En Wikipedia Org Wiki India E2!80!93United States Relations

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IndiaUnited States relations

Indo-American relations

IndiaUnited States

Diplomatic Mission

Indian Embassy,

Washington, D.C.

Embassy of the United

States, New Delh i

Envoy

Ambassador AmbassadorRichard

Verma

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

IndiaUnited States relations(or Indo-American

relations) refers to the international relationsthat exist

between the Republic of Indiaand the United States of

America.

Despite being one of the pioneers and foundingmembers of the Non-Aligned Movementof 1961, India

developed a closer relationship with the Soviet Union

during the ColdWar. During that period, India's

relatively cooperative strategic and military relations with

Moscow and strong socialist policies had a distinctly

adverse impact on its relations with the United States.

After the dissolution of the Soviet Unionin 1991, India

began to review its foreign policyin a unipolar world,

and took steps to develop closer ties with the European

Unionand theUnited States. Current Indian foreign

policy isbased on maintaining strategic autonomy to

promote and safeguard national interests.[1][2]

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elations


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PM Modiof India, during Joint Press

Interaction with President Obamaof US,2015.

Embas sy of Indiain Washington,

D.C.

Key recent developments include the rapid growth of

India's economy and bilateral trade, the close links

between the Indian and American computer and

Internet industries, a geopolitical coalition to balance

the rise of an increasingly assertive China, the

weakening of U.S.-Pakistan relationsover various

ongoing disputes, and the 2008 reversal of long-

standing American oppositionto India's nuclear

program. Today, India and the US share an extensive

cultural, strategic, military, and economic relationship.[3][4]

[5]

According to Gallup's annual World Affairs survey, India is

perceived by Americansas their 6th favorite nation in theworld, with 71% of Americans viewing India favorably in

2015.[6]President Barack Obamawas the first US

president to be the chief guest of the 66th Republic Day

celebrations of India held on 26 January 2015.[7]

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US Embassy in New Delhi.

1.1 To 1947

1.2 World War II

1.3 Post-independence (1947-1997)

1.4 1998-2008

1.5 21st century

2 US Government and Narendra Modi

2.1 As Chief Minister of Gujarat2.2 As Prime Minister of India

3 Military relations

3.1 Nuclear cooperation

4 Economic relations

4.1 Trade relations

5 See also

6 Notes7 Further reading

7.1 Primary sources

8 External links

History [edit]

To 1947 [edit]

Historically, the relationships between India in the days of the British Rajand the US were thin.[8]

The only significant immigration from India before 1965 involved Sikh farmers going to California in

the early 20th century.[9]Very few American businessmen, tourists, religious seekers or Christian

missionaries spent much time in India.[10]
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American GIs at a market in

Calcutta (now Kolkata) in 1945.

The religiously curious in the U.S. welcomed the visit of Swami Vivekananda, who introduced Yoga

and Vedantato America at the World's Parliament of Religionsin Chicago, in connexion with the

World's Fairthere in 1893. He also spoke to large audiences in Chicago and at numerous other

venues in 1893-94. He raised some money but won few followers, so he moved on to England.[11]

Mark Twainvisited India in 1896[12]and described it in his travelogue Following the Equatorwith

both revulsion and attraction before concluding that India was the only foreign land he dreamed

about or longed to see again.[13]Regarding India, Americans learned more from English writer

Rudyard Kipling.[14]Mahatma Gandhihad an important influence on the philosophy of non-

violence promoted by Martin Luther King, Jr.in the 1950s.

In the 1930s and early 1940s the United States gave very strong support to the Indian

independence movement in defiance of the British Empire. [15][16]

World War II [edit]

Everything changed in World War Two, when India became

the main base for the American China Burma India Theater

(CBI) in the war against Japan. Tens of thousands of

American servicemen arrived, bringing all sorts of

advanced technology, and money; they left in 1945.

Serious tension erupted over American demands, led byPresident Franklin D. Roosevelt, that India be given

independence, a proposition Prime Minister Winston

Churchillvehemently rejected. For years Roosevelt had

encouraged Britain's disengagement from India. The

American position was based on principled opposition to

colonialism, practical concern for the outcome of the war, and the expectation of a large American
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President John F. Kennedyand

President Dr. Sarvepalli

Radhakrishnanof India in Car Before

Motorcade

President Harry Truman and Prime

Minis ter Jawaharlal Nehru, with

Nehru's s ister, Madame Pandit, waving

from their limous ine as they leave

Washington National Airport, during

Nehru's visit to the United States, 1949.

role in a post-colonial era. However, in 1942 when the Indian National Congresslaunched a Quit

Indiamovement, the British authorities immediately arrested tens of thousands of activists.

Meanwhile India became the main American staging base for aid to China. Churchill threatened to

resign if Roosevelt pushed too hard, so Roosevelt backed down. [17][18]

Post-independence (1947-1997) [edit]

After Indian

independenceand

until the end of the

Cold War, the

relationship

between the US

and India was coldand often thorny.

This was due to the

closeness of the

US towards India's

arch-rival Pakistan

during the War,

with Pakistanjoining the US-led

Western Blocin 1954. The relations worsened further with India pursuing a policy of being neutral

i.e. not alignedwith either the US or the Soviet Union, but maintaining close ties with the latter to

counter Pakistan.

In the late 1948s, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehrurejected American suggestions for resolving the
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Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehrureceiving Pres ident Dwight D.

Eisenhower at Parliament House,

before the President's address to a

joint session of Parliam ent, 1959.

Kashmir crisis. His 1949 tour of the US was "an undiplomatic disaster" that left bad feelings on both

sides.[19]India rejected the American advice that it not recognise the Communist conquest of

China, but it did back the US when it supported the 1950 United Nations resolution condemning

North Korea's aggression in the Korean War. India tried to act as a broker to help end that war,

and served as a conduit for diplomatic messages between the US and China. Meanwhile poor

harvests forced India to ask for free American food, which was given starting in 1950. [20]In the first

dozen years of Indian independence (19471959), the US provided $1.7 billion in gifts, including

$931 million in food. The Soviet Union provided about half as much, largely in the form of steel

mills.[21]In 1961, the US pledged $1.0 billion in development loans, in addition to $1.3 billion of free

food.[22]

In 1959, Dwight D. Eisenhowerwas the first US President

to visit India to strengthen the staggering ties between the

two nations. He was so supportive that the New YorkTimesremarked, "It did not seem to matter much whether

Nehru had actually requested or been given a guarantee

that the US would help India to meet further Chinese

Communist aggression. What mattered was the obvious

strengthening of Indian-American friendship to a point

where no such guarantee was necessary."[23]

During John F.

Kennedy's

Presidency (1961

63), India was

considered a

strategic partner and counterweight to the rise of
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John Kenneth Galbraith(far left), as

US ambassador to India, with

President John F. Kennedy, Vice-

President Lyndon B. Johnson and

Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru ofIndia, 1961

Communist China. Kennedy said,

"Chinese Communists have been moving

ahead the last 10 years. India has been

making some progress, but if India does not

succeed with her 450 million people, if she

can't make freedom work, then people aroundthe world are going to determine, particularly

in the underdeveloped world, that the only

way they can develop their resources is

through the Communist system."

The Kennedy administrationopenly supported India during the 1962 Sino-Indian warand

considered the Chinese action as "blatant Chinese Communist aggression against India".[24][25]The United States Air Forceflew in arms, ammunition and clothing supplies to the Indian troops

and the United States Navyeven sent the USS Kitty Hawkaircraft carrierfrom the Pacific Oceanto

protect India, only to recall it back before it reached the Bay of Bengal.[26][27]In a May 1963

National Security Councilmeeting, the United States discussed contingency planning that could be

implemented in the event of another Chinese attack on India. Defense SecretaryRobert

McNamaraand General Maxwell Tayloradvised the president to use nuclear weaponsshould the

Americans intervene in such a situation. Kennedy insisted that Washington defend India as it

would any ally, saying, "We shoulddefend India, and therefore we willdefend India."[28][29]

Kennedy's ambassador to India was the noted liberal economist John Kenneth Galbraith, who was

considered close to India.[30]While in India, Galbraith helped establish one of the first Indian

computer science departments, at the Indian Institute of Technology in Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh. As

an economist, he also presided over the (at the time) largest US foreign aid program to any
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8/54


President Nixon at the arrival

ceremony for Prime Minis ter Indira

Gandhi, on the South Lawn of the White

House, 1971.

country.

Following the assassination of Kennedy in 1963, Indo-US

relations deteriorated gradually. While Kennedy's

successor Lyndon Johnsonsought to maintain relations

with India to counter Communist China,[31]he also sought

to strengthen ties with Pakistan with the hopes of easing

tensions with China and weakening India's growing military

buildup as well.[31]Relations then hit an all-time low under

the Nixon administrationin the early 1970s. Richard Nixon

shifted away from the neutral stance which his

predecessors had taken towards Indo-Pakistani hostilities.

He established a very close relationship with Pakistan,

aiding it militarily and economically, as India, now under theleadership of Indira Gandhi, was seen as leaning towards

the Soviet Union. He considered Pakistan as a very

important ally to counter Soviet influence in the Indian

subcontinent and establish ties with China, with whom

Pakistan was very close.[32]The frosty relationship

between Nixon and Indira worsened the relations further.

[33]During the 1971 Indo-Pakistani War, the US openlysupported Pakistan and even deployed its aircraft carrier

USS Enterprisetowards the Bay of Bengal, which was seen as a show of force by the US in

support of the beleaguered West Pakistaniforces. Later in 1974, India conducted its first nuclear

test, Smiling Buddha, which was opposed by the US, however it also concluded that the test did not

violate any agreement and proceeded with a June 1974 shipment of enriched uraniumfor the
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Neelam Sanjiva Reddy, at far left,

President of India, with President

Jimmy Carter, First Lady Rosalynn

Carter, Prime Minis ter Morarji Desai

and External Affairs Minis ter A.B.

Vajpayee, 1978

Tarapurreactor.[34][35]

In the late 1970s, with the anti-Soviet Janata Partyleader

Morarji Desaibecoming the Prime Minister, India improved

its relations with the US, now led by Jimmy Carter, despite

the latter signing an order in 1978 barring nuclear material

from being exported to India due to India's non-proliferation

record.[36]

After the return of Indira Gandhi to power in 1980, the

relations between the two countries continued to improve

gradually, despite India not supporting the United States'

role in the Soviet invasion and occupation of Afghanistan.

The Reagan Administrationprovided limited assistance to

India. India sounded out Washington on the purchase of arange of US defence technology, including F-5 aircraft,

super computers, night vision goggles and radars. In 1984 Washington approved the supply of

selected technology to India including gas turbines for naval frigates and engines for prototypes

for Indias light combat aircraft. There were also unpublicised transfers of technology, including the

engagement of a US company, Continental Electronics, to design and build a new VLF

communications station at Tirunelveli in Tamil Nadu, which was commissioned in the late 1980s.[37]

Despite these achievements, it was not until the late 1990s that there was a significant effort by

both countries to improve relations with each other. [38]

1998-2008 [edit]

Soon after Atal Bihari Vajpayeebecame Indian Prime Minister, he authorised nuclear weapons

testingat Pokhran. The United States strongly condemned this testing, promised sanctions, and
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voted in favour of a United Nations Security CouncilResolution condemning the tests. President

Bill Clintonimposed economic sanctionson India, including cutting off all military and economic aid,

freezing loans by American banks to state-owned Indian companies, prohibiting loans to the Indian

government for all except food purchases, prohibiting American aerospace technology and

uranium exports to India, and requiring the US to oppose all loan requests by India to international

lending agencies.[39]However, these sanctions proved ineffective - India was experiencing a strong

economic rise, and its trade with the US only constituted a small portion of its GDP. Only Japan

joined the US in imposing direct sanctions, while most other nations continued to trade with India.

The sanctions were soon lifted. Afterward, the Clinton administration and Prime Minister Vajpayee

exchanged representatives to help rebuild relations. In March 2000, U.S. President Bill Clinton

visited India, undertaking bilateral and economic discussions with Prime Minister Vajpayee. During

the visit, the Indo-US Science & Technology Forumwas established.[40]

Over the course of improved diplomatic relations with the Bush Administration, India agreed toallow close international monitoring of its nuclear weapons development, although it has refused to

give up its current nuclear arsenal.[41]In 2004, the US decided to grant Major non-NATO ally

(MNNA) status to Pakistan. The US extended the MNNA strategic working relationship to India but

the offer was turned down.[42][43]

After the September 11 attacksagainst the US in 2001, President George W. Bushcollaborated

closely with India in controlling and policing the strategically critical Indian Oceansea lanes from

the Suez Canalto Singapore. After the December 2004 tsunami, the US and Indian navies

cooperated in search and rescue operations and in the reconstruction of affected areas. An Open

Skies Agreementwas signed in April 2005, enhancing trade, tourism, and business via the

increased number of flights, and Air Indiapurchased 68 US Boeingaircraft at a cost of $8 billion.[44]

Former US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeldand former US Secretary of State Condoleezza
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Prime Minister Vajpayeewith

President Bush in the White House,

2001.

Ricemade recent visits to India as well in 2005. The United States and India also signed a bilateral

Agreement on Science and Technology Cooperation in 2005. [45]After Hurricane Katrina, India

donated $5 million to the American Red Crossand sent two planeloads of relief supplies and

materials to help.[46]Then, on 1 March 2006, President Bush made another diplomatic visit to

further expand relations between India and the US.[47]

21st century [edit]

India emerged in the 21st century as increasingly vital to

core US foreign policy interests. India, a dominant actor in

its region, and the home of more than one billion citizens,

is now often characterised as a nascent Great Power and

an "indispensable partner" of the US, one that many

analysts view as a potential counterweight to the growingclout of China. Since 2004, Washington and New Delhi

have been pursuing a "strategic partnership" that is based

on shared values and generally convergent geopolitical

interests. Numerous economic, security, and global

initiatives - including plans for civilian nuclear cooperation -

are underway. This latter initiative, first launched in 2005,

reversed three decades of American non-proliferation policy. Also in 2005, the United States andIndia signed a ten-year defence framework agreement, with the goal of expanding bilateral security

cooperation. The two countries now engage in numerous and unprecedented combined military

exercises, and major US arms sales to India have gotten under way. The value of all bilateral trade

tripled from 2004 to 2008 and continues to grow, while significant two-way investment also grows

and flourishes.[48]The influence of a large Indian-American community is reflected in the largest
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President Barack Obama, Secretary

of State Hil lary Clinton, and the Indian

delegation at the U.S.-India Strategic

Dialogue reception at the Department

country-specific caucus in the United States Congress, while between 2009-2010 more than

100,000 Indian students have attended American colleges and universities.[49]

During the tenure of the George W. Bush administration, relations between India and the United

States were seen to have blossomed, primarily over common concerns regarding growing Islamic

extremism, energy security, and climate change.[50]In November 2010, President Barack Obama

visited India and addressed a joint session of the Indian Parliament, [51]where he backed India's bid

for a permanent seaton the United Nations Security Council.[52]

Between 2004 and 2014 Western think-tanks, especially in the US and UK, failed to foresee the

swing in electoral voting patterns of the growing middle-class and anticipate the scale of political

change in India brought about by improvements in basic education and freedom of the press.

According to Michael Kugelman, South and Southeast Asia expert at the Woodrow Wilson

International Center, the US was unprepared to meet new challenges in India because of its

inability to keep pace with the transformations.[53]

June 2010 Strategic Dialogue [edit]

In June 2010, the United States and India formally re-

engaged the US-India Strategic Dialogue initiated under

President Bush when a large delegation of high-ranking

Indian officials, led by External Affairs Minister S.M.

Krishna, visited Washington, D.C.As leader of the US

delegation, Secretary of State Clinton lauded India as "an

indispensable partner and a trusted friend".[54]President

Obama appeared briefly at a United States Department of

Statereception to declare his firm belief that America "will

be one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century."[55]
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of State in Washington, D.C., 2010.The Strategic Dialogue produced a joint statement in which

the two countries pledged to "deepen people-to-people,

business-to-business, and government-to-government

linkages ... for the mutual benefit of both countries and for the promotion of global peace, stability,

economic growth and prosperity."[56]It outlined extensive bilateral initiatives in each of ten key

areas: (1) advancing global security and countering terrorism, (2) disarmament and

nonproliferation, (3) trade and economic relations, (4) high technology, (5) energy security, cleanenergy, and climate change, (6) agriculture, (7) education, (8) health, (9) science and technology,

and (10) development.[57]

Foreign policy issues [edit]

According to some analysts, India-US relations have been strained over the Obama

administration's approach to Pakistan and the handling of the Taliban insurgencyin Afghanistan.

[58][59]India's National Security Adviser, M.K. Narayanan, criticised the Obama administration for

linking the Kashmir disputeto the instability in Pakistan and Afghanistan, and said that by doing

so, President Obama was "barking up the wrong tree."[60]Foreign Policyin February 2009 also

criticised Obama's approach to South Asia, saying that "India can be a part of the solution rather

than part of the problem" in South Asia. It also suggested that India take a more proactive role in

rebuilding Afghanistan, irrespective of the attitude of the Obama Administration. [61]In a clear

indication of growing rift between the two countries, India decided not to accept a US invitation to

attend a conference on Afghanistan at the end of February 2009.[62]Bloomberghas also reported

that, since the 2008 Mumbai attacks, the public mood in India has been to pressure Pakistan more

aggressively to take actions against the culprits behind the terrorist attack, and that this might

reflect on the upcoming Indian general elections in May 2009. Consequently, the Obama

Administration may find itself at odds with India's rigid stance against terrorism.[63]

I di d US h diff d i f i l i i f I di ' di l
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India and US governments have differed on a variety of regional issues ranging from India's cordial

relations with Iran, Russia and Sri Lanka to foreign policy disagreements relating to Maldives,

Myanmar and Bangladesh.

Robert Blake, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, dismissed any

concerns over a rift with India regarding American AfPakpolicy. Calling India and the United States

"natural allies",[64]Blake said that the United States cannot afford to meet the strategic priorities in

Pakistan and Afghanistan at "the expense of India". [65]

India criticised the Obama Administration's decision to limit H-1B (temporary) visas, and India's

then External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee(Now the President of India) said that his country

would oppose US "protectionism" at various international forums.[66]India's Commerce Minister,

Kamal Nath, said that India may move against Obama's outsourcing policies at the World Trade

Organization.[67]However, the outsourcing advisory head of KPMGsaid that India had no reason

to worry, since Obama's statements were directed against "outsourcing being carried out bymanufacturing companies" and not outsourcing of IT-related services.[68]

In May 2009, Obama reiterated his anti-outsourcing views and criticised the current US tax policy

"that says you should pay lower taxes if you create a job in Bangalore, India, than if you create one

in Buffalo, New York."[69]However, during the US India Business Councilmeeting in June 2009,

U.S. Secretary of StateHillary Clinton advocated for stronger economic ties between India and the

United States. She also rebuked protectionist policies, saying that "[United States] will not use the

global financial crisis as an excuse to fall back on protectionism. We hope India will work with us to

create a more open, equitable set of opportunities for trade between our nations." [70]

In November 2010, Obama became the second US President (after Richard Nixonin 1969) to

undertake a visit to India in his first term in office. On 8 November, Obama also became the

second US President (after Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1959) to ever address ajoint sessionof the

P li t f I di I j li hift Ob d l d US t f I di ' t
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Parliament of India. In a major policy shift, Obama declared US support for India's permanent

membershipon the UN Security Council.[71][72]Calling the India-US relationship "a defining

partnership of the 21st century", he also announced the removal of export control restrictions on

several Indian companies, and concluded trade deals worth $10 billion, which are expected to

create and/or support 50,000 jobs in the US.[73]

Strategic and military relations [edit]See also: Quadrilateral Security Dialogue

In March 2009, the Obama Administration cleared the US$2.1 billion sale of eight P-8 Poseidonsto

India.[74]This deal, and the $5 billion agreement to provide Boeing C-17military transport aircraft

and General Electric F414engines announced during Obama's November 2010 visit, makes the

US one of the top three military suppliers to India (after Israel and Russia). [75]Indians have raised

concerns about contract clauses forbidding the offensive deployment of these systems.[76]India is

trying to resolve performance-related issues on the Boeing P-8I that have already been delivered

to India.[77][78]

US Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of StaffMike Mullenhas encouraged stronger military ties

between India and the United States, and said that "India has emerged as an increasingly

important strategic partner [of the US]".[79]US Undersecretary of State William Joseph Burnsalso

said, "Never has there been a moment when India and America mattered more to each other." [80]

The Deputy Secretary of Defence, Ashton Carter, during his address to the Asia Society in NewYork on August 1, 2012, said that IndiaUS relationship has a global scope, in terms of the reach

and influence of both countries. He also said that both countries are strengthening the relations

between their defence and research organisations.[81]

Harsh V. Pant, professor of International relations at King's College London, highlighted the

importance of India to US strategic planning by saying: "India is key to the US ability to create a

stable balance of power in the larger Indo Pacific and at a time of resource constraints it needs
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stable balance of power in the larger Indo-Pacific and at a time of resource constraints, it needs

partners like India to shore up its sagging credibility in the region in face of Chinese onslaught.

Neelam Deo, director of foreign policy at Gateway House, underscored the importance that India

attaches safeguarding its national interests by saying: India is a big country, with its own strategic

objectives and imperatives and it will act on opportunities where interests converge, as it has done

in the past.[53]

Reve lations about US spying operations against India [edit]

India, in July and November 2013, demanded that the US respond to revelations that the Indian UN

mission in New York City and the Indian Embassy in Washington had been targeted for spying.[82]

On 2 July 2014, U.S. diplomats were summoned by the Indian Ministry of External Affairs to discuss

allegations that the National Security Agency had spied upon private individuals and political

entities within India.[83][84]A 2010 document leaked by Edward Snowden and published by the

Washington Postrevealed that US intelligence agencies had been authorised to spy on the Indian

Prime-Minister Narendra Modi.[85][86]

2013 Dispute over Diplomatic Immunity and Privileges [edit]

Main article: Devyani Khobragade incident

In December 2013, the arrest, strip-search and temporary detention of an Indian diplomat in New

York following a domestic labour dispute caused uproar in India.[87]

Deputy Consul GeneralDevyani Khobragade was arrested by US State Department Police on allegations of visa-fraud and

handed over to US Marshals for detention.[88][89]The incident occurred a week after US

Ambassador Nancy Powell categorically stated that "an Indo-US strategic treaty will never be

signed" and clarified that the US preferred a flexible approach to the critical issue of strategic

collaboration. [90]

Indian former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh described the treatment of the female consular
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Indian former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh described the treatment of the female consular

official which included repeated handcuffing, stripping and cavity searches, DNA swabbing, and

placement in a hold-up alongside common criminals and drug offenders as "deplorable". [91]The

Government of India took steps to ensure that diplomatic and consular privileges accorded

unilaterally to US Government personnel posted to New Delhi are henceforth based on reciprocity.[92][93][94][95][96]External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid said : Were not hostile, this is an

arrangement based on reciprocity,.[97]Shashi Tharoor, India's minister of human resourcedevelopment commented : "The cardinal principle of diplomatic relations is reciprocity, and India

realized that it had been naive in extending courtesies to the U.S. that it was not receiving in

return,"[98]

The American Community Support Association (ACSA) club and American Embassy Club in New

Delhi were ordered to cease all commercial activities benefiting non-diplomatic personnel by 16

January 2014.[99]The ACSA club operates a bar, bowling alley, swimming pool, restaurant, video-

rentals club, indoor gym and a beauty parlour within the embassy premises.[100][101][102]Tax-free

import clearances given to US diplomats and consular officials for importing food, alcohol and

other domestic items were revoked with immediate effect. US embassy vehicles and staff are no

longer immune from penalties for traffic violations [103]

Indian income tax and immigration authorities are investigating allegations of work-permit, visa and

income tax fraud at the American Embassy School.[104][105][106]

Analysts predict that the incident has caused long-term damage to the relationship. Ashley Tellis of

the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington said, The Indians have taken an

extremely tough line on this. They are bracing for a full-fledged fight if the case against the

diplomat goes forward. Former diplomat and foreign-policy commentator K.C.Singh opined : If

they are going to throw their rule book at us, then we are saying we, too, have a rule book in India,

(...) Of late, there has been a growing feeling here that the U.S. has lost interest in India, [107]that

it is no longer the special friendship [ ] The relationship is still fragile and is resting on a crag Till
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it is no longer the special friendship [...] The relationship is still fragile and is resting on a crag. Till

we put it on flat ground, episodes like this can cause major damage to the ties.[108]Reacting to

the rapidly deteriorating relations between the two countries, which had been seen as cordial and

improving in the recent past, John Bellinger, a former State Department legal adviser said :

"Whether it was wise policy to actually arrest and detain someone for a non-violent crime like this,

even if technically permissible under the Vienna Convention, is questionable to me. It's really quite

surprising,". Robert D. Blackwill, the former US ambassador to India from 2001 to 2003 andcurrently a Henry A. Kissinger senior fellow for US foreign policy at the Council on Foreign

Relations(CFR) opined that the treatment meted out to Devyani Khobragade and the subsequent

impact of the incident on US-India relations as giving a "new meaning to the word stupid".[109][110]

Speaking at Harvard Law Schoolduring its 2014 Class Day ceremony, US attorney in Manhattan

Preet Bharara, the Indian-born prosecutor in the Devyani Khobragade case revealed that it was

the US Department of State who initiated and investigated proceedings against the Indian official :(It was) not the crime of the century but a serious crime nonetheless, that is why the State

Department opened the case, that is why the State Department investigated it. That is why career

agents in the State Department asked career prosecutors in my office to approve criminal

charges,.[111][112][113]

Asian pivot to Asia [edit]

Main article: Foreign policy of Narendra Modi

Further information: Neighbourhood first policyandAsian foreign policy of Narendra Modi

government

See also: Look East policy,Act East policyand Neighbourhood first policy

India views the ongoing global power shift[114]from the

Atlanticto the Indian Oceanas an opportunity to lift billions of

persons out of extreme poverty and a March to Modernity
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GlobalizationCultural Democratic Economic

Political Demographic Historical

Outline Portal Studies Terms

Category Commons

VTE

persons out of extreme poverty and a March to Modernity.[115]Indians, observing the Chinese geopolitical ascension,

have concluded the their country can only be taken seriously

in 21st.century world affairs if it can speak from a position of

economic strength. Investors and companies have been

encouraged to tap the aspirationsof the 1.2 billion strong[116]

Indian market for goods & services and profit from IndianOcean tradethrough the Make in Indiainitiative launched by

the Government of India.[117][118]The challenge facing India is

to successfully leverage the country's youth dividend[119]

towards achieving the Indian Century[120][121]and to avoid

hubris that India's economic growth is inevitable.[122][123][124]

Several Indo-Pacificregional powers, no longer content with

peripheral influence in global discussions, are seeking a radical reordering of the post-WWII global

hierarchy of power.[125][126]The consensual view in Asia is that America will continue to remain

relevant in world affairs for the foreseeable future, but already no longer enjoys uncontested

supremacy.[127][128][129]Reflecting upon the extent to which the stakes have risen in the contest for

a place at the global high table, US President Barack Obama implored Americans to "win the future

by out-innovating, out-educating and out-building the rest of the world".[130]Relentless efforts by

American think-tanks and government officials to reassure alliance partners about Americanprimacy in global affairs flies in the face of a steady stream of setbacks and challenges from

Central Europe right through to the Indo-Pacific region (EU nations joining the AIIB, Russian

annexation of Crimea, dismemberment of Ukraine, redrawing of colonial borders by loosely

affiliated non-State entities,[131]Iran nuclear negotiations, forceful assertion on maritime claims by

China).[132][133][134]

Perpetuation of State borders in the Eurasian continent, which contain several hotly contested
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INS Vikrantcurrently being fitted-

out at Cochin Shipyardis the lead-

ship of Vikrant-class aircraft carriers

for the Indian Navy

Perpetuation of State borders in the Eurasian continent, which contain several hotly contested

demarcation lines which date back from the European Colonial period in Asia ( Nine-dotted line,

SykesPicot Agreement,[135][136]Durand Line, McMahon Line, Radcliffe Line); appear increasingly

elastic[137][138]in the face of geopolitical, socio-economic and technological transformations. [136]

[139][140][141][142]

The primacy of Western-led post-World War II supranational institutions and Bretton Woods

systemin shaping the outcomes of Asian affairs is no longer a given. Asian countries have not

forgotten their colonial past and bitter lessons learnt from the 1997 Asian financial crisis. The

BRICSare committed to building a multipolar world order and have agreed to coordination on core

interests of individual members.[143][144][145][146][147]Western sanctions against Russia prompted

China to conclude a $400 billion energy accord, effectively neutralizing efforts to drain Russian

finances.[148][149][150][151]BRICS are wooing investors with the allure of best potential for economic

growth.[152]Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank(AIIB), NorthSouth Transport Corridor, Asian

Highway Network, New Eurasian Land Bridgeand Eurasian Economic Union(EEU) has received

increased attention at Track-2 initiatives of the RIC(Russia, India & China) countries. [153][154]

Muscle flexing by China on the Sino-Indian Line of Actual

Control (LAC) against the backdrop of prominent displays of

military might (live test of an ASATweapon in 2007 by China

in response to a 1985 satellite-kill by the USA) and challenges

(the Hainan Island incidentwhere the President of the USAwas forced to apologise to China to ensure the safe return of

the crew of a US Navy intelligence gathering aircraft which was

intercepted by PLANfighter planes) has rekindled an arms

race in the Asia-Pacific region.

India has staked a claim to playing a central rolein theAsian

Century [155][156][157][158] by embarking upon a programme to modernise and diversify assets of the
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Historic terrestrial and maritime

trade routes of Asia

Century by embarking upon a programme to modernise and diversify assets of the

Strategic Forces Command, raise the profile of the Andamans and Nicobar Command (ANC), and

renew civilizational ties with regional countries. India has prioritized the strengthening of strategic

partnerships - with Russia, Vietnam, Japan, Singapore & Iran - in order to offset and forestall an

irrecoverable shift in strategic balance of power in Asia emanating from a resurgent China seeking

to advance its One Belt, One Roadinitiative.[159][160]Agreements to install ocean surveillance

capabilities in Madagascar, Fiji, Seychelles (Assumption Island),[161]Mauritius (Agalga) &Maldives seeks to shelter India's strategic interests and diaspora. [162][163][164][165][166]India's

national security planners have sought to consolidate India's presence in countries which are key

to China's One Road, One Beltwith special focus on Oman, Iran, Afghanistan, Tajikistan,

Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, Bangladesh and Myanmar.

The tendency of Indians to get carried away by lofty rhetoric

when it comes to China prompted Kishore Mahbubani, dean ofthe Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policyat the National

University of Singapore, to advise unwavering attention to the

improvement of societal aspirations and caution against over-

reach : "it is in India's interest to bide its time, remain calm,

not get distracted by geopolitics and instead focus on core

strengths. India has the advantage, even on China, because

of a young population. Put aside the border for now, engageChina, take advantage of their competencies".[167]

In 2014, Asia-Pacific (+29%) accumulated wealth faster than Europe (+6.6%) and North America

(+5.6%). However, America leads in absolute numbers with $370,000 (including life and pension

assets) per household and Europe follows with $220,000. [168]

Recent developments indicate that while India and China are increasingly competing on

geopolitical matters, the two countries are simultaneously willing to bridge differences and
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geopolitical matters, the two countries are simultaneously willing to bridge differences and

cooperate on trade.

China-India driven economic growth, fresh opportunities to develop new geographical zones due to

improved Sino-Indian relations,[169]observed collateral consequences on local populations &

economies caused by recent US-led military interventions in Iraq & Afghanistan, conspicuous

absence of the US President at the APEC Indonesia 2013summit due to the United States federal

government shutdown of 2013,[170][171][172]budgetary constraints of the US military,[173]

improvements in anti-access area denial (A2/AD) capabilities by littoral States to counter maritime

power projection assets,[174]limitations in the US air-sea battledoctrine, risks of conflict escalation,

historic intra-regional rivalries,[175][176]the fact that post-WWII American interventions in major

conflicts in Asia have not been victorious (stalemate in the Korean peninsula, Vietnam debacle,

ineffectual US-led COIN operations in Afghanistan) and the unconvincing US pivot to Asia,

dissolved the appetite amongst Asian countries to support a US-led China containment policy.[177]

[178][179][180][181][182][183][184]US economic, political and military dominance is in relative decline

compared to emerging powers.[185][186]American capacity to shape global outcomes (Iraq,

Afghanistan, Libya, Syria, Ukraine) has been ineffectual. Re-balancing by regional powers has

allowed several Asian microstatesand LDCsto extract significant economic advantages and

concessions while staying on the sidelines of regional power-play. [187][188][189][190][191][192]Asian

countries increasingly view the US primarily as a market for manufactured goods and as a highly

capable provider of security infrastructure.[193][194][195]

The 2015-2016 Indian budget foresees co-development of manufacturing hubs in Southeast Asian

countries.[196]In March 2015, foreign minister Sushma Swaraj announced that India's 2015 target

for trade with ASEAN is $100 billion and both sides are aiming to double it to $200 billion by 2022.[197]India has accelerated initiatives to resolve insurgency in Northeast India[198]to promote

economic development within the Seven Sister States.[199]

The improvement and optimization of inter-Asian trade through future mega infrastructure projects
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Geopolitical map of the

Eurasian region[unreliable source?]

The improvement and optimization of inter Asian trade through future mega infrastructure projects,

like the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM) Economic Corr idorand Thai Kra Isthmus Canal,[200]are increasing seen as viable and vital to the continuation of economic integration of regional

markets.[201][202][203][204][205][206]In May 2014,[207]India announced prioritization of Asian Highway

Networkregional cross-border connectivity programmes like the Kaladan Multi-modal Transit

Transport Projectwith Myanmarand the Trilateral India-Myanmar-Thailand Friendship Highwayto

Thailand.[208][209][210]

Inadequate representation in global security and governance

architectures has led India to complement traditional

international forums such as the United Nations Security

Council, World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF),

World Trade Organization (WTO) and Asian Development

Bank (ADB) with special interest groupings such asBRIC/BRICS, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation(SCO), East

Asia Summit(EAS), Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral

Technical and Economic Cooperation(BIMSTEC), Indian-

Ocean Rim Association(IORA), Regional Comprehensive

Economic Partnership(RCEP), Asia Cooperation Dialogue

(ACD), BangladeshChinaIndiaMyanmar Forum for Regional Cooperation(BCIM) and South

Asian Association for Regional Cooperation(SAARC).[211]

India aspires to an incontournable role in theAsian pivot to Asia.[212][213]Between 2004 and 2014

Western think-tanks, especially in the US and UK, failed to pick-up on tell-tale signs of impending

transformations to the Indian political scene : swings in electoral voting patterns in rural areas

(60% of India's 1.2billion population live outside urban population centers), large-scale nationwide

citizen-led protests around specific societal agendas (anti-corruption, right to information), and

rapid changes in priorities of the growing middle-class electorate. The association of improvements
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Geopolitical map of the

Heartland theoryfrom Halford

Mackinder's 1904 The

Geographical Pivot of History

in basic education, vibrant & unrestricted mass media journalism, penchant for political debate in

Indian society,[214]and the huge increase in Indians working and studying abroad has changed

how Indians perceive themselves in the global arena in general and Asia in particular.

Academics have raised concerns about the relaxed

institutional attitude in the West to rapid metamorphosis in

Asia. In 2010, John Doggett of McCombs School of Business,

University of Texas issued a wake-up call: "China and India

are beating us at our own game".[215]Highlighting the inability

to keep pace with the transformations in Asia by Western

countries, Michael Kugelman - South and Southeast Asia

expert at the Woodrow Wilson International Center -

advocated a change in mind-set and the necessity for

Western countries to make their presence felt in India.[53][216]

[217]Explaining the need for a review of available expertise on

India centric matters, Jakob De Roover of University of Ghent in Belgium opined: "India and the

West could together look for solutions to the problems that we share. Instead, Western

commentators reproduce old colonial stories about India as an immoral culture. This gives them a

twisted relationship to the Indian people. On the one hand, they keep turning towards the same

class of Indian journalists, activists, and intellectuals for local knowledge. But these nativeinformants merely talk the talk of the West to the West."[218]

Asian regional powers are unwilling to forfeit any notion of an independent foreign policy and

thereby become a tool in the global exercise of power. [219]Speaking at the 2015 Shangri-La

Dialogue, the Indian Minister of State for Defence Rao Inderjit Singhpostulated that Asian

countries will increasingly attend to their national security and internal markets through structured

dialogue within Asian multilateral structures like ASEAN and SCO rather than be over-reliant on
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formal alliances with external powers.[220]Recent rebalancing and alliance-building activities in the

Indo-Pacific region have demonstrated that Asian states are unwilling to settle for a Western-

dominated global order and blindly asquise an American-led construct of geopolitical frameworks,

rules-based trade and mobility mechanisms which do not adequately address the interests of

Asian countries.[221]The majority of Asian states have had autocratic leaders who curtailed civil

liberties and imposed restrictions on democratic institutions within their countries. Asianpopulations have accommodated authoritarian leaders (Lee Kwan Yewof Singapore being a

classic example), showing preference for stable economic development and progressive reduction

of wealth-gap, over principled stands on human-rights and the promotion of democracy. The non-

Western rational of Asian diplomacy in the post-Colonial era appears to balance nationalist

aspirations, developmental opportunities, shared cultural roots and historical legacies.[222][223]

The appointment in January 2015 of former Indian Ambassador to the US, Subrahmanyam

Jaishankar, as Foreign Secretary[224][225][226]seeks to reassure Western countries about Indian

strategic intentions in Asia.[227][228][229]Subrahmanyam Jaishankar is the father of Dhruva

Jaishankar - a German Marshall Fund (GMF) Transtlantic Fellow in Washington.[230]

US Government and Narendra Modi [edit]

As Chief Minister of Gujarat [edit]Narendra Modi, the Chief Minister of Gujarat between 2001 and 2014, became the Prime Minister

of India on 26 May 2014 after the Bharatiya Janata Partydecisively won the 2014 Indian General

Elections. The US Government completely failed to anticipate the political rise of Narendra Modi to

the office of Prime Minister of India.

Sectarian violence during the 2002 Gujarat riots damaged relations between the US Government

and Narendra Modi, the then incumbent Chief Minister of Gujarat. Human rights activists accused
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Modi of fostering anti-Muslim violence. New-York based NGO Human Rights Watch, in their 2002

report directly implicated Gujarat state officials in the violence against Muslims.

In 2012, a Special Investigation Team (SIT) appointed by the Indian Supreme Court found no

prosecutable evidence against Modi.[231][232]The Supreme Court of India absolved Narendra

Modi of any criminal wrongdoing during the 2002 Gujarat riots.

Prior to Narendra Modi becoming the Prime Minister of India, the US Government had made it

known that Modi as Chief Minister of Gujaratwould not be permitted to travel to the US. Michael

Kugelman of the Wilson Centeropined that although technically speaking there was no US 'visa

ban' from 2005 to 2014, the US government policy of considering Modi aspersona non gratahad

resulted in a defactotravel-ban.[233]After the US revoked his existing B1/B2 visa in 2005 and

refused to accept his application for an A2 visa, the US State Department affirmed that the visa

policy remained unchanged : "(Mr Modi) is welcome to apply for a visa and await a review like anyother applicant".[234][235]

Exploring opportunities on how to move the relationship out of a state of morose, Lisa Curtis,

Senior Research Fellow for South Asia in the Asian Studies Center of the Heritage Foundation,

says that "the U.S. must first signal its willingness and commitment to collaborating with the new

governmentand that it will not dwell on the controversy of the 2002 Gujarat riots, which led the

U.S. to revoke Modis visa in 2005."[236]

On 11 June 2014, Robert Blackwill, the former Coordinator for Strategic Planning and Deputy US

National Security Advisor during the presidency of George W. Bush, spoke at length about India-

US relations and said : "Mr Modi is a determined leader. He is candid and frank. I also worked with

him during the Gujarat earthquake when I was posted as (the US) ambassador to India. (...) It was

mistake by the current Obama administration to delay engagement with Mr Modi. I do not know why

they did so but definitely, this did not help in building relationship. (...) The old formula and
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stereotypes will not work if the US administration wants to engage with Mr Modi. The Indian prime

minister is candid, direct and smart. He speaks his mind. The US administration also has to engage

in candid conversation when Mr Modi meets President Obama later this year. They have to do

something innovative to engage with him." [237]

2005 Denial of Visa Application and Revocation of Visa [edit]

In 2005, the US Department of State used a 1998 International Religious Freedom Act (IRFA)

provision to revoke Modis tourist/business visa citing section 212 (a) (2) (g) of the US Immigration

and Nationality Act.[238]The IRFA provision makes any foreign government official who was

responsible for or directly carried out, at any time, particularly severe violations of religious

freedom ineligible for a visa to the United States.

David C. Mulfo

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