employment, three questions are considered. (i) If the statute names an entire
classification of jobs, is the classification sufficiently precise? (ii) Does the job require
formulation, execution, or review of broad public policy? (iii) Does the statute
advance a compelling government interest by the least restrictive means available?
The first two issues encompass the ‘political function exception’ whereas the third
issue has been defined as ‘strict judicial scrutiny.’ These same questions and
analytical matrix derive from general constitutional law and apply to any issue in
which state versus individual rights are juxtaposed and the equal protection clause is
invoked.
As an example, in a ruling concerning a Texas state statute that barred permanent
residents from becoming notaries public (Bernal v. Fainter, 1984), the Supreme
Court ruled that (i) the statute was not too broad because it applied to only one
category of jobs, (ii) the job responsibilities of notaries public were essentially
clerical and ministerial and did not involve executing or reviewing public policy, and
(iii) a test that measured actual familiarity with applicable laws would have
maintained the valid state interest of ensuring high professional standards and
would have been less restrictive than the citizenship requirement. The Court,
therefore, did not uphold the Texas statute.
Political Function Exception
The political function exception examines the two issues of job classification and
political self-determination, and addresses the right of permanent residents to apply
for public jobs, versus a community’s right to be governed by its citizens. The Court
has stated
The rationale behind the political function exception is that within broad boundaries aState may establish its own form of government and limit the right to govern to thosewho are full-fledged members of the political community. Some positions are so closelybound up with the formulation and implementation of self-government that the State ispermitted to exclude from those positions persons outside the political comm-unity, hence persons who have not become part of the process of democratic self-determination (Bernal v. Fainter, 1984, p. 181).
In theory, the political function exception is meant as a narrow exception to the
general rule that employment discrimination based on alienage is unconstitutional.
Copyright # 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law 20: 141–160 (2002)
146 U. J. Wiersma
However, in practice, the Supreme Court has used the exception to uphold a state’s
rights to bar permanent residents from employment in three of the seven most recent
cases.
Job Classification
When statutes exclude permanent residents from an entire class of jobs, the court
first considers whether the job classification is sufficiently precise. Classifications
that are too broad undermine claims that the statute serves legitimate political ends.
In Sugarman v. Dougal (1973), New York barred permanent residents from
employment in the competitive class of the state civil service, and argued that it had
a right to define its own political community, but the Supreme Court rejected this
argument because the statute included jobs such as clerk-typist, administrative
assistant, and human resources technician; the Court noted that the job classifica-
tion included the full range of work tasks, from the menial to the policy making. The
Court stated that ‘ . . . the means the State employs must be precisely drawn in light
of the acknowledged purpose’ (p. 643).9
However, the Supreme Court has had difficulty articulating how precisely drawn
the job classification must be. When a California District Court, citing Sugarman,
struck down a California State citizenship requirement for the job of probation
officer because the general job classification of peace officer, in which the probation
officer job was embedded, was too broad, the Supreme Court overruled the
California court, and stated, ‘the classifications need not be precise; there need
only be a substantial fit’ (Cabell v. Chavez-Salido, 1982, p. 443).
A broad job classification was also involved in a citizenship requirement for
employment in the federal civil service. In Hampton v. Wong (1976), the Federal
Civil Service Commission sought to bar permanent residents from a wide range of
federal civil service jobs and argued that the need for undivided loyalty in certain
sensitive positions justified a citizenship requirement in parts of the civil service, and
that the broad exclusion served the valid administrative purpose of avoiding the
trouble and expense of determining those sensitive positions. The court rejected this
argument and noted ‘the administrative burden of establishing the job classifications
for which citizenship is an appropriate requirement would not be a particularly
onerous task for an expert in personnel matters . . . ’ (p. 101). However, it noted that
Sugarman was not controlling in this instance because, unlike states, the federal level
of government has paramount power over immigration and naturalization.
A second reason for rejecting the government’s argument in Hampton was that
the Chairman and Commissioners of the Civil Service Commission, and not the
President or Congress, had mandated the citizenship requirement. In response to
the Hampton ruling, Presidential Executive Order 11935, as well as various annual
9Citing Sugarman, a U.S. district court ruled subsequently that Florida may not require job incumbentsfor state jobs to take an oath in which they must swear that they are a citizen of the State of Florida and ofthe United States of America because such an oath imposed a flat ban on the employment of aliens(Orlando v. Florida, 1990). This case raises the question, where loyalty oaths are concerned, of whether aperson can swear to support the Constitution of the U.S. and any said state, while residing in the U.S,without being a U.S. citizen. See also In re Griffiths (1972), where this issue is raised.
Copyright # 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law 20: 141–160 (2002)
Hiring permanent resident 147
appropriations acts of Congress, now explicitly allow federal agencies to exclude
permanent residents.10
Political Self-Determination
The second prong of the political function argument concerns democratic self-
government and a government’s special interest in preserving the political commu-
nity. Because permanent residents may not vote, they have no right to participate in
the governing process. This means there is no right for permanent residents to run
for elected office. Also included in the category of positions that symbolize the
governing process are important non-elective positions in which job incumbents
participate directly in the formulation, execution, or review of broad public policy.
Connecticut used the self-determination argument to bar resident foreign nationals
from becoming lawyers. In In Re Griffiths (1972), it argued that a lawyer is an officer
of the court who acts by and with the authority of the state and is entrusted with the
exercise of actual government power. The Supreme Court overruled and noted that
lawyers are not officials of government, and are not like other court officers such as
marshals, bailiffs, or judges, nor do they formulate government policy. Similarly, the
Florida Supreme Court upheld a permanent resident’s right to apply for a license to
become a business agent for a local fire fighter’s union because business agents do
not exercise the state’s authority over individuals, but rather represent the interests
of public employees before those who ultimately make policy (Palm Harbour v. Kelly,
1987).
The United States Supreme Court has, however, upheld states’ rights to bar
permanent residents from becoming law enforcement officials,11 as well as public
school teachers. When New York reserved state trooper jobs for citizens only (Foleyv. Connelie, 1978), the Court agreed and noted ‘Police officers in the ranks do not
formulate policy, per se, but they are clothed with authority to exercise an almost
infinite variety of discretionary powers’ (p. 301). Similarly, they are ‘nonelective
. . . officers who participate directly in the . . . execution . . . of broad public policy’ (p.
301). And in Cabell v. Chavez-Salido (1982), the court ruled, albeit 5 to 4, that a
California statute requiring citizenship for the job of probation officer was valid
because the functions of this job, ‘like the state troopers . . . sufficiently partake of the
sovereign’s power to exercise coercive force over the individual that they may be
limited to citizens’ (p. 446).
The Supreme Court also upheld a New York State citizenship requirement for
teaching in public elementary and secondary schools because it viewed education as
10Interestingly, during the Hampton litigation, the Postal Service broke ranks with the rest of thegovernment and began to employ permanent resident aliens in most positions. Moreover, a CircuitCourt of Appeals disallowed the Postal Service to discriminate against illegal aliens who had obtainedtemporary residency before May 4, 1988, under the amnesty provision of IRCA, because the PostalService could not establish a rational relationship between its group-status policy and the legitimateinterest that the policy furthered. The employee in question was personally qualified for the job, butbelonged to the disfavored class of temporary residents (Tovar v. U.S. Postal Service, 1993).11However, the state of Georgia was told by a U.S. District Court that it could not reserve state trooperpositions for native-born citizens only, and that naturalized U.S. citizens must also be permitted to applyfor the job (Fernandez v. Georgia, 1989). Similarly, a federal statute that distinguished between native-born and natural-born citizens for appointment as Foreign Service officers was declared unconstitutional(Faruki v. Rogers, 1972).
Copyright # 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law 20: 141–160 (2002)
148 U. J. Wiersma
an important function of state and local governments. It noted that ‘Public
education, like the police function, fulfills a most fundamental obligation of
government to its constituency’ (Ambach v. Norwick, 1979, p. 76). Specifically,
teachers have direct contact with students and therefore influence students’
attitudes toward government; teachers have unsupervised discretion over their
students; and teachers act as role models. These, it noted, are all badges of
responsibility toward furthering democratic goals; therefore, ‘school teachers may
be regarded as performing a task that goes to the heart of representative government’
(p. 76). The Ambach decision, however, was another 5/4 split decision.
Strict Judicial Scrutiny
The last question posed by the Supreme Court asks whether a statute that requires
citizenship as a prerequisite for employment advances a compelling state interest by
the least restrictive means available. An important compelling government interest
usually concerns ensuring appropriate professional standards of job performance to
provide effective and efficient public services to the population. For example, in InRe Griffiths (1972), concerning the right of a permanent resident to practice law in
Connecticut, the Court said ‘The State’s ultimate interest here implicated is to
assure the requisite qualifications of persons licensed to practice law’ (p. 722). To
date, if the level of analysis goes beyond political function, then no statute has
withstood strict judicial scrutiny.
Connecticut argued that permanent residents should be barred from practicing
law because of a possible conflict of loyalties between the United States and the
country of birth, and because the conflict would cause difficulties when protecting a
client’s interests in particular situations, but the court rejected this argument
because the state had failed to provide evidence that citizenship was related to the
job criteria of protecting clients’ interests, or maintaining high professional stan-
dards. In the same year, and for similar reasons, the Supreme Court of Washington
ruled, in an 8/1 decision, that the city of Seattle could not bar permanent residents
from taking a civil service examination for the position of public transit operator
(Herriott v. Seattle, 1972).
Similarly, the District of Puerto Rico barred permanent residents from becoming
civil engineers because building owners have the right to hold engineers financially
accountable if their buildings collapse within 10 years of construction (ExaminingBoard v. Flores de Otero, 1976). However, the Supreme Court ruled that the
citizenship test was not accurate enough to satisfy the district’s interest in preventing
negligent workmanship, and further ruled that the district should use a more precise
‘tool’ to satisfy this otherwise legitimate responsibility.12
As noted above, the court rejected a Texas statute that excluded permanent
residents from the job of notary public (Bernal v. Fainter, 1984). Texas argued that it
12The court noted that ‘United States citizenship is not a guarantee that a civil engineer will continue toreside in Puerto Rico or even in the United States, and it bears no particular or rational relationship toskill, competence, or financial responsibility. Puerto Rico has available to it other ample tools to achievethe goal of an engineer’s financial responsibility without indiscriminately prohibiting the private practiceof civil engineering by a class of otherwise qualified professionals’ (p. 607).
Copyright # 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law 20: 141–160 (2002)
Hiring permanent resident 149
needed to ensure that notaries were familiar with state law and that they would be
available if called upon years later to testify, but the court countered that citizenship
was not a proper measure of applicants’ familiarity of the applicable laws and
advised the state to use a more precise test. It noted ‘If the State’s concern with
ensuring a notary’s familiarity with state law were truly ‘compelling,’ one would
expect the State to give some sort of test actually measuring a person’s familiarity
with the law’ (p. 228). It also rejected the argument that notaries who are not
citizens would be less readily available for future testimony because no concrete
evidence had been provided to this effect.13
There is a substantive connection between constitutional standards of review,
used to balance state interests against individual rights, and standards established in
employment discrimination law. Although the legal premises may differ between
constitutionally based claims of discrimination and Title VII claims, the standards
applied under ‘strict judicial scrutiny’ are the same conceptually as those applied
under Title VII. The Court recommended in Bernal that tests that measure job
relevant skills, instead of citizenship, be used to support the ‘compelling state
interest’ of assuring professional job standards for notaries public. This is identical
to the ‘business necessity’ standard developed for validation studies in AlbermarlePaper Company v. Moody (1975). Albermarle Paper is a Title VII case in which the
Court determined that selection tests must be predictive of, or significantly
correlated with, important elements of actual work behavior. In both cases the
court requested empirically generated job-related selection criteria.
To summarize, if the court decides that the job in question falls under the
political self-determination umbrella and the job classification in which it is
embedded is reasonably precise, then it will uphold a statute that requires citizen-
ship as a job prerequisite. If a statute that excludes permanent residents is not
upheld through the political function argument, it is then subjected to strict judicial
scrutiny.
ISSUES AND SOLUTIONS
There have been several instances in which court opinions were based on unproven
premises, causing 5/4 split decisions. Although not a substitute for rational decision
making, supplementing decisions with empirical data and personnel tools can
provide a sharper definition of an issue than narrative analysis alone: A statistical
relationship between a predictor of job performance and subsequent, actual job
performance can clarify a rational relationship between citizenship and a state’s
legitimate interest of ensuring an adequate civil service, and knowing how such tools
can improve equality may benefit public sector employers, and attorneys who
represent permanent residents in court. Research in the areas of job analysis and
personnel selection provide particularly valuable insights.
13The court noted ‘the State fails to advance a factual showing that the unavailability of notaries’testimony presents a real, as opposed to a merely speculative, problem to the State. Without a factualunderpinning, the State’s asserted interest lacks the weight we have required of interests properlydenominated as compelling.’ (p. 228).
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Political Function Exception
Job Classification and Job Analysis: Issues
When is a job classification too broad? Drawing the line between menial and policy-
making tasks has been difficult. The court ruled against the New York State Civil
Service Commission’s exclusion of permanent residents in Sugarman, and similarly
against the Federal Civil service Commission in Hampton, because so many jobs
were included in the classifications that they swept indiscriminately. Yet the court
supported a citizenship requirement in Cabell, despite the fact that a broad job
classification was involved.
In Cabell, the State of California barred permanent residents from becoming
probation officers, and argued that probation officers were peace officers and that
California code required all peace officers to be citizens. The peace officer job
classification included city and state police; enforcement officials who monitor such
areas as alcoholic beverage, food and drug, fire, and horse racing laws; those with
narrow geographic responsibilities such as harbor police, security officers in
government buildings, and public transportation police; and those with narrow
clientele such as welfare fraud investigators, correctional officers, and probation
officers. The classification also included cemetery sextons, furniture and bedding
inspectors, livestock identification inspectors, Dental Board inspectors, Parks and
Recreation Department employees, voluntary fire wardens, and toll service employ-
ees. The apparently contradictory rulings in Sugarman and Cabell suggest a need for
a standard.14
A related issue concerns how jobs should be compared on a case-by-case basis.
When the Court in Bernal permitted permanent residents to become notaries public,
it compared the tasks of a notary to those of a lawyer, a job it had previously
permitted permanent residents to practice. The court noted that both ‘sign writs and
subpoenas, take recognizances, administer oaths, and take depositions and acknowl-
edgements of deeds,’ and ruled ‘If it is improper to apply the political-function
exception to a citizenship requirement governing eligibility for membership in a
state bar, it would be anomalous to apply the exception to the citizenship require-
ment that governs eligibility to become a Texas notary’ (p. 227). However, the
comparison between lawyers and notaries public was based on a small portion of the
total work activities of notaries and lawyers.
Consider what happens when jobs are compared using only a few tasks. The State
of Texas in Bernal argued that notaries public may subpoena witnesses to obtain
testimony concerning the authenticity of a document, and that they have civil
contempt powers to enforce their authority. The state then drew a parallel between
the coercive powers of a notary and those of a police officer and argued that
because foreign nationals are not permitted to be police officers, they should
14Although no standard was set in Sugarman, the court did state the following concerning New York’sstatute that barred aliens from the competitive civil service: ‘the State’s broad prohibition of theemployment of aliens applies to many positions with respect to which the State’s proffered justificationhas little, if any, relationship. At the same time, the prohibition has no application at all to positions thatwould seem naturally to fall within the State’s asserted purpose. Our standard of review of statutes thattreat aliens differently from citizens requires a greater degree of precision’ (p. 642).
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Hiring permanent resident 151
similarly not be permitted to be notaries public. However, the court rejected the
state’s argument because the record showed that notaries had not used such powers
in over 40 years.
Forty years is a long time and the facts appear to be rather straightforward in
Bernal. However subsequent comparisons may not be so clear, and one may
speculate about jobs where differences are more ambiguous. For example, given
that the court has ruled that public school teachers must be citizens, would it also
rule that permenent residents may not be public school speech therapists, nor teach
the retarded and specially handicapped? (See Kelly & Gansneder, 1998, for an
analysis of physical education teachers who work with handicapped children.)
Could they be paraprofessional bilingual classroom aides, or principals? (See
Godwin, 1977, for a study that summarizes the role of the paraprofessional bilingual
aide in the classroom.) And, given that permenent residents may not become state
troopers, could they become juvenile officers? (See Conley & Sackett, 1987, for the
results of a job analysis.) Or could they become police technicians such as
emergency telephone operators? (See Schmitt & Ostroff, 1986, for the results of a
job analysis.)
Another point of contention, for jobs that fall under the political self-determina-
tion umbrella, concerns the amount of personal discretion in a given job. The court
has been quite divided about the level at which to impose a citizenship requirement
within a given hierarchy of jobs. In fact, three judges dissented in Foley and pleaded
for standards, ‘The Court should draw the line between policymaking and non-
policymaking positions in as consistent and intelligible a fashion as possible’ (p. 301).
When the Court ruled in Foley that police officers must be citizens because they
exercise a high degree of judgment and discretion in carrying out policy that
substantially affects members of the political community, the dissenting judges
countered that judgments made by police officers are factual in nature because the
policy judgments are prescribed in a book of regulations, which the officers then
apply to individual cases. Similarly, when the Court ruled in Cabell that probation
officers exercise coercive force and exercise a great deal of discretion when super-
vising the course of a probationers’ rehabilitation, and that the job symbolizes the
political community’s control over those who have violated the norms of social
order, the dissenting judges argued that, although probation officers play an integral
role in the criminal justice system, their powers are carefully conditioned by statute,
and their position is more comparable to that of a prison guard, bailiff, or court
clerk. In both instances, the dissenting judges would have restricted the citizenship
limitation to upper level positions such as to the head of an executive agency.15
Job Classification and Job Analysis: Solutions
Job analysis compares different jobs along common denominators to determine
whether the jobs fall in the same classification. The Principles for the validation and use
15Citing Sugarman, a U.S. District Court ruled that the state of New York can not discriminate againstpermanent residents when awarding bonus points to U.S. war veterans who take the competitive civilservice examination. It noted ‘That position [railroad clerk], and most if not all civil service positions filledby competitive examination, cannot be said to involve the formulation and execution of state policy’(Andrade v. Nadel, 1979, italics added).
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152 U. J. Wiersma
of personnel selection procedures (1987), an official policy statement of the Division of
Industrial/Organizational Psychology of the American Psychological Association,
states that ‘Job analysis is essential to the development of a content oriented
procedure or to the justification of a construct considered important to job behavior’
(p. 5).
Jobs may be analyzed (i) in terms of the job tasks involved in completing the job or
(ii) in terms of the human knowledge, skills, and abilities needed to perform the job.
The technique should be well known to the judiciary: Thompson and Thompson
(1982) reviewed 26 court cases concerned with the requirements for an adequate
job analysis.
Although jobs are typically defined with narrative job descriptions, job informa-
tion that is quantified provides greater accuracy. Interviews with job incumbents and
supervisors can yield an inventory of as many as 500 tasks when the job task method
is used. Job incumbents then complete the inventory and verify how frequently each
task occurs, how important it is, and how long it takes to complete. They rate the
tasks using numerical scales in which ‘1’ represents infrequently, unimportant, and
little time, respectively; and ‘5’ represents frequently, important, and much time,
respectively. Attempting to measure the domain of a job helps clarify the definition
of that job and relevant studies are frequently available.
The completed inventories are factor, or cluster, analyzed to group the tasks
into major job duties. Bar charts profile the relative importance of each duty within a
job and the job profiles of different jobs may then be compared to assess the degree
of similarity. This comparison may be performed with statistical programs such
as profile analysis, or the comprehensive occupational data analysis program
(CODAP). A more precise comparison between the jobs of notary public and
lawyer could have been made in Bernal if both jobs had been job analyzed.
Task inventories have been widely used in the U.S. Air Force to identify career
ladders and to develop training programs (Christal, 1974). Government agencies
have used CODAP extensively to validate selection programs and there is a CODAP
program available to organize and analyze occupational data to answer almost any
question asked by managers of a personnel system. Task inventories are but one of
seven popular job analysis methods, and are well suited for determining similarities
among jobs (Levine, Ash, Hall, & Sistrunk, 1983).
Consider the case of Cabell, in which California included probation officers in the
broad job classification of peace officers, along with toll collectors and bedding
inspectors, resulting in confusion over the definition of the word: over-inclusiveness.
Task inventories could be developed for the individual jobs in the peace officer
classification and major clusters of tasks would then provide individual profiles for
each job. For example, Mullins and Kimbrough (1988) conducted a job analysis for
the job of university patrol officer and grouped 526 tasks into 13 independent job
duties.16 Individual jobs, such as that of bedding inspector, would then be compared
against the probation officer job. If the overlap in job duties of any single comparison
16The job duties are (i) conducting investigations, (ii) following proper procedures, (iii) concern forothers, (iv) knowledge of rules, regulations, and laws, (v) working with other officers, (vi) logically andrationally dealing with patrol situations, (vii) arrest, search, and seizure, (viii) traffic stops, (ix) ability todeal with students and the public, (x) proper use of authority, (xi) function under stress, (xii) driving whileintoxicated situations, and (xiii) proper use of force.
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Hiring permanent resident 153
between two jobs is less than a specified standard, for example 75%, then the
classification could be considered too broad.
An approach that separates policy from nonpolicymaking positions is to use a
task-inventory named the Management Position Description Questionnaire
(MPDQ) (Tornow & Pinto, 1976). Raters review a set of 197 statements about
the job and rate each statement on a five-point scale of importance (in light of all
other position activities) and frequency of occurrence. A sample item is ‘review and
revise expense allocations.’ The MPDQ describes, classifies, and evaluates executive
positions based on the behavioral content of the job.
Borman and Brush (1993) summarized the many empirical studies of manager
performance and show that there are eight general management responsibilities,
namely, planning and organizing, motivating subordinates, developing subordi-
nates, coordinating subordinates and other resources to get the job done, hiring and
promoting staff, monitoring and controlling resources, delegating, and collecting
and interpreting data. Jobs that score low on the MPDQ, and on the job respon-
sibilities listed above, would not be considered to be managerial. Considered in this
light, neither state troopers, nor probation officers, nor teachers function at a
managerial, or policy-making level.
Political Self-Determination: Issues
The court has supported a citizenship requirement several times because of
presumed psychological distinctions between permanent residents and citizens.
For example, the court has reasoned that permanent residents might be less loyal
than citizens and therefore should be barred from becoming state troopers, saying
that ‘most States expressly confine the employment of police officers to citizens,
whom the State may reasonably presume to be more familiar with and sympathetic toAmerican traditions’ (Foley v. Connelie, 1978, p. 300, italics added). Further,
permenent residents may not teach in public schools under the assumption that
their conflict of interests might lead them to foster unhealthy civil attitudes in their
students. It noted ‘the [State] legislature having in mind the importance of
education to state and local governments . . .may determine eligibility for the key
position in discharging that function on the assumption that generally persons who
are citizens, or who have not declined the opportunity to seek U.S. citizenship arebetter qualified than those who have elected to remain aliens’ (Ambach v. Norwick,
1979, p. 81, second italics added).17
Defending a political function argument because of presumed differences in
psychological attributes, such as loyalty, between permanent residents and citizens
opens a Pandora’s box of questions. How should loyalty be defined and how should
17In Cervantes v. Guerra (1981), a nonprofit community action agency, serving the poor, stipulated thatonly U.S. citizens would be eligible to serve on the board or to vote to select board members. The agencyargued that the citizenship requirement would result in a more capable board, and would permit bettercontrols against voting fraud. A U.S. Appeals Court, smelling a toothless argument, did not even ask for arational relationship between the limiting classification and the state interest sought to be protected, andsimply ruled that the ‘exclusion of aliens from political roles is an end rational and legitimate in itself’(p. 982).
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154 U. J. Wiersma
it be measured? Does it mean obeying orders and following procedures, being
supportive of fellow officers, or blowing the whistle on corrupt practices?18 Is loyalty
an important factor in job performance—that is, are better troopers, teachers, and
probation officers more loyal then their less effective counterparts? Assuming for the
moment that loyalty can be adequately defined, and that it is correlated with job
performance, how do we know that citizen employees are more loyal than their
permanent resident counterparts? One can think of arguments that support a
presumption that permanent residents are more loyal than citizens. Further, what
are the differences, all else being equal, between citizens who have been naturalized
and permanent residents?
Political Self-Determination: Solutions
In addition to analyzing jobs by listing the requisite tasks, jobs may also be analyzed
and categorized according to the knowledge, skills, and abilities (KSAs) needed to
perform those tasks. Instead of measuring tasks and actual job behavior, the KSA
method measures attributes of people.
If employment restrictions are supported by actual rather than presumed
differences in psychological attributes between citizens and permanent residents,
then less dissent should occur among judges. Job analysis can confirm, or discon-
firm, the premise that loyalty is an important prerequisite for teachers and police
officers. Measures of relevant performance tasks for suburban police departments,
using the Critical Incident Technique, as well as the Position Analysis Question-
naire (PAQ), are available (McGurk, Platton, & Gibson, 1994; Ronan, Talbert, &
Mullet, 1977).
If a job analysis reveals that loyalty is an important job attribute, then further
empirical evidence can be gathered to support the claim that loyalty is related to job
performance. For example, a concurrent validity study would correlate teacher
loyalty and teacher effectiveness and would help answer the question arising from
Ambach: Do more loyal teachers produce better students? In this light,
Tannenbaum and Rosenfeld (1994) conducted a job analysis for teachers and
identified six basic skills, regardless of the subject area, or grade level of the teacher:
reading, writing, mathematics, listening, speaking, and interactive communication.
Loyalty was not mentioned.
A question arising from Foley was ‘How much personal discretion do police
officers have when executing their job duties?’ One is reminded of the policeman’s
answer to a citizen who complains about having just received a citation: ‘I don’t
make the laws, sir, I just enforce them.’ Empirical studies can help answer the
question by measuring the degree to which police officers differ in their responses to
particular job incidents. For example, police officers can be presented with carefully
worded vignettes describing typical job situations and then asked to describe
18For example, loyalty is mentioned twice in one job analysis about police officers (Terlouw, 1985). Itmeans giving your colleagues the feeling that they can count on your support (this is especially the case incritical situations, whereby it is frequently important to react quickly and with a single strategy, andconcomitantly, that one does not develop one’s own strategy but rather supports the decisions of thecolleague who has taken the lead). It also means supporting the decisions of a colleague, even if you wouldhave handled it differently.
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Hiring permanent resident 155
specifically what they would do in each situation. Each answer would be written on a
3� 5 file card. Then a second group of officers would sort the cards into clusters
representing different manners of response to the situation. A single cluster would
mean that the officers responded similarly. An index of variability could be obtained
by dividing the total number of clusters by the total number of job duties.
Additionally, professional job analysts can accompany police officers on patrol to
determine the degree of variance in response to actual situations.
Judicial Scrutiny
Courts must scrutinize the job relatedness of selection tests. The citizen/noncitizen
dichotomy is a selection test—but is it useful in predicting job performance, and
what alternatives exist?
Judicial Scrutiny: Issues
When citizenship is acquired through naturalization, the following requirements
must be satisfied. The foreign national must (i) have been lawfully admitted to the
U.S. with a permanent resident visa, (ii) be at least 18 years of age, (iii) have lived in
the U.S. at least five years (or three years if married to a U.S. citizen), (iv) have no
serious criminal convictions, (v) take an oath of allegiance identical to that taken by a
new President, (vi) be willing to bear arms for the U.S. or in the event of religious or
moral beliefs against war, must at least be willing to perform war related civilian
work, and (vii) must be interviewed by an examiner of the U.S. Immigration and
Naturalization Service.
The criteria to become a citizen are of little value to an employer however,
because they are unrelated to abilities to perform jobs effectively. First, employees
are typically 18 years old or older. Second, taking a 5-minute oath of allegiance
needs little skill. Third, the typical 15-minute interview is little more than a symbolic
ritual. Only a cursory knowledge of American history (e.g., why do we celebrate the
4th of July?) and the ability to read and write a single English sentence are frequently
all that is required. Even the Supreme Court acknowledged in Foley that it is
relatively easy for immigrants to become naturalized citizens. Therefore, the most
important difference between citizens and permanent residents lies in the five-year
or three-year residency requirement.
Judicial Scrutiny: Solutions
Selection tools that measure job related skills and yield scores along a continuum
from low to high, are more sensitive than a dichotomous citizenship test. Therefore,
professionally developed selection tools such as structured interviews, job samples,
and paper and pencil tests are better predictors of future job performance than is
citizenship.
Meta-analytic research on interviews indicates that professionally developed
interviews yield correlations between interview scores and subsequent job perfor-
mance as high as r¼ 0.67 (Conway, Jako, & Goodman, 1995). In short, (i) a job
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156 U. J. Wiersma
analysis should be conducted to determine important job responsibilities, (ii)
interviewers should use structured interview guides to ensure that interviews are
standardized across candidates, (iii) multiple interviewers should assess a candidate
and then meet afterwards to discuss their impressions of the candidate, and (iv)
interviewers should ask questions that focus on behavior—for example, ‘What
specifically did you do regarding the project you just mentioned?’ Campion, Palmer,
and Campion (1997) have identified 15 different components of professionally
developed interviews.
Job simulations also predict future employee performance and can be as simple as
a typing test to assess secretarial skills, or as complex as an assessment center to
assess managerial skills. Simulation tests have been well received by the courts and
by employees because it is easy to demonstrate how skills sampled by the test are
related to skills required on the job: The test is the job (Perticone & Wiesen, 1979).
Assessment Centers accurately predict who has the ability to become a good
manager and have therefore become popular worldwide in the past 10 years. They
are widely used for federal and local U.S. government positions. For example, a
recent survey found that 62% of cities in the United States with populations of more
than 50,000 use assessment centers to promote fire-fighters and law enforcement
personnel (Lowry, 1997). Assessment centers have also been used to promote police
officers in Singapore (Chan, 1996), as well as in Holland (Van der Velde, Born, &
Hofkes, 1994).
Assessment centers typically last three days and include multiple exercises that
sample the entire domain of managerial tasks. Leaderless group discussions, in
which individuals work with their colleagues to solve a group problem, simulate
business meetings and measure the ability to persuade while working as a member of
a team. In-basket exercises, in which a candidate sits behind a desk and reacts to
memos and telephone calls, measure decision-making ability. Public speaking
exercises, in which candidates are presented with a technical business plan and
must then present their evaluation of the plan to the group, measure the ability to
plan and communicate. Ratings of Assessment Center exercises accurately predict
subsequent job performance as a manager (Gaugler, Rosenthal, Thornton, &
Bentson, 1987). Because work samples reduce racial and gender bias, relative to
other techniques, they help promote equal employment opportunities for racial
minorities and for women.
Used faithfully, professionally developed selection tools such as structured
interviews and job simulations help satisfy the legitimate requirement that a
government agency ensure appropriate minimum standards of job performance.
These tools can be developed for any job, including that of attorney, notary public,
and civil engineer, and are less restrictive than a citizenship requirement. Such tools
are not foolproof, and those who truly wish to discriminate can circumvent them,
but they are a far better solution than a flat ban on all permanent residents.
SUMMARY AND FUTURE ISSUES
Several issues will arise in the future as a result of the history of cases to date.
Although it is understood that permanent residents may not work in the federal civil
service because federal authority in immigration and naturalization is plenary,
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Hiring permanent resident 157
whereas permanent residents may work for a state civil service, it is difficult from a
behavioral science perspective to reconcile this difference. But for citizenship, a clerk
typist may work in accounts receivable for a state but not for the federal government,
when in fact the jobs are identical, and both civil services are merit systems. It would
be helpful if the federal government would set levels within the civil service hierarchy
below which permanent residents could compete for jobs, as was suggested by the
Court in Hampton.
The courts have ruled that a compelling state interest must be supported by the
least restrictive means available. It will not be surprising if the courts request
employers to look for alternate selection methods whenever the method used,
even if it is correlated with job performance, discriminates against permanent
residents. Establishing which selection tests accurately predict job performance
and avoid doing so on attributes that are correlated with alienage is a practical
research area that clearly needs to be developed.
Although the current focus is on discrimination during hiring, it is quite likely, as
happened with Title VII litigation, that future claims will involve discrimination on
the job—after a candidate has been employed. Constitutional claims may be based
on disparate treatment or disparate impact arising from biased decisions throughout
the employment relationship. Thus, the focus will shift from measuring predicted
performance to measuring actual performance, and the accuracy of the tests
involved, namely, performance appraisals, will become salient. Employers use a
wide variety of performance appraisal systems to promote, transfer, and discharge
employees. As with hiring, professionally developed appraisals based on job analyses
help improve rater accuracy, thereby reducing unintended discrimination.
Finally, returning to the cost/benefit analysis, the reasoning for excluding
permanent residents from particular public sector jobs runs as follows. Permanent
residents may not vote, may not run for elective office, and may not serve on a jury.
Therefore they may not hold positions that involve important elective nor non-
elective executive, legislative and judicial positions that involve direct participation
in the formulation, execution, or review of broad public policy. A narrow inter-
pretation of this phrase includes only those positions involving top managers and
their direct reports. Such an interpretation is inconsistent with rulings that bar aliens
from state trooper, parole officer, and public school teaching positions, but has
several advantages.
From an employer’s perspective, a narrow interpretation affords a state or city
access to a larger applicant pool when it recruits for employment, thus increasing the
probability of finding talent. If, in addition, valid and reliable selection methods are
used, then the state can maximize correct decisions by selecting candidates who
succeed subsequently on the job, as well as minimize reject-errors (candidates who
would have succeeded on the job but who are rejected). The reverse is, of course,
also true: the state can maximize correct decisions by rejecting candidates who
would fail subsequently on the job, and minimize accept-errors (candidates who are
selected but who fail subsequently on the job). Second, a narrow interpretation
reinforces a meritocracy: a civil service based on competitive examinations, instead
of the historical spoils system. Supporting a meritocracy yields better public services
to the community, something for which all taxpayers are paying. A narrow inter-
pretation would also permit permanent residents to gravitate to those jobs to which
they are best suited, and it would eliminate unnecessary unfairness.
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158 U. J. Wiersma
The basic cost to a narrow interpretation, dominant in all of the rulings that
support a citizenship requirement, is that more loyal employees are more effective
employees, and it is assumed that citizens are more loyal than permanent residents.
There is a rational relationship between citizenship and a state’s legitimate interest
in maintaining an effective civil service, and, following this line of reasoning, to
accept permanent resident employees would mean to tolerate a less effective
workforce, but there is no factual basis for (i) assuming that the concept of loyalty,
as defined in the court rulings, is related to effective job performance as a teacher or
law enforcement official, or (ii) assuming that citizens are more loyal than perma-
nent residents. As an example, whereas research shows that teachers have a
significant influence on the political attitudes of their students, it is not known
whether professionally certified citizen teachers have a healthier influence on their
students than do professionally certified permanent resident teachers.
It is legitimate to ask ‘Where is the ‘‘rational’’ in the Court’s ‘‘rational relation-
ship’’?’ The definition of prejudice is worth repeating: ‘Prejudice is a bias or
prejudgement, favorable or unfavorable that has no basis in fact’ (Allport, 1958,
p. 10, italics added).
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