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    Fall 2010 305

    Ecofeminist political philosophy isan area of intellectual inquiry that examines the political

    status of that which we call nature using the insights, theoretical tools, and ethical com-

    mitments of ecological feminisms and other liberatory theories such as critical race theory,

    queer theory, postcolonial theory, environmental philosophy, and feminism. Ecofeminist

    political philosophy is concerned with questions regarding the possibilities opened by the

    recognition of agency and subjectivity for the more-than-human world; and it asks how wecan respond politically to the more-than-human world on mutual, dialogical terms. Such

    philosophy insists that a gendered and liberatory analysis is needed to adequately address the

    environmental dilemma of how to include nonhuman nature as co-interlocutor in the green

    public sphere. It also asks critical questions of traditional philosophies that exclude the

    more-than-human world from ethico-political consideration. These themes run throughout

    the work of three contemporary environmental feminist theorists who compellingly examine

    the entanglements between concepts and categories of gender, nature, and the political:

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    ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS306 Vol. 32

    3 Val Plumwood,Environmental Culture: The Ecological Crisis of Reason (New York : Routledge,

    2002), p. 42.

    4 Ibid., p. 43.

    I. VAL PLUMWOOD AND CRITICAL POLITICAL ECOLOGY:

    FINDING, AND EMBRACING, THE POLITICAL

    All ecofeminisms implicitly have a political analysis, and are political interventions

    into a variety of discourses and practices. Ecofeminist political philosophy makes

    the implicit political content of ecofeminism explicit, in ways I identify throughout

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    epistemic authority in a stance of transcendence, distance, separation, dispassionate

    disengagement, producing a hierarchical, instrumentalizing relationship between

    the knower and the known. Although the dominant conception of rationality holds

    that this purported ontological separation and affective neutrality on the part of the

    researcher is not only necessary for objectivity and universality (both of which

    are preconditions for achieving something called truth), but is certainly and nec-

    essarily free of any political relations, Plumwood notes how a closer investigation

    reveals it is otherwise: Objectivity is usually seen as excluding the emotional,the bodily, the particular, the personal, and of course especially the political.

    k8$5%#895:$'5#[B"#7":'6"D89B5#;'$Q"'C%6M'8#6'">%$5%#895$M'8#6'56"#$5?M5#;'$Q">'

    8:'?">5#5#"'84"'79"849M'5#[B"#$589'Q"4"2b3 Plumwood then writes of the dangers of

    7%#:$4B5#;':75"#$5@7'"8$"6&'5#:$4B>"#$895F"6'#8$B4"&'5:'CM'#%'>"8#:'

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    Fall 2010 307WHAT IS ECOFEMINIST POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY?

    5 Certainly it is important, as Plumwoods explication in Environmental Culture and many of her

    other writings of the ratiogenic causes of environmental crisis as well as her powerful arguments for

    a reconceptualization of reason that constitutes rationality as the process of taking account of humanecological embeddedness and ecosocial interconnectedness, seems key to engendering the profound

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    ecofeminism, is in her uncompromising insistence that we must conduct apolitical

    as well as epistemological analysis of the ecosocial problems with dominant forms

    of rationality, making plain that it is notthat we need to expunge the hidden and

    illicit political dimensions of our constructions of reason but rather that we need a

    better, more critical politics, of reason and other kinds of knowledge and knowl-

    edge practicesa critical political ecology as she names it later in the book.All knowledge projects have a political dimension, the political (here appearing

    as an interested point of view) is unavoidable and not something to repudiate or

    minimize. Rather, Plumwood exhorts us to realize, we must make certain that our

    W#%R9"6;"'"'7%>>%#'$Q4"86:'8#6'$Q">":'4B##5#;'

    throughout the work of three contemporary environmental theorists, Plumwood,

    Catriona Sandilands, and Bonnie Mann, who each forcefully and uniquely examine

    the entanglements between concepts and categories of gender, nature, and the politi-

    cal. These engagements, arising at the intersection of ecofeminism, radical green

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    ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS308 Vol. 32

    6 Rosemary Radford Reuther, in her latest book,Ecofeminism, Globalization, and World Religions

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    education and public leadership (p. 91, emphasis added).

    political theory, and discourses on the political (including political activism), point

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    II. ECOFEMINIST POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY:

    DEFINITIONS AND QUESTIONS

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    Fall 2010 309

    7 Most ecofeminist genealogies trace the origins of the term to the publication of Francoise

    dEaubonnesLe Fminisme ou la Mort(Paris: P. Horay, 1974). According to Karen Warren in personal

    7%#D"4:8$5%#&'$Q"'@4:$'$R%'"=5#5:$'"::8M:'R"4"'

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    ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS310 Vol. 32

    9 The term other-human-Others is borrowed from Karen Warren, who uses it frequently in her

    book Ecofeminist Philosophy: A Western Perspective On What It Is and Why It Matters (Lanham,

    e62g'k%R>8#'8#6'I5$$9"@"96&',--,O'$%'7%99"7$5D"9M'#8>"'$Q%:"'QB>8#:'RQ%'Q8D"'$4865$5%#899M'C""#'

    excluded, oppressed, or marginalized under white supremacist anthropocentric capitalist patriarchy.

    people of color, non-heteronormative persons, the differently abled, and

    other-human-Others?9

    p''\Q8$'5:'$Q"'

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    Fall 2010 311

    10 See P. Alex Latta, Locating Democratic Politics in Ecological Citizenship,Environmental Politics

    16 (2007): 37793; Catriona Sandilands, Opinionated Natures: Toward a Green Public Culture, in

    Ben Minteer and Bob Taylor, eds., Democracy and the Claims of Nature: Critical Perspectives for aNew Century'LI8#Q8>&'e62g'k%R>8#'8#6'I5$$9"@"96&',--,Of'^%Q#'!4MF"W&'The Politics of the Earth:

    Environmental Discourses (New York: Oxford, 2005); Bonnie Mann, Womens Liberation and the

    Sublime: Feminism, Postmodernism, Environment(New York: Oxford University Press, 2006).11 See Plumwood on the intensional recognition stance developed in chap. 8 ofEnvironmental

    Culture; also Warren,Ecofeminist Philosophy ; and my Ph.D. dissertation, Subject to the Laws of Nature:

    Ecofeminism, Representation, and Political Subjectivity (Ph.D. diss., University of Oregon, 2006).

    ' A$84$5#;'R5$Q'$Q"'@4:$'$"4>&'RQ8$'>8W":'$Q":"' B":$5%#:'ecofeministis that they ask

    about intersections of oppressions, exclusions, and marginalizations that particularlyimpact women and nature, making visible the ways that women, beings and enti-

    ties in nature, and other-human-Others are linked in what Catriona Sandilands (to

    whose work I turn shortly) refers to as a contingent chain of equivalencies that

    position each, relatedly but not identically, as an object of masculinist exploita-

    tion and degradation. The second term,political, is the concept that has been most

    undertheorized here and perhaps in environmental philosophy more generally.

    k8$Q"4'$Q8#'%??"4'8'6"@#5$5%#'%?'the political, I want to suggest, following particular

    green political theorists such as Douglas Torgerson, Alex Latta, Cate Sandilands,

    and John Dryzek, that the political is more to be understood performatively andphenomenologically than instrumentallyas a space (or as spaces) where particular

    qualities and experiences of collectivity, of interlocution, translation, interpretation,

    contestation, negotiation, discussion, are to be had. The political has an embodied

    and performative dimension, is process rather than ends-oriented, and is an open

    space where notions of democracy, citizenship, power, participation, speech, self,

    society, the oikos, polis, and nature are continually produced, interrogated, and

    transformed.10 In agreement with both Val Plumwood and Karen Warren, and in

    sharp contrast to most of the rest of anthropocentric Western political philosophy,

    I hold that in (some) ecofeminism(s) the political is not limited to the human; themore-than-human world too is capable of political agency, action, and speech and

    can assert claims that human beings are capable of recognizing, and are thus un-

    der a moral obligation to do so.11Philosophyis both the easiest and hardest term

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    ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS312 Vol. 32

    12 I recognize that this is the strong claim: to wit, that all things in all places and times are political.

    Some may object to this claim, or at least wish for there to be some differentiation between kinds and

    degrees of political relations. In the words of one very helpful anonymous reviewer: . . . [power may

    C"'"D"4MRQ"4"&'CB$'%#"'>B:$o'89:%'7%#:56"4'$Q8$'$Q"'87$'%?'8$5D"'48$Q"4'$Q8#'@="6&'

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    Fall 2010 313

    13 Sandilands, The Good-Natured Feminist, p. 154.

    14 The polysemic senses of the term subjectwhich should be applied to nature Sandilands lists, fol-

    lowing Webster, as a topic; a theme; a person or idea being discussed. One who is under the authority

    of another; the word representing the person or thing acting.15 Sandilands, The Good-Natured Feminist, p. 80.

    of the political as a central element in most environmental struggles, acting as if

    saving the earth were a task that overrides the importance of democratization.13

    To support this contention, she cites tendencies within the environmental movement

    to treat environmental problems as either technocratic problems for experts and

    bureaucrats to address, as matters of personal consumption habits, or as mystical,

    personal experiences, highly idiosyncratic, and inaccessible to anyone other than

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    to the depoliticization of nature, and she asserts that we must (re)claim nature as a

    sphere of the polis, the collective, and of a radical democratic politics that places

    our relationship with nature at the center of our lives as political animals.

    Although I think that Sandilands overstates the case somewhatenvironmentalmovements, even those which utilize fairly conventional discourses and strategies,

    are always self-consciously calling for political action and thus understand them-

    selves as political actors as suchnonetheless Sandilands points out something

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    to best exploit existing political avenues for the sake of making gains for the more-

    than-human world, not about how humans ought best represent the interests of

    nature in incorrigibly anthropocentric political arenas, but to question, and ultimately

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    ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS314 Vol. 32

    16 Ibid., p. 80 (emphasis added).

    17 I.e., permanent, essentialized identities are not formed from these processes; the subject positions

    in the chains of equivalencies are contingent, strategic, and unstable, coming into and out of being in

    particular historical moments and times.

    18 Sandilands, The Good-Natured Feminist, p. 87.

    Sandilands here reveals an important dilemma for ecological politics: how to admit

    the voice of (non-unitary) nature into our political processes, how to recognize theclaims that nature asserts as political speech (a formidable enough task of its own!),

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    Fall 2010 315

    19 Ibid., p. 87 (emphasis added).

    20 For further development of the notion of a green public sphere, see Douglas Torgerson, The

    Promise of Green Politics: Environmentalism and the Green Public Sphere (Durham: Duke University

    Press, 1999); for a related notion of a green public culture, see Sandilands, Opinionated Natures.

    political in such a way that nature appears on its own accord, is heard through its

    own polyphonic voices. To see how this way out works, lets consider Sandilandsanalysis further:

    WHAT IS ECOFEMINIST POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY?

    To take the example provided by ecofeminism, it is not simply that feminism and en-

    vironmentalism are allied struggles, but that the very antagonistic forces of oppression

    that are seen to prevent womens full identity as women and natures full realization

    as nature are one and the same; the fantasy is that womens full identity is in part, as a

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    ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS316 Vol. 32

    21 Bonnie Mann, Womens Liberation and the Sublime: Feminism, Postmodernism, Environment

    (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006).22 Mann does make one direct reference to ecofeminism, to the work of Shiva and Mies in a footnote

    (p. 20, n. 32). However, although her entire book deals with the relationship between the interconnections

    between the repudiation and inferiorization of nature in Western thought and deed and the dominationand exploitation of women and things that are regarded as feminine (such as necessity work), it seems

    a strange omission to not locate the work in the context of ecofeminism, or at least explain why it is

    notlocated there. However, my decision to label Manns work as representative of an ecofeminist

    political philosophy when she herself does not take up one of these terms certainly raises the familiar

    question of appropriation in regard to naming things ecofeminist. It should be noted that I brought this

    issue up to Mann in personal email correspondence, and she replied that her experiences as an activist

    new book, Womens Liberation and the Sublime: Feminism, Postmodernism,

    Environment,21

    Mann explicates how some of the longest-standing modernistphilosophical constructions that devalue the natural world, such as the Kantian

    sublime, converge with certain very recent philosophical trends that claim to have

    supplanted the modern, most especially postmodernism. Some postmodernisms,

    Mann shows, posit a conception of all of reality as linguistically constructed, thus

    denying the materiality of such things as bodies and nature, in such a way that

    we become ensnared in the ecologically dangerous fantasy that we are untethered

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    which they are embedded, thereby rendering us atopos, literally, unplaced. Mann

    compellingly argues for a recuperation of the more-than-human world (which inher book variously appears as necessity, place, nature, the Earth, and the

    material) within feminist theory, feminist practice, and philosophy more gener-

    ally. In Manns book, the case is convincingly made that the feminist liberatory

    project foundationally involves the question of freedom; the problem of freedom

    and necessity is basic to (masculinist) Western philosophy. Mann carefully and

    forcefully elucidates the ways that freedom has been traditionally conceived of

    in opposition to necessity, showing how freedom, since at least Kant (but really

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    Fall 2010 317

    had caused her to view the term ecofeminism distastefully, although she admitted that she had done

    very little reading in the area of ecofeminism, especially ecofeminist philosophy. Her view raises yet

    another political issue for ecofeminism, namely, its struggles to overcome a certain stereotyped image

    that persists despite the rigorous attempts of ecofeminists to address and dispel misconceptions about it

    and those who identify with it. I address the issue of stereotypes and misconceptions about ecofeminism

    more fully in my article The Spiritual Is Political: Gender, Spirituality, and Forest DefenseJournal

    for the Study of Religion, Nature, and Culture 4, no. 1 (2008): 4871.

    23 Mann, Womens Liberation, p. 129 (emphasis added).

    24 Ibid., p. 138.

    Mann argues against a postmodern feminist conception of bodies and places as

    linguistic constructions and for, in her words, a feminist politics of the-body-in-place which understands our capacity for freedom as integral to the relationship

    between bodies and places, but realizes that this freedom requires a politics of

    body and of placea8'8$5%#'%?'%B4'6"

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    ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS318 Vol. 32

    25 Warren,EcofeministPhilosophy, p. 66.

    26 Ibid.

    we shouldhave that acknowledges and embraces these very relations of intra- and

    transhuman dependency, asks how we can self-consciously construct a politics,and fashion our political institutions, policies, and practices such that they consider

    one of our most important tasks to care for the entity that makes human freedom,

    and political life, possible: the Earth.

    V. CONCLUSION: QUILTING AN

    ECOFEMINIST POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

    By choosing to highlight the three authors that I have presented here, Plumwood,

    A8#6598#6:&'8#6'e8##&'G'Q%"'$Q5#;:'8C%B$'$Q5:'@"96'$Q8$'G'8>'calling ecofeminist political philosophy, to have illustrated connections and com-

    monalities found in the work of diverse scholars that when taken together reveals a

    distinct and important line of philosophical inquiry about the relationship between

    gender, nature, and the political. I also have intended, hopefully successfully even

    if provisionally, to perform some of the synthetic work needed to actually construct

    ecofeminist political philosophy; to erect some signposts and identify theoretical

    resources that can aid in such a project. I do not'7985>'Q"4"'$%'Q8D"'6"@#5$5D"9M'

    established what does and does not count as ecofeminist political philosophy, and

    in fact, I dont think such a task is either possible or desirable. To explain why,let me borrow a metaphor to help describe ecofeminist political philosophy from

    Karen Warren. In her monographEcofeminist Philosophy there is a chapter entitled

    Quilting Ecofeminist Philosophy. In this chapter Warren, a logician by training,

    rejects conventional analytic conceptions of theory as, in her words, providing a

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    theorized about, and also rejects views that assume that such conditions can or

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    Fall 2010 319

    27 Ibid., p. 66.

    28 Warren notes that quilting has traditionally been a craft developed by women; I would add that it

    has been oft-remarked upon in womens histories that quilting bees have for generations served as a

    way for women living under conditions of isolation and repression in the patriarchal family to gather

    together to talk, form community, and offer support for one another, in a way that is socially acceptable.

    29 Warren,Ecofeminist Philosophy, p. 67.

    30 I wish to add, of course, most often quilts do have an intentional design, and quilters carefully

    and deliberately choose their pattern, fabrics, stitches, and so on. A quilt, even a crazy quilt is not arandom set of patches whose only discernable design is one of exclusions rather than inclusions, and

    `B59$"4:'"#$'8#6'$"=$B4"&'78#'and do vary widely. Some ecofeminist political philosophy deploys traditional,

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    ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS320 Vol. 32

    31 For an elaboration of Plumwood on political solidarity with nature, see Chaone Mallory, Val

    Plumwood and Ecofeminist Political Solidarity: Standing With the Natural Other Ethics and the

    Environment14, no. 2 (Fall 2009): 321.

    32 Nol Sturgeon, Theorizing Movements: Direct Action and Direct Theory, in Marcy Danalovsky,

    Barbara Epstein, and Richard Flaks, eds., Cultural Politics and Social Movements (Philadelphia: Temple

    University Press, 1995). More on this issue deserves to be said; for the moment I direct the reader to

    my article Ecofeminism and Forest Defense in Cascadia: Gender, Theory, and Radical Activism,

    Capitalism, Nature, Socialism: A Journal of Social Ecology 17 (2006): 32-49, for a further analysis of

    intersections between ecofeminist theory and direct action, in the context of the womens and transgender

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    supposedly irreformably anthropocentric political concepts and categories in the

    service of gaining greater recognition for the more-than-human world: for example,rights talk in ecofeminist animal rights theory; Plumwoods notion of humans as

    standing in solidarity with nature31; Sandilands call to include nature in a dialogi-

    cal democratic process as well as her extension of the public sphere to include the

    nonhuman; Manns critical reevaluation of the oikos and thepolis, necessity and

    freedom as applicable to developing a feminist ethics of ecological embodiment and

    place. Other times ecofeminist political philosophy exposes the underlying power

    relationships that condition our knowledge practices and our ethics, showing that

    constructions of nature that are thought to be natural and inevitable, especially

    ontologies, ethics, and metaphysics that cast nature as background or subordinate(along with women and other inferiorized groups), are really political, allied with

    the interests of groups in power. Once this political character of our constructions

    and relations with nature is brought to conscious recognition, ecofeminist political

    philosophy compels us to ask where those political alliances shouldbemaking the

    case that they should be with the more-than-human world, with the poor, indigenous

    peoples, with women, with all those who are oppressed through white supremacist

    anthropocentric capitalist patriarchy. Ecofeminist political philosophy politicizes

    gender and nature, thought together. While I have not discussed it here, although it

    certainly deserves mentioning, ecofeminist political philosophy also examines therelation between theory and praxis, much in the manner that ecofeminist theorist

    Nol Sturgeon describes the idea of direct theory, a notion that encapsulates

    the ways that movement activists, such as environmental activists, are always in

    the process of creating and analyzing meaning in the course of their activism, are

    engaging in theory making through and alongside action. Sturgeons concept of

    direct theory shows how theorists, including environmental philosophers, are always

    inside the political relations they simultaneously analyze and critique; they are

    '$Q"'R%496'$Q8$'6">8#6:'that people act.32

    At this point, here near the end, I wish to remind the reader that the purpose of this

    article is not$%'6"@#5$5D"9M'8#6'@="69M'6"@#"'"5$Q"4'$Q"'5#5:>&'

    %4'

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    Fall 2010 321

    33 Donna Haraway, When Species Meet(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press 2008). (See

    also Haraways notion ofcosmopolitics, adopted from Isabelle Stengers, Cosmopolitics [Minneapolis:

    University of Minnesota Press, 2010].)

    34 Nancy J. Hirschmannn and Christine Di Stefano,Revisioning the Political: Feminist Reconstruc-

    tions of Taditional Concepts in Western Political Theory (Boulder: Westview Press, 1996), p. 20.

    of the contours of the conception of the political I am attempting to develop here,

    and indicate somewhat more explicitly the quiltic pattern an ecofeminist politicalphilosophy might exhibit. So although in this essay I have focused most directly

    on the work of the three main theoristsPlumwood, Sandilands, and Mann (along

    with a smattering of others)so explored within, my own view of the political,

    and of a developing ecofeminist political philosophy, can be gleaned from within

    these pages.

    Such a political philosophy draws upon widespread understandings of politics

    and the political that locate it always as involving power relations and having to

    do with struggles for power. But as a liberatory theory of politics, the theory I

    am sketching here takes the stance that the political has a performative, playfuldimension, that political activities and spaces of the political are not simply con-

    @#"6'$%'c$4865$5%#89b':&'

    ballot boxes, and the like, but (in part following Sandilands following Arendt)

    that the political takes place in, and also helps to constitute the public sphere, the

    places where bodies, and not just human bodies, gather, come together, negotiate,

    contest, proclaim, debate, and importantly, playwhere, in the words of Donna

    Haraway, humans and nonhumans make worlds together.33 I referred to this place

    previously as the ecopolispherea term meant to capture the notion (following

    Mann) that the planetary ecosphere is the very ground and condition of the politi-cal, and that furthermore, our relations of ecological dependency to, on, and with

    the earth and particular places, entities, and beings are instances of the political.

    Feminist political philosophers Nancy Hirschmann and Christine Di Stefano, in the

    introduction to their anthologyRevisioning the Political: Feminist Reconstructions

    of Traditional Concepts in Western Political Theory write that feminist political

    theory, and feminist revisionings of the political have a utopian function.34

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    ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS322 Vol. 32

    34 Warren,Ecofeminist Philosophy, p. 67.

    and exploit nonhumans as well. That forms of oppression cannot be thought or

    addressed separately is the hallmark of ecofeminist analysis, and thus a philosophythat describes and prescribes political postures approaches, and methods that ad-

    dress such forms of oppression simultaneously is ecofeminist, and philosophical,

    and political.

    I close by returning to Karen Warrens elucidation of ecofeminism-as-quilt. It is

    also possible to see ecofeminist political philosophy as one of the patches on the

    quilt of ecofeminism, a quilt-within-a quilt, as it were. An ecofeminist philosophi-

    cal quilt will be made up of different patches constructed by quilters in particular

    social, historical, and material contexts, which express some aspect of that quilters

    perspective on women-other human Others-nature interconnections.35

    The eco-feminist political philosophy patch of the quilt of ecofeminism provides a particular

    perspective, and along with it lenses of analysis and a functional, dynamic, and

    textured framework, for resolving the conjoined oppressions of women, nature,

    and other human Others, and to engaging the full power and the promise of the

    political as a tool for liberation.