Endogamia Chiloe

8/3/2019 Endogamia Chiloe

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ISSN 1744-0718 [Print]ISSN 1744-0726 [Online]

MANAGEMENT SCHOOL

Who is afraid of the Spanish Inquisition?Endogamy and culture development

among Chiloe encomenderosand Catholicnamesakes of persecution victims

David E. Hojman

No. 2006/18

Research Paper Series

Management SchoolUniversity of Liverpool

Liverpool, L69 7ZH

Great Britain


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Who is afraid of the Spanish Inquisition?

Endogamy and culture development

among Chiloe encomenderos

and Catholic namesakes of persecution victims

DAVID E. HOJMAN *

Abstract

Almost two centuries after the final demise of the Spanish Inquisition, itseffects may still be present. Fear of the Inquisition may have affectedendogamy patterns and other cultural attitudes of Catholic families in ChiloeIsland in Southern Chile. More generally, the same fear may have eventuallyinfluenced the development of Chilean national culture. The paper looks atseveral groups of people with Spanish surnames, from different historical

periods. In particular, it explores colonial family trees, partly formed by Chiloeencomenderosand Catholic namesakes of Inquisition victims. Incidences ofpossibly Spanish Jewish surnames, and the different crimes investigated bythe Inquisition tribunal in Lima, are examined. A new, short list of those mostexposed to harassment and intimidation by the Inquisition in the 17th and 18thcenturies is put together. In its light the paper discusses the evolution offamily trees, generation after generation.

----* Management School, University of Liverpool, Chatham Street, Liverpool L697ZH, UK. Fax: 44 (0) 151 795 3001 / 3005. Email: [email protected].

The author gratefully acknowledges data, comments and suggestions frominterviewees and other informants in Chile, Spain, and elsewhere. No namesare given, in order to protect their privacy and that of others.

Words: 9,878

1
mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]


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People are filled with such fear of this beast [the Inquisition] that they glance furtively in alldirections in the streets to see if it is nearby, and walk and stop in fear, their hearts tremulousand fluttering like the leaves of a tree, afraid that it will attack them. Whenever this animal strikesa blow, no matter how far away it is, all feel it as a blow in the pit of their stomachs (SolomonUsque, 1553, quoted by Gitlitz, 2000, p. 60).

Chile had long been divided by enclaves of clan, class and party Chilean society was also

ingrown and insecure individuals were marked for life by family names It was a country ofparallel subcultures that never touched, of parochial worlds whose members rarely venturedbeyond their familiar, if often claustrophobic, confines (Constable and Valenzuela, 1993, p. 141).

This paper explores several aspects of culture and culture

development in the island of Chiloe in Southern Chile. It argues that fear of

the Spanish Inquisition may have played a fundamental role in these aspects

and development. Three main questions are addressed. First, why there has

been so much endogamy, and for so long, in Chiloe? Extremely high levels of

endogamy were already present in the 17th century (Guarda, 1995, 2002).

Second, otherwise similar groups in colonial Chiloe are very different, in terms

of incidence of possibly New Christian surnames. 1 How to explain these

differences? Could they somehow contribute to explain endogamy? Third,

can anything that we may learn about the culture of Chiloe Island, help us to

understand Chilean national culture? Chile has cultural features possibly

unique in Latin America, such as very low corruption together with a very low

level of interpersonal trust, or a large gap between those who claim to be

Catholic and those who go to church (Hojman, 2002, 2006).

1. Endogamy and possibly New Christian surnames

What makes a group of people marry each other, over a very long

period of time, in the absence of any obvious reasons for it? In their choice of

spouse, group members tend to prefer someone who is one of us, but what

makes him or her one of us? If the answer is culture, what does that mean

in this specific context? To begin with, we have two Chiloe family trees in

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mind, both from Guarda (2002). As the discussion progresses, other groups

will be introduced. The first group is a branch of a very large family, including

51 surnames over ten generations (from the late 16th or early 17th centuries to

the mid 20th century). The second group is a family tree including 55

surnames over seven generations during the colonial period (late 16th to late

18th centuries). As far as they know, members of these families have always

been Catholic. They can trace back their ancestry to Spanish conquistadores

and encomenderos. 2 In this sense, there are no obvious differences between

them and other large, traditional Chiloe families. In order to protect these

families privacy, no real names will be used. Instead, we will use the

expressions the ancestors of Jose Bloguez (Jose Bloguez being the

Spanish-language translation of Joe Bloggs), and Juan Verdejos family tree

(Juan Verdejo being the Chilean equivalent of John Smith, or the man in

the Clapham omnibus). 3

Historically, some endogamy was necessary for the class of

encomenderos. 4 Encomiendaswere granted as a reward to heroic military

deeds during the Conquest, or war against the Indians. They could be

inherited only once. Marrying each other was one of the ways by which

encomenderofamilies tried to keep their privileges and wealth to themselves,

rather than spread them around the wider population. But, as the Indians

were decimated, gradually the Chiloe encomiendasbecame less valuable.

Eventually the system collapsed and the encomiendaswere legally abolished

in the late 18th century.

The ancestors of both Jose Bloguez and Juan Verdejo seem to have

engaged in excessive endogamy.5

One example from the Bloguez family is

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that of a particular widow who married again. A few generations later, a

descendant of the first husband and a descendant of the second husband

marry two sisters. A few more generations later, descendants of these two

lines of the family again marry each other. There are many examples of two

brothers (or cousins) marrying two sisters (or cousins). The same surnames

(not the familys founder) appear twice or more in the same generation, or

twice or more in several consecutive generations. As to the Verdejo family

tree, in its older generations there are 38 individuals who are new additions to

the family. If each of them had contributed two surnames (fathers and

mothers) to the family tree, this would amount to 76 surnames. However, the

Verdejo family tree has only 55 surnames. In its first generation (with 14

individual ancestors on record), two surnames (not the family founders)

appear three times each, and a third surname, twice. In the second

generation (20 individuals), as many as six surnames appear twice. A

particular surname appears twice in the first, second, sixth and seventh

generations. 6

Guarda (2002, pp. 499-504) lists 128 surnames of Chiloe

encomenderosand 341 other surnames in their entorno social (social

environment or milieu), a total of 469 surnames. 7 So, there was no need to

marry a namesake (someone with ones own surname). Many other potential

spouses were available. Admittedly, some of these potential marriage

partners may not have been suitable on social or other grounds. But even if

we limit the discussion to the Bloguez and Verdejo family trees only (which

are possibly the equivalent of each other socially), a comparison between

these two family trees shows that almost half the surnames in each tree are

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not in the other tree. There would have been less endogamy in Chiloe, if only

more ancestors of Jose Bloguez and more members of Juan Verdejos family

tree had married someone from the other group. But, apart from one or two

exceptions, they did not. 8

There is strong empirical support for the view that in many cases

endogamy, or the lack of it, may have resulted from cultural attitudes, rather

than been biologically or geographically determined. This may have

happened much more often than popularly believed. Easter Island may offer

a highly appropriate example. Also within Chiles national boundaries, Easter

Island has possibly been equally, or even more isolated than the island of

Chiloe, from continental Chile. Easter Islands population was only about 100-

200 people in the second half of the 19th century, to increase to about 2,800 in

the 1990s. However, it has less endogamy than places such as Lugo,

Santiago de Compostela or Sierra de Gredos in Spain, according to church

dispensations, and less endogamy than Costa Rica, Italy or Venezuela,

according to surnames in marriage records (Gonzalez-Martin et al, 2006, pp.

439-440). The reason for this absence of endogamy is that local traditional

cultural attitudes were even more strict than Catholic church rules.

Members of the Bloguez and Verdejo families in Chiloe continued to

marry into a limited number of encomenderoand entorno socialfamilies, long

after this practice stopped making economic sense. They also tended to

marry Catholic namesakes of Inquisition victims (victims in Europe, not in

Chile), more often than other Chiloe individuals. This is surprising because

there is no evidence of these families being, or ever having been, New

Christian.

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Possibly a good reason to marry someone with an apparently New

Christian surname (the use of the word apparently will be explained in the

next section) could be that one is a New Christian himself or herself. An

obvious possibility would be that, sometime in the distant past, the Bloguez

and Verdejo families could have been Jews. However, there is no evidence

of this. In Chiloe in general, or among the ancestors of Jose Bloguez and

Juan Verdejo in particular, there is no Sephardi-derived forms of popular

culture such as tales, myths, poems and songs (Trapero, 1998; Gonzalez,

nd). There is no survival of any remains of Jewish religious or other practices

and traditions. No secrets transmitted from parent to child have ever been

discovered. In this particular sense, the inhabitants of Chiloe, and the

Bloguez and Verdejo families among them, are very different from the

descendants of victims of the Spanish Inquisition around the world, such as

the chuetasof Majorca (Porcel, 1977; Laub and Laub, 1987), or the crypto-

Jews of New Mexico (Jacobs, 2000; Kunin, 2001). There is absolutely no

evidence of either Chiloe inhabitants in general, or the Bloguez and Verdejo

families in particular, being New Christian or crypto-Jews, or even of they ever

having been accused of being New Christian or crypto-Jews by their enemies.

The next section introduces and briefly discusses the Bonnin (2001) list

of surnames. These are Spanish surnames which could possibly have been

adopted by New Christian families, mostly in Europe. We apply the Bonnin

list to several groups in Chile, including the Chiloe ancestors of Jose Bloguez

and Juan Verdejo. Section 3 introduces a new list, compiled by the Chilean

historian Jose Toribio Medina (1956), of victims of the Lima Inquisition tribunal

(which had jurisdiction over Chile). The Bonnin and Medina lists are very

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different. However, chi-squared tests using both lists confirm that the Bloguez

and Verdejo family trees on the one hand, and Chiloe encomenderosas a

whole on the other hand, are different. The incidence of namesakes of

Inquisition victims is significantly higher in the Bloguez and Verdejo families.

The Medina list also shows that most individuals investigated or processed by

the Lima tribunal, and who had namesakes in Chiloe, were accused not of

being crypto-Jews but of other crimes. A much shorter list, especially put

together for this paper, is discussed in Section 4. This new list (the 1639

plus list) includes those who were most at risk of harassment and intimidation

by Inquisition officials in colonial Chiloe. You may have been likely to engage

in excess endogamy, if your ancestors surnames were in this list, or if you

wanted to avoid marriage to someone in that unhappy situation. Also, you

may have chosen your surnames carefully and engaged in other forms of

protection. This paper is not about Jewish blood in someones ancestors, but

about cultural attitudes and culture development, and this is addressed in

Section 5. The answers on offer apply to these cultural aspects.

2. The Bonnin list: Could you be New Christian?

The Bonnin list (Bonnin, 2001, pp. 353-374) consists of over 3,000

Spanish surnames, compiled from Inquisition archives, censuses of Jewish

ghettos in Spanish cities, and other sources. According to Bonnin, any reader

who finds his or her surname in the list could have Jewish ancestors.

However, finding your surname in the list does not guarantee that you have

New Christian blood, and the fact that your surname is not in the list does not

guarantee that you do not have it. Practically all the Spanish surnames

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adopted by New Christians already existed. Surnames were chosen for

different reasons, but by far the most frequent practice seems to have been to

prefer ordinary surnames, to avoid attracting unwanted attention. 9

The Bonnin list must be taken with a pinch of salt. Almost as a matter

of definition, no list of New Christian or crypto-Jewish surnames can be

complete and free of errors of fact or interpretation. Trying to compile any of

these lists is bound to be full of difficulties and lead to plenty of ambiguities.

Official documents have been lost and archives destroyed (Liebman, 1963;

Hampe-Martinez, 1996; Millar Carvacho, 1997). Bonnin may have chosen to

emphasise Majorcan and Peninsular Spanish sources, cases and spellings, to

the detriment of colonial Hispanic American ones. Possibly all we can say is

that if your name is there, you may be more likely to have Spanish Jewish

ancestry, than if your name is not there. But we do not know how much more

likely.

As mentioned before, members of the Bloguez and Verdejo family

trees seem to have chosen spouses with the same surnames as (or

namesakes of) Inquisition victims in Europe, more often than the rest of

Chiloe encomenderos. Thirty out of 51 surnames in the Bloguez family (59

percent), and 27 out of 55 surnames in the Verdejo family (49 percent) appear

in the Bonnin list (are Bonnin surnames). In contrast, among Chiloe

encomenderosas a whole, the respective numbers are 41 Bonnin surnames

in a total of 128 (32 percent, Guarda, 2002, pp. 499-500). These differences

are statistically significant (see Appendix).

Large as the shares of Bonnin surnames are among the ancestors of

Jose Bloguez and Juan Verdejo, such large shares are not really exceptional.

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For example, both a list of 64 Portuguese arrivals to Buenos Aires at the

beginning of the 17th century, and the list of their respective sponsors or

bondsmen (Saguier, 1985, pp. 482-483), show similarly high or even higher

proportions of Bonnin surnames. 10 The same applies to several other

groups which will be discussed in following paragraphs, including early

colonial (before 1610) Spanish arrivals to continental Chile.

For comparison purposes, three other groups were identified, and the

respective shares of Bonnin surnames, calculated. The first group, in

chronological order, is a random sample of 117 Spanish surnames in early

colonial Chile (before 1610), taken from Barros Arana (2000). The second

group is formed by the 34 surnames of Chiles top merchants in 1795-1819,

roughly the time of Chiles War of Independence (Lamar, 2001, p. 91).

Finally, the third group is a random sample of 100 Spanish surnames in mid

20th century Chile from the Diccionario Biografico de Chile(1965). This is the

countrys Who-Is-Who. We will use the codes BARR, MERCH and DICC,

respectively, for each of these three groups. The definitions of all six groups,

respective historical periods, and proportion of Bonnin surnames in each of

them are presented in Table 1.

The lowest rate of Bonnin surnames is that of the top merchants

(MERCH, 29 percent), followed by the Chiloe encomenderosas a whole

(ENCOM, 32 percent). The highest rate is found among Spanish surnames in

the early colonial period, before 1610 (BARR, 63 percent), followed by the

ancestors of Jose Bloguez (59 percent). Intermediate (or intermediate-to-

high) proportions of Bonnin surnames are found among random (but

successful) Chileans with Spanish surnames in the mid-20th

century (DICC,

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44 percent) and in Juan Verdejos family tree (49 percent). Chi-squared tests

confirm that the differences in incidence of Bonnin surnames between

ENCOM and Verdejo, between ENCOM and Bloguez, and between MERCH

and Bloguez, are all statistically significant with very high probability levels

(see Appendix).

It may seem paradoxical that the lowest rate of Bonnin surnames (that

is, possibly New Christians) is among merchants (MERCH). This is in

contrast with the situation in, for example, colonial Buenos Aires (Sanguier,

1985) and possibly other places. In Bahia, Brazil, about half the merchants in

the early 17th century were New Christians (Schwartz, 1991, p. 754). At least

part of the explanation is that many of the early 19th century merchants in

Chile were Basques. In the Lamar (2001) list of 34 surnames of top

merchants at the time of Independence, ten are Basque. These Basque

surnames are not in the Bonnin list. This may have interesting implications to

which we will come back later on.

So far, we have found at least two different family trees in Chiloe with a

relatively high incidence of Bonnin surnames (Bloguez and Verdejo). In

terms of incidence of Bonnin surnames, the respective chi-squared test

suggests that these two groups are not significantly different from each other

(see Appendix). However, the two family trees have to a large extent different

surnames and different Bonnin surnames in them. This is important, since it

challenges the view that the high endogamy levels observed among these

Chiloe encomenderosand their entorno socialwere inevitable because of

small numbers. Such alleged inevitability is not confirmed by our evidence.

On the contrary, many surnames are in one of these family trees but not in the

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other. Out of a total of 51 surnames in the Bloguez group, 18 of them are not

present in the Verdejo family. Out of a total of 55 surnames in the Verdejo

group, 26 are not among the Bloguez surnames. The surnames which

appear in one of these family trees, but not in the other, include both Bonnin

surnames and others, and both surnames of large and powerful

encomenderofamilies, and others. If there was a need to marry people with

the same surname as oneself at all, this need had nothing to do with a

physical or biological scarcity of potential marriage partners.

The relatively high incidence of Bonnin surnames in the BARR,

Bloguez, Verdejo, DICC and other groups in Chile may be provoked simply by

the fact that these surnames were (and are) the most common in Spain. That

would be the reason why they were chosen by New Christians. Strong

support for this view is offered by Rodriguez-Larralde et al (2003). In their

Table 3 (p. 285) they list the 51 most common Spanish surnames in 2000,

from a sample of 3.6 million telephone users. Out of these 51 most common

surnames, 47 of them (92 percent) are Bonnin surnames. There is every

reason to expect that these surnames were equally common in 1600.

Rodriguez-Larralde and his co-authors also provide evidence that, in other

sectors of the Spanish population in 2000, the share of Bonnin surnames

was much smaller. For example, in their Table 1 (p. 283) they identify 16,702

different surnames in Madrid. Since the Bonnin list includes about 3,000

surnames, the conclusion is that in Madrid in 2000, even if all the Bonnin

surnames had been present, still the proportion of Bonnin surnames in this

population would be only about 18 percent (3,000 divided by 16,702). This

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share is even smaller than those found for the ENCOM and MERCH groups in

Chile.

Given the high incidence of Bonnin surnames among the ancestors of

Jose Bloguez and Juan Verdejo, and their low incidence among Chiloe

encomenderosas a whole, it seems reasonable to expect that it should be

possible to identify some Chiloe family trees with very few, if any, Bonnin

surnames. In order to explore this possibility, a third Chiloe family tree was

identified. The descendants of a prolific first generation Spanish conquistador

and encomendero(who had not figured before in our discussion) were

selected from Guarda (2002) for careful analysis. To protect their privacy, we

will call his family tree the descendants of Pedro Urdemales (Pedro

Urdemales being another name for Chiles John Smith, the man in the

Clapham omnibus). Urdemales was the founder of a seven-generation

principal encomenderofamily, covering the whole of the 17th and 18th

centuries. What makes Pedro ideal as a research subject is not only that his

own surname is not in the Bonnin list, but also that it appears only once in the

Bloguez and Verdejo family trees. So, Urdemales is clearly a different family.

However, out of 57 surnames in the Urdemales family tree, 36 are Bonnin

surnames (63 percent). In terms of incidence of Bonnin surnames, the

difference between the ancestors of Jose Bloguez and the descendants of

Pedro Urdemales is not statistically significant. Similar results were obtained

for other large, traditional Chiloe families.

So, the most likely interpretation seems to be that those members of

the ENCOM group, whose surnames do not appear in the Bonnin list, either

did not stay in Chiloe, or did not have children in Chiloe. The families with

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high proportions of Bonnin surnames (Bloguez, Verdejo, Urdemales) are

those who stayed in Chiloe, generation after generation. In contrast, those

included in the ENCOM group but who are not in the Bonnin list, did not stay

in Chiloe, or died without forming or joining large local families. There is no

contradiction between these possibilities. If you liked the locals, you were

likely to marry one of them and stay. Maybe at some stage Chiloe

encomiendashad become so unattractive, that some members of the

ENCOM group were just not interested in them, only in leaving Chiloe as soon

as possible. Maybe it was easier to leave Chiloe if your surname was not in

the Bonnin list. Maybe it was easier to stay, if your surname was in the list.

There could have been some persistence, or path dependence, at work.

Maybe it was easier to marry into a Chiloe family, if one of your relatives or

ancestors had already done it before, if you were already one of them (your

surname was already one of theirs).

Migrating from Chiloe back to Santiago, Lima or Spain was tantamount

to getting back closer to the Inquisition. Everything else being the same,

possibly those who migrated back did it because they thought that they had

less to fear from the Inquisition, as compared with those who stayed in Chiloe.

It may not be an accident that two out of the only three individuals who are

mentioned by Guarda (2002, pp. 359, 404) as familiares (officials) of the

Inquisition seem to have had very small families, at least in Chiloe. In the

case of a Francisco Gonzalez de Elgueta, information on only two generations

of his own family, both in the second half of the 17th century, is recorded

(although we know a little bit more about his wifes family). The second case

is that of Tomas de Olavarria, governor of Chiloe in 1608, who does not seem

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to have had any children, at least in Chiloe. It may be interesting to note that

Olavarria was married to a member of the Toro Mazote family. This family

has been chosen by Flusche (1989) for in-depth study as the perfect

representative of upward social mobility in continental Chile during that period.

Becoming a familiarof the Inquisition may also have been part of that attempt

at social mobility. In general, possibly anyone who was seriously into it would

not have wished to stay in Chiloe. Upward social mobility was only possible in

Santiago, Lima or Spain. 11

Summarising, the Bonnin list has been useful by suggesting that there

may be a fundamental difference between the ENCOM group (Chiloe

encomenderosas a whole) and many other groups in Chile, including Chiloe

encomenderofamilies such as Bloguez, Verdejo and Urdemales. However,

the Bonnin list cannot help us to identify important differences within those

Chiloe families with equally large shares of Bonnin surnames.

3. The Medina list: What is your crime?

The Medina list (Medina, 1956, Volume 2, pp. 427-442) has over 2,000

names of the persons investigated, tried or condemned by the Lima

Inquisition tribunal, and mentioned in his book. The Medina list is different

from the Bonnin list, not only in that it was compiled with different purposes.

For example, as already mentioned, 30 out of the 51 surnames of the

ancestors of Jose Bloguez are Bonnin surnames. And there are 32

surnames, out of the total of 51 in the Bloguez family tree, in the Medina list.

But only 22 of these surnames are in both lists, Bonnin and Medina. On the

other hand, using the Medina list, instead of the Bonnin one, in new chi-

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squared tests, confirms that the Bloguez family and the ENCOM group are

significantly different. Our previous finding, that the Bloguez and ENCOM

groups are not random samples drawn from the same population, is robust to

using the Medina list, instead of the Bonnin list.

A substantive advantage of Medina over Bonnin is that Medina tells the

reader the alleged crime of which each individual victim was accused. This

puts the proportion of Bonnin surnames in the Bloguez family tree (30 out of

51, 59 percent) in a more realistic perspective. Out of these 30 surnames,

eight are not mentioned by Medina at all (which suggests that they may reflect

Inquisition activities in Europe or parts of the New World not covered by the

Lima tribunal). Another ten of these Bonnin surnames are indeed mentioned

by Medina, but these Inquisition victims were not accused in Lima of being

crypto-Jews. Some people with the same surnames, relatives or not, may

have been Jews or crypto-Jews in Europe (that is why these surnames are in

the Bonnin list). But their namesakes were accused in Lima of different

crimes, ranging from blasphemy, soliciting and witchcraft, to sexually abusing

female prisoners, falsely pretending to be a priest and saying mass, and a

student who allegedly sold his soul to the devil in exchange for good exam

marks. Two of the 30 Bonnin surnames in the Bloguez family are also

surnames of Lima inquisidores. Only in the remaining ten out of 30 Bonnin

surnames in the Bloguez family tree, some of the victims were accused in

Lima of being crypto-Jews. Even among them, this charge applies to less

than a third of the victims (there are several individuals for each surname).

No surname can be identified as unequivocably New Christian.

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A summary of the relevant information on the 51 surnames and 30

Bonnin surnames in the Jose Bloguez family tree is presented in Table 2. It

must be remembered that being accused, or being found guilty by the

Inquisition was very different from being really guilty (Medina, 1952, 1956;

Hampe-Martinez, 1996; Millar Carvacho, 1998; Poole, 1999; Williams, 2001).

The inquisitorial standards of justice were very different from those of

contemporary Western legal systems. Many victims died in prison, before

their verdicts were reached. In Lima in particular, the Inquisition rushed to

condemn possibly innocent rich prisoners because it badly needed the

proceeds from the confiscation of all property from those found guilty

(Silverblatt, 2000; Bradley, 2002). There is absolutely no evidence, either in

the ancestors of Jose Bloguez, or in any of the other Chiloe families examined

in this paper, that Inquisition victims in Lima or elsewhere, and Chiloe

inhabitants who shared the same surname, were relatives, however distant.

The Medina list has confirmed our previous reservations about the

Bonnin list. In particular, using Medina shows that a high incidence of Bonnin

surnames does not unequivocally suggest that members of a Chiloe (or

Chilean) group or family are more likely to be New Christians, or crypto-Jews,

or have more to fear from the Inquisition. To move forward in the latter

direction, a new list is needed.

4. The 1639 plus list (and how to get out of it)

There is plenty of evidence of manipulation, irregularities, abuse of

power, greed, corruption, favouritism, rule bending, dishonesty and hypocrisy

in the Inquisition activities, in Lima in particular (see sources already

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mentioned). Maybe namesakes of victims of Inquisition activities in Europe

(that is, people with Bonnin surnames) were more exposed than others to

Inquisition abuses and brutality in Chile and Chiloe. But as shown before,

there were (and are) far too many namesakes. Practically everyone was a

potential victim of harassment, intimidation, and worse. Being innocent was

not good enough. The Lima Inquisition could be trusted to torture any suspect

until a confession to its satisfaction was produced (or the suspect was burned

at the stake, precisely for refusing to confess). In terms of physical distance

from the Inquisition, Santiago is further than Lima, and Chiloe is further than

Santiago. However, even in Chiloe the Inquisition was never far. For

example, the Inquisition familiarTomas de Olavarria became governor of

Chiloe in 1608 (Guarda, 2002, p. 404). Portuguese New Christian merchants

were blamed for the capture of Bahia in Brazil by the Dutch in 1624

(Schwartz, 1991), which left those from Portuguese origin in Chiloe more

exposed than before. 12 In 1639, a man from Chiloe becomes a witness in an

Inquisition investigation (Guarda, 2002, p. 295). All of this was too close for

comfort.

In 17th century Chiloe, potential victims of the Inquisition benefit from,

or are favoured or protected by the huge physical distance from Lima; by the

fact that there is absolutely no evidence of crypto-Jewish activity on Chiloe

Island; by the fact that as compared with, for example, rich Portuguese

merchants in Lima, Chiloe families have little to be confiscated from them; and

by the fact that they are effective soldiers for the Spanish crown in a strategic

war frontier region. Even if some of them had been suspected of being New

Christians (as opposed to Old ones), the Spanish crown could not have done

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without them. In their absence, there would not have been anyone else to

take their roles. 13 However, crypto-Jews (as opposed to New Christians loyal

to the Spanish crown) would not have been tolerated, because they were

expected to side with Dutch and other enemy invaders. For members of

encomenderofamilies, even the rumour that they may be New Christians

could be extremely damaging to their chances when applying for vacant

encomiendasor other official positions.

Using Medina (1952), Millar Carvacho (1998) and Guarda (2002) as

sources, a new list was compiled with the surnames of those most at risk.

The new list is short, with only 50 surnames (the Bonnin list has 3,000

surnames), but it is much more relevant to colonial Chiloe than Bonnins. The

new list includes: a) the surnames of alleged crypto-Jews in the huge 1639

auto-de-fe(public execution by burning at the stake) in Lima, also known as

la complicidad grande; b) the surnames of victims of several other, smaller

investigations, processes and autosof suspected crypto-Jews, for which at

least some of the evidence was collected in Chile, and which are mentioned

by Medina; and c) the surnames of Portuguese individuals active in the region

during the period, which are not unequivocally Old Christian. Anyone in

Chiloe (or continental Chile) whose surname was one of these 50 surnames

in our new 1639 plus list is likely to have been more exposed than others to

attempts at harassment and intimidation. It is perfectly possible (or most

likely) that all the traditional Chiloe families were Old Christian. But still, in

many families, at least one of their surnames in the late 16th or early 17th

centuries (or later) is in this new 1639 plus, or harassment and intimidation,

list.14

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Two forms of protection are particularly noteworthy: choosing potential

marriage partners carefully, and choosing your own surnames carefully.

Excess endogamy may have already started in this generation, if not before.

In the present context, we define excess endogamy as that going beyond

parents encouraging children to marry someone as a sound business

proposition, or because both fathers fought as comrades in the same wars

and are as brothers to each other. In this particular case, excess endogamy

has two special characteristics. First, it follows from fear of the Inquisition,

and second, parents do not tell their children the real reason why they are

pushing them in a specific direction. Children may be encouraged to marry

someone from a family whom our own family have known for generations,

rather than told to avoid someone who, or his or her family, could accuse us

of being New Christians or crypto-Jews (even if we are not).

Of course, there is another, equally powerful reason for excess

endogamy: to keep possible New Christians out. No one knows who may

have New Christian ancestors. The typical head of a traditional colonial

Chiloe family does not know whether there are any conversoancestors in his

own family, let alone in other families. But at least he thinks that he

approximately knows how serious the risk of attracting the Inquisitions

attention is likely to be, and he thinks that he has the situation more or less

under control. This already precarious balance may be completely upset by

your children marrying people whose own ethnic backgrounds are equally or

even more uncertain (at least to you). This does not reflect anti-Semitic

attitudes. Simply the danger of being linked by the Inquisition to alleged

crypto-Jews is too high, and the consequences, unthinkable. Among the

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crimes punished by the Inquisition, this was the only one in which

descendants were also accomplices.

During the colonial period plenty of people could choose their own

surnames, and they did. They gave themselves the surname, or the two

surnames, of their own choice, out of all eight (assuming no endogamy) of

their parents and grandparents surnames. Chiloe families seem to have

used this liberally in order to get rid of unwanted surnames. The effects may

be observed in Table 3. For example, consider the family tree of ancestors of

Jose Bloguez. Out of nine 1639 plus surnames in it in the colonial period,

two had disappeared after the first generation (I in Roman numerals), a third

surname was gone after the second generation (II), and a fourth surname,

after the third generation (III). Three more 1639 plus surnames had been

lost after the fourth generation (IV). The ancestors of Juan Verdejo were in

this sense even more successful. Six of their initial eight 1639 plus

surnames had gone by the end of the second generation, and the rest had

disappeared with the fourth generation.

This process of elimination of 1639 plus surnames can be observed in

full, only in the family trees of Jose Bloguezs and Juan Verdejos ancestors.

The family tree of someones ancestors is thick at the top (older generations)

and thin at the bottom (younger generations). In contrast, family trees of

descendants, such as Pedro Urdemales, are precisely the opposite: thin at

the top (older generations) and thick at the bottom (younger ones). In Table 3

there is no discernible pattern to the Urdemales family tree, or a repetition of

the Bloguez and Verdejo patterns, possibly because we cannot see all the

individuals in the earlier generations. Many 1639 plus surnames may have

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disappeared from the Urdemales family tree, but we would not have been

able to observe this process.

On the other hand, a different pattern is apparent among the

descendants of the man who acted as Inquisition witness in 1639 (see the

INQW family tree in Table 3). It is not known whether this witness was forced

by the Inquisition or he volunteered, but in any case no 1639 plus surnames

are present among his descendants for the first four generations. Only in the

fifth generation (V) a 1639 plus surname appears, and then two more in

generations VI and VII, respectively. But this was only about 100 years and

four generations after the 1639 auto-de-fe, and possibly many decades after

the witness himself had passed away.

Two family trees which have not been mentioned before, OTHER5 and

OTHER6, are introduced in Table 3. They are both family trees of

descendants. Still, some interesting patterns appear. In OTHER5 there are

only four 1639 plus surnames. They do not come all together in the same

generation, and they do not linger. They arrive, they stay for the briefest of

periods, and then they are gone. In OTHER6, there are even fewer 1639

plus surnames (three), and only at the beginning and end of the colonial

period. In other words, before the danger, or the perception of danger, got

really serious, and after it had gone. The OTHER6 family tree is also different

from the rest, in that the men in it tend to marry very young, on average when

they are about 20 years old (eleven generations in slightly over 200 years),

against an average marriage age for males of about 30 in the other families.

Maybe the fact that there are so few 1639 plus surnames in this family, is

precisely what makes its men more attractive as marriage partners.

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Interestingly, the founder of the OTHER6 family is Basque. As shown before,

the proportion of Bonnin surnames among at least some Basques is lower

than in other groups in colonial Chile (however, the incidence of Bonnin

surnames is high in the OTHER6 family). 15

It is worth emphasising from Table 3 that the incidence of Bonnin

surnames in each of these families does not help us to understand what is

happening. Both OTHER5 and OTHER6 have proportions of Bonnin

surnames above 50 percent. Much more useful is to look at the 1639 plus

surnames, and especially at the evolution of 1639 plus surnames over time,

from generation to generation.

5. An emergent or developing culture

By the 18th century the Lima Inquisition tribunal was already in decline.

There was no trace left of crypto-Jewish religious activity, or crypto-Jewish

fortunes to be confiscated, anywhere in the Viceroyalty of Peru. The

inquisidoreshad become interested in protestants and difficult priests. In

Chiloe, the rebellion of encomiendaIndians of 1712 (Urbina Burgos, 1990)

both stressed the potential weakness of the Spanish crowns grip on the

region, and further damaged the already low profitability of local

encomiendas.

The worst of the danger seemed to be over. Still, potential victims of

the Inquisition in Chiloe remained cautious. Official family trees were carefully

put together. Old, safe surnames, which had naturally disappeared several

generations before, were conveniently resurrected. Any mistakes in family

trees were swiftly corrected. The role of Portuguese ancestors was played

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down. New family myths and traditions were invented (although some of

these processes may have started long before). For example, new myths

emphasised the fervent Catholic religiosity of particular ancestors, which was

sometimes rewarded by miraculous events. Popular sayings were composed,

or adopted, encouraging people to be discrete. Even a proud national dish

of the island of Chiloe was invented, or embraced, curanto, which combines

pork, shellfish and other ingredients in a most un-Jewish manner.

A unique culture of these Chiloe encomenderosand their entorno

social, and related Catholic namesakes of Inquisition victims, has emerged.

Some characteristics of this culture, such as excess endogamy or what you

tell your own children (not much, and only the convenient myths and

traditions), will persist for generations after the Inquisitions demise. There

are two key characteristics of the new culture, and several minor ones.

The first feature is aptly summarised by the advice Marry your own,

even if you do not know who they, or you, are. Tastes or preferences in

terms of spouse choice have become endogenous. You learn to like your

own, and marry them. You encourage your children to befriend, and

eventually marry, the children of your own friends or relatives. When

choosing potential marriage partners, you rely on people you know and have

always known. Excessive endogamy inevitably follows. This is also related to

trust. In this particular sense, you do not trust others, or outsiders, certainly

not as much as you trust your own family. The advice may well be: Trust

your own and be careful with everyone else.

Also related to trust (or the absence of it), the second feature of this

emergent Chiloe culture may be summarised by the advice Marry your own,

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but then (or even before) choose your surnames carefully. Memories have

become selective. Some surnames are conveniently forgotten and others are

noisily rediscovered. Family links to members of the Spanish nobility, or to

the most respected among 16th century conquistadores, are newly found.

Members of Chiloe encomenderofamilies call themselves vecino feudatario

(neighbour with feudal entitlements), noble (noble, both as noun and

adjective), and nobilisimo (extremely noble, adjective only). By about or

shortly after 1700, several among the most emblematic allegedly crypto-

Jewish surnames mentioned in the most notorious 17th century Lima autos-

de-fehad already gone from many family trees. People became discrete.

They adopted a cautious, dont-trust approach towards newcomers to the

family, from Chiloe itself or elsewhere, including continental Chile.

Many of these and other features of this new, emergent Chiloe culture

are to a large extent shared with the inhabitants of continental Chile. Some

aspects of it are, in no particular order, snobbery (the claim to noble ancestors

and rejection of manual labour, Hojman, 2002); absence of trust (Inglehart,

1997, p. 359); a preference for democracy and the rejection of corruption

(both possibly associated to bad memories of the worst excesses of the Lima

Inquisition tribunal); and tolerance and skepticism towards religious fanaticism

and fundamentalism (contemporary Chileans claim to be Catholics but do not

go to church, Hojman, 2006). The distinction between traditional Chiloe

families who stayed, and individuals who left, is very much the same as that

between criollosand peninsularesin continental Chile, except that in Chiloe

Island it was much more difficult to co-opt crown officials, and the arrival of

new colonists had dried up by 1600 or 1650. In contrast, by about 1640

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continental Chile continued receiving Portuguese immigrants who were

considered dangerous by Buenos Aires, and who will have integrated

successfully into Chilean colonial society by about 1680 (Bradley, 2002, pp.

606, 612). However (or maybe precisely as a result), endogamy in late

colonial Valparaiso, for centuries the most important port in Central Chile, was

higher than in Oaxaca or Leon in Mexico or among Druze Arabs (McCaa et al,

1979, p. 426).

6. Conclusions

We may now be able to tentatively answer the three questions asked at

the beginning of this paper. There has been so much endogamy in Chiloe,

and for such a long time, possibly because during the colonial period

endogamy was a convenient form of protection against your children marrying

someone you (and they) did not know. That person could either spy on your

family and report you to the Inquisition (even if you were innocent), or

become a victim of the Inquisition himself or herself, and in the process

implicate your own children and grandchildren (and yourself). The worst

period of fear of the Inquisition was the 17th century, but once attitudes had

been learned people stuck to them, usually without knowing the reason why

these attitudes had developed.

Differences in terms of numbers, or incidence, of (Catholic) namesakes

of Inquisition victims between otherwise similar Chiloe families or groups may

or may not be important. Differences in the incidence of Bonnin surnames

are unlikely to mean very much, except that they may alert the researcher to

other, more fundamental questions. The work by Medina on the Lima

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Inquisition tribunal confirms that a high share of Bonnin surnames may have

nothing to do with crypto-Jewish ancestors. On the other hand, a group of

people much smaller than the namesakes of the 3,000 or so in the Bonnin list,

could have been more exposed than the rest to attempts at harassment and

intimidation in colonial Chiloe (and continental Chile). They are the

namesakes of the victims of the 1639 Lima auto-de-fe, the victims of other

smaller processes against alleged crypto-Jews which started or culminated in

Chile, and the scapegoats of the fears inspired by Portuguese expansionism

in Spanish crown officials. This new 1639 plus list, or harassment and

intimidation list, has only 50 surnames in it, but traditional Chiloe families

used to gradually drop these surnames from their family trees with amazing

efficiency and regularity.

Protecting themselves for several generations against the Inquisition,

under severe conditions of geographical isolation and economic stagnation,

may have led to the development of a new culture in Chiloe, characterised by

attitudes such as marry your own, even if you do not know who they, or you,

are, choose your surnames carefully, trust only those whom your family

have known for a long time, or pretend to be a Catholic even if you are not.

Many of these cultural attitudes are also present in continental Chile. In the

same way in which the Inquisition contributed to shaping Chiloe culture, it may

also have contributed to the specificity of Chilean national culture. It has often

been claimed that a particular Basque input, especially during the 18th

century, could have helped to make Chile different from the rest of Latin

America. The evidence presented and discussed in this paper suggests that

it is perfectly possible that not only Basques, but also others who were more

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likely to have been affected by Inquisition actions, along lines similar to

traditional Chiloe families, may have also contributed to Chilean

exceptionalism.

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Notes

1 The terms New Christian and converso refer to those Spanish andPortuguese Jews forced to convert to Catholicism, from the late 14th centuryonwards, some of whom continued practicing Judaism in secret (the crypto-

Jews), and to their Hispanic American descendants (Kamen, 1965; CaroBaroja, 1978; Roth, 1979; Millar Carvacho, 1998; Silverblatt, 2004). Otheruseful references are Friede (1951), Uchmany (1993) and Hampe-Martinez(1996).

2 The encomiendaconsisted of the right to exploit Indian labour (UrbinaBurgos, 1990; Loveman, 2001). In theory, the Indians were free but had topay taxes. The encomenderocollected these taxes in the kings name andmade sure that the Indians converted to and persevered in the Catholic faith.In return he or she was entitled to a share of the tax revenue. If they wishedto do so, Indians could pay in labour services. Often this arrangement was

extremely profitable for the encomendero.

3 Although this paper is sympathetic to some Chiloe encomenderofamilies, itmust be remembered that, regardless of how humane some individualencomenderosmay have been, the system deprived the Indians of theirfreedom, income, traditional culture and religion, health, families, andsometimes lives (Urbina Burgos, 1990). The Indian population in Chiloeencomiendasfell from 12,000 to 1,500 between the late 16th and the late 18thcentury (Guarda, 2002, p. 12).

4 For example, the word consanguinidad, marrying a relative so close that aspecial church dispensation was needed, is used eleven times in three pagesby Guarda (1995, pp. 82-84).

5 In this particular context, excess endogamy may be defined as that amountof endogamy over and above: a) either inevitable endogamy resulting fromthe fact that simply there is physically no one else to marry; or b) anyendogamy which may result from choosing partners randomly (whichever isthe largest).

6 Because samples are small and exhaustive census material is not available,

standard demographic and statistical techniques to look at endogamy(Strauss, 1977; Crow, 1980) are ruled out.

7 The entorno socialincluded, for example, the governor of Chiloe, who wasoften appointed among candidates from continental Chile or directly fromLima or Madrid, and the Corregidor(Lord Mayor and Police Chief) of Castro,typically a member of a local family.

8Encomenderofamilies and their social milieu represented only a smallminority of the total population. By 1590, the white mestizopopulation(children of Spanish fathers and Indian mothers) in continental Chile was

already twice the size of the ethnically European population (Loveman, 2001,p. 76). According to Urbina Burgos (1990, p. 74), by 1712 Indians in Chiloe

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Island amounted to half the total population, with the other half beingEuropeans and mestizos.

9 Although there were exceptions (Bodian, 1994, p. 62; Silverblatt, 2000, pp.537-538), the evidence presented in the rest of this paper suggests that the

most ordinary surnames were overwhelmingly chosen.

10 However, there are some interesting differences. The Saguier lists are fromthe early colonial period, whereas the ancestors of Jose Bloguez are takenfrom ten generations, going all the way to the 20th century (about 350 years).The proportion of Bonnin surnames among the Bloguez ancestors is as largein the first half of this extended period of time, as in the second half. ThePortuguese in Buenos Aires were merchants. In contrast, the firstgenerations of Bloguez and Verdejo ancestors (in about the same period,early 17th century), were conquistadores, soldiers and encomenderos.Another key difference is that the Portuguese merchants in Buenos Aires

were pushed inland every time there was a danger of enemy invasion(Bradley, 2002). In sharp contrast, in Chiloe the earlier members of theBloguez and Verdejo family trees were relied upon as the first (or the only)line of defenders against enemy, usually Dutch, invasion.

11 An additional difficulty to getting married in Chiloe was a serious scarcity ofSpanish women (Boyd-Bowman, 1976).

12 It would be wrong to think of all the Portuguese in South America during thisperiod as New Christians. This misleading identification may be the result ofpropaganda by 17th century Lima merchants trying to get rid of thecompetition, and Inquisition officials.

13 Moreover, the Lima Inquisition tribunal and its local representatives in Chilewere often in conflict with the Santiago authorities (Medina, 1952).

14 The new 1639 plus list will be used to compile Table 3. However, the list isnot published here, precisely in order to avoid creating a new weapon forharassment and intimidation in the 21st century.

15 Basque immigrants were extremely successful in Chile for about a century

or more before and after Independence, and made substantial contributions tonational life and institutions (Hojman, 2002, 2006). Maybe one of the reasonswhy they became so successful, in addition to their own formidable qualities,is that they may also have been more acceptable as marriage partners,precisely because they were not in the 1639 plus list, and they were deemedless likely to have New Christian ancestors.

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Table 1

The six groups, in chronological order: definitions, historical periods,and proportions of surnames in the Bonnin list

Definition of the group(the respective codes are inparentheses)

Period Share ofsurnames inBonnin list(percent) *

Spanish surnames in earlycolonial Chile(BARR)

Before 1610 63

All Chiloe encomenderofamilies(ENCOM)

Colonial:16-18th centuries

32

Juan Verdejos family tree Colonial:16-18th centuries (sevengenerations)

49

Chiles top merchants(MERCH)

Independence:1795-1819

29

Jose Bloguezs ancestors Ten generations:17-20th centuries 59

Diccionario Biografico(DICC)

Most recent:Mid 20th century

44

* The sample sizes are, respectively, 117, 128, 55, 34, 51 and 100.

Sources: Compiled by the author from Diccionario Biografico de Chile(1965),Barros Arana (2000), Lamar (2001) and Guarda (2002).

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Table 2

The ancestors of Jose Bloguez: their 51 surnames, according to whetherthey are in the Bonnin or Medina lists, and their namesakes crimes

In Bonnin or Medinalists?

Their namesakes crimes Number ofsurnames

In Bonnin list but notMedina list

New Christians or crypto-Jews, butnot in Chile or the Viceroyalty ofPeru

8

In Medina list but notBonnin list

Bigamy, blasphemy, soliciting,witchcraft, etc, but not crypto-Jews

9

Same as above Crypto-Jews 1

In both lists Bigamy, blasphemy, soliciting,witchcraft, etc, but not NewChristians or crypto-Jews (in Chileor Peru)

10

In both lists Less than a third of the accused,crypto-Jews; the rest, as above

10

In both lists, andnamesakes of LimaInquisidores

Blasphemy, soliciting, crypto-Jew,and unknown 2

Not in Bonnin orMedina lists

Not applicable 10

Not in Bonnin orMedina lists,Portuguese (non-Jewish)

Not applicable 1

Sources: Compiled by the author from Medina (1956), Bonnin (2001) andGuarda (2002).

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Table 3

Chiloe family trees and the 1639 plus list (or harassment andintimidation list)

Family tree(in parentheses, totalsurnames, Bonninsurnames)

Number of 1639plus surnames(in parentheses,1639 plus share infamily total, percent)

Generations (in Romannumerals) affected, by1639 plus surname, onesurname per line

Ancestors of JoseBloguez(51, 30)

9(18%)

V, VI, VIII, II, III, IV, VIVII, III

II, IIII, IVI, IV

Ancestors of JuanVerdejo(55, 27)

8(15%)

II, III, IVIIIIIII

IIIIII

Descendants of PedroUrdemales(57, 36)

6(11%)

IIII, VIIII, III, IV, V, VI, VIIIII, IVII, IV, VIIII, IV, VI

Descendants ofInquisition witness, INQW(28, 12)

3(11%)

VVIVII

Family 5, not mentionedbefore, OTHER5(40, 21)

4(10%)

I, IIIV, VVVI, VII

Family 6, not mentioned

before, OTHER6(28, 17)

3

(11%)

I

IIX, XI

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Sources: Compiled by the author from Medina (1952), Millar Carvacho (1998),Bonnin (2001) and Guarda (2002).

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AppendixThe chi-squared tests

Hypothesis: The fact that a surname is or not in the Bonnin (2001) list,and the fact that this surname is in one or the other of these two groups,

are independenta

ENCOM Verdejo MERCH Bloguez DICC

BARR b

23.71 *** 2.75 * 12.47 *** 0.48 7.47 ***

ENCOM 5.48 ** 0.17 11.49 *** 2.73 *

Verdejo 3.14 * 1.37 0.45

MERCH 7.08 *** 2.61

Bloguez 2.96 *

a An alternative wording would be that both samples have been drawn fromthe same population. The critical values (with 1 degree of freedom) are:

2.71 at the 10% level,3.84 at the 5% level, and6.63 at the 1% level

(the hypothesis must be rejected for test values higher than these).

b For codes, see Table 1.

* The hypothesis is rejected at the 10% level.** The hypothesis is rejected at the 5% level.*** The hypothesis is rejected at the 1% level.

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Endogamia Chiloe