ECO-DEVELOPMENTAL STRUCTURE OF A …serialsjournals.com/serialjournalmanager/pdf/1478860151.pdfECO-DEVELOPMENTAL STRUCTURE OF A NOMADIC... 3387 Pradesh. According to an estimate by

Man In India, 96 (9) : 3383-3406 © Serials Publications

* Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, The IIS University, Jaipur

ECO-DEVELOPMENTAL STRUCTURE OF A NOMADICCOMMUNITY: CASE STUDY OF RAIKA

Pragya Sharma*

Raikas are the largest group of nomadic pastoralists of India. Each year after the rains, hundredsand thousands of shepherds embark in collective camps on migratory journeys that can spandistance of up to 1200 kms and last up to nine months. The present paper is an attempt to study theecology & developmental structure among Raika. Fieldwork has been done in two villagespredominantly inhabitated by Raikas, Raika Ki Dhani and Manpur Bakdi in Pali-Sirohi Belt.

Key Words: Nomadic Community, Raika, Pastoralists.

Nomadism is a practice, fact or state of living a wandering life involving the habitualor traditional movement of people in response to their needs of subsistence. TheAll India Nomadic Inquiry Report1 has classified all the Indian Nomadic groupsinto three categories: -

• Pastoral nomads

• Khanabadosh (wandering tribes)

• Semi-nomadic tribes

Pastoral nomads are those groups whose nomadism is connected with the needsof their herds. They move about with their herds in search of food and shelter.Khanabadosh are herd less and homeless people roaming from place to place andworking as food gatherers, musicians, quack surgeons, traders or artisans likeblacksmith, basket-makers, bamboo - workers etc. Semi - nomadic tribes includethose who own homes and agricultural land but who wander periodically or duringcertain seasons of the year following vocations like those of khanabadosh.

Nomadism is one of the oldest patterns of adaptation of people to theirenvironment. It is spread over large parts of Africa, the Middle East, Persia,Afghanistan, Pakistan and India. Historical evidence shows that political, economic,cultural and geographical factors such as topography, climate, vegetation, hydrologyetc., have combined to give rise to nomadism as a way of life.2

Pastoral nomadism and semi-nomadism is an economically appropriatetechnique of community survival in arid and semi-arid parts of western India, forestand hilly regions in central India, and sub-mountainous regions in north India.Pastoral nomadic and semi-nomadic groups have evolved their own suitablemethods for upbringing the locally available genetic stocks. For this they have notbeen dependent upon foreign assistance and imported technology. But maintenanceof the livestock at one place for a long period of time is difficult, as the carrying

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capacity of the local eco-system is limited. It may not sustain the pastoral patternof land use for a long time, hence migration in search of grazing lands and waterbecomes imperative for the existence of a clan.3

The Population of Rajasthan is 74,791,568. Nearly ninety percent ofRajasthan’s population is Hindu with Muslims making up the largest minoritywith eight percent of the populations. Jains - the merchant and traders from Rajasthanconstitute a significant presence. Schedule Castes (ST) and Schedule Tribes (ST)form about seventy percent and twelve percent of the state population respectively.The population of the tribes in Rajasthan is nearly a double of the national average,with original inhabitants Bhils and the Meenas forming the largest group. Lesserknown tribes like Sahariyas, Damariyas, Garasias, Lohars still form an importantgroups. The main nomadic tribes of Rajasthan are Gaduliya Lohars, Raika, Natand Kalbelia. A brief introduction to the nomadic tribes of Rajasthan is as follows:

Gaduliya Lohar: They make their living by pursuing blacksmithy as a mobilecottage industry, using crude traditional tools and equipment for manufacture. Infact they derive their identification as a sub - caste from the profession they pursueand the manner in which they do it. From their lifelong movement in carts calledgadi they derive the adjective Gaduliya and by their main source of livelihoodlohari (ironwork) they came to be known as Lohar. They wander in carts withtheir families and temporarily camp at suitable places where they make a sort ofcot-stand in the cart itself. They claim their original habitat in Chittor, a district insouthwest Rajasthan and consider themselves as Rajputs. They may be categorizedas khanabadosh nomadic tribe.

Nat: Nats make their living by practicing and exhibiting their feats as dancersand acrobats. While their women folk specialize in both dancing and acrobatics,men folk practice acrobatics and extend organizational support to the family. Ropewalking on the beat of drum (dhol) is their special game for attracting crowds andfor earning their livelihood. While a single migrating family is referred to as deraa collection of some families is addressed as tola. Nats also fall under the categorykhanabadosh nomadic tribe.

Kalbelia: They are the well-known snake charmers of Rajasthan. They earntheir living by catching, domesticating, keeping and displaying snakes of variouskinds, especially the cobra. They profess (or pretend) to have mastered the art oftantrik cure of snakebite. Their women folk have made a mark as expert street andstage dancers, depicting the rhythmic movement of roused snakes. Traditionallyspeaking Kalbelias are also of the khanabadosh nomadic tribes.

Raika: Raika are pastoral nomads and they earn their living by rearing sheep,goat and camel. They are the main pastoral nomads of Rajasthan and the presentstudy is focused on them.

Raikas represent the predominant pastoral group of western Rajasthan. Thoughthey are also called Rebari or Dewasi, but ‘Raika’ seems to be the most frequently

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used terms for these people In this study also the term ‘Raika’ is used to representthe community because Raika is most frequently used for them in Rajasthan, whileterm Rebari is frequently used for them in Gujarat. The Rebari does not necessarilyrefer to caste membership. It was used in northern India for cattlemen or for peopleknowledgeable about cattle. The term rewar in colloquial language in the region isused for a herd of cattle. The term Dewasi derives from the fact that Raika societyis governed by ten (das) rules. According to Westphal-Hellbusch and Westphal4the term Raika was originally reserved for those Rebaris who served as camelmounted messengers to the royal courts of Rajputs. Mainly spreading from westernRajasthan to the Kutch region of Gujrat, the Raika / Rebari hamlets survive in aharsh climatic zone. In Rajasthan, the mean annual rainfall varies from 100 mm onthe Indo-Pakistan border and 210 mm at Jaisalmer to about 350 mm to 400 mm inparts situated more towards the eastern region. But the thorny vegetation of theentire area has supported a significant population of both sheep and camel. Thesheep can subsist, and often flourish, on coarse feed not relished by other domesticanimals. A similar ecological adaptation applies to the camel. What is admired bycamel tenders (and also by people in general) is the camel’s fortitude underconditions of extreme heat and its ability to cross-vast expanses of desert withoutdrinking water.

Raikas combine camel and sheep in their herds in varying proportions. InBikaner, Jodhpur, Pali and Kota certain Raika hamlets are observed having severalcamel herds, but flocks of sheep also exist in these hamlets. As we move towardsBikaner, camel herds are larger whereas sheep herds are smaller. In Pali camelherds are smaller but sheep are reared in large number. In Marwar, although theherds do have a couple of camels, which are the beasts of burden, the Raika mainlyspecialize in sheep breeding and tending. Raikas of Jalore and Sirohi arepredominantly sheep breeding communities. As an exception certain Raika hamletslike Jojawar in Pali and Ghum-ki-dhani in Kota are famous for owning large camelherds numbering 2 to 3 thousand animals. Raikas of the district of Mandsour(Madhya Pradesh) breed camels they do not keep sheep but rear buffaloes andengage in crop cultivation. In Gujrat, although, the traditional image of Rebaris ascamel breeders still holds, their economy has diversified. They breed the world’sbest tropical cattle.

Raikas are engaged only in sheep, goat and camel breeding, but they havetraditionally herded and taken care of the livestock of other castes as well. As hasbeen said earlier, although a few Raikas are specialized camel herders, thecommunity as a whole identifies itself closely with this animal. Camels were ownedin the past by royal lineages and rich castes. A peasant family aspired to own acamel. No community except Raikas and Sindhi Muslims has occupationalspecialization regarding everything pertaining to the camel. In places (like inMarwar, Jalore, Sirohi) where the herds are predominantly of sheep, the knowledge

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of the Raikas about the camel and its upkeep is not insignificant. A Raika family,whether in Bikaner, Pali or Marwar, aspires to own a couple of camels. Its ownershipeven raises the status and prestige of the family within the community. Many Raikassay that tending camels is their duty. Against all odds and meagre economic benefits,the Raikas think they must domesticate camels rather than letting other casterstake over their traditional occupation.

According to their myth of origin, the first Raika was created by Lord Shiva orMahadev (the great god) for the specific purpose of looking after the first camelthat Parvati, the ardhangini (wife) of Lord Shiva, created from clay.

Raikas in Rajasthan invariably live outside the main village in their own hamletlocally known as dhani. Sometimes these dhanis are a few kilometers away fromthe main village. A dhani is usually a kin based group comprising all those whoclaim a common descent. In a big dhani a couple or more of such descent linesmay be present. Raikas live in multi-caste villages. Though a dhani is a closedgroup in spatial terms, it is not self-sufficient. For various services Raikas dependupon other castes with whom they have patron-client relations, like in occasions ofmarriage and death, or for buying or selling commodities in markets.

Many Raikas own small stretch of land, but these are more in the manner ofkeeping village ties rather than as an economic activity, although a pattern of ‘take-a-chance’ cultivation is often practiced. While in no way considered an ‘uncleancaste’, the Raikas are nonetheless treated as different by sedentary villagers, thederogatory name for them being bhoot meaning ghost. Within Rajasthan; thedistricts from which pastoral migration usually takes place are Barmer, Jaisalmer,Nagaur, Jodhpur, Pali, Sirohi, and to a limited extent Ajmer. Broadly speaking,the direction of migration is towards bordering states of Haryana, Uttar Pradesh,Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat.

Raikas are the largest group of nomadic pastoralists of India. They camp in anew location almost every day leaving at least two villages for new campsite. Eachdang (mobile camp) is organized into 15-20 roughly equal sized flocks and canembrace as many as 4000-5000 sheep and 50-100 camels, goats and donkeysaccompanied by 90-95 men, 25-30 children of varying age groups. Smoothcoordination of the movement of such a large group becomes possiblebecause individual shepherd in the camp delegate much decision makingresponsibility either to the leader of the camp, the Nambardar or to a ‘council ofelders’. They reserve for themselves only the control over day- to-day managementof their own flocks. They return to their home once in a year around the festival ofHoli.

DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF RAIKA

Though the present Raikas are concentrated in Rajasthan and Gujrat, they alsoinhabit some villages in the states of Haryana, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya


Pradesh. According to an estimate by Srivastava5, there are at least thirty-twovillages in Haryana having Raika population.

In Bikaner district there are thirty-six villages with Raika hamlets. In Jodhpurand Pali-Marwar, there are some big Raika hamlets of more than a hundred houses.Number of Raikas is even higher than this in districts of Sirohi and Jalore.

According to the earliest census report (of 1891) on the castes of Marwarcalled “Report: Mardumshumari Raj Marwar” (hereinafter, the Raj Marwar Census),there were 98,406 Raikas (52,808 men and 45,598 women) in this region. Thesecond document, Report on the Census of Marwar and Mallani (Barmer) of 26February 1891, recorded 112,096 Raikas (55,261 men and 56,835 women) inMarwar and 10,572 (5495 men and 5077 women) in Barmer. Thus the secondreport counted 13,690 more Raikas (2453 men and 11,237 women) in Marwar.

Census of India 1931 recorded 135,820 Raikas in Rajasthan. Thus, it can besaid that no reliable information is there about the population of Raikas in Rajasthan.The Census of India after 1931 does not carry any information on the total numberof Raikas of Rajasthan.

The present situation is that no government department or any otherorganization has any knowledge of the total Raika population in Rajasthan or Indiaas a whole. One reason for this is that, one of the steps the Indian government hastaken to eradicate casteism from the social framework is not to classfy people inthe Census Report according to their castes. According to Kohler Rollefsen6, Indiahad in 1991 around 2 lakh Raika families. Assuming an average Raika householdfamily to be 5, it would mean that 10 lakh Raikas lived in 1991, which is an inflatedfigure. A moderate estimate is that both Rajasthan and Gujrat have around 5 to 6lakh Raika/Rebaris.

RATIONALE OF STUDY

Social anthropologists and sociologists have paid little attention to pastoral-nomadicand semi-nomadic groups. Pastoral groups have received only marginal attentionin our planning and development programmes where emphasis is laid on agricultureand industrialization. Guided by the policy of ‘grow more food’, the tracts of landwhich hitherto were pastures were colonized for agriculture purposes. Between1956 and 1987 common property resources decreased by 32% while the netcultivated area increased from 28.6% in 1951 to 47% in 1981. After independenceexpansion of agriculture and industry was interpreted as the sign of developmentbut increase of animal herds or pastures were not included in the planning of generaleconomic development. Inspite of the fact that there are only two communities,Raikas and Sindhi Muslims in India which breed camels and own the largest numberof sheep in Rajasthan, none of them have been intensively studied. Raikas havebeen studied along with other communities, by scholars like K.S. Singh, G.S.Sharma, Tambs-Lachye, Salzaman, Srivastava and some others. Kavoori has taken

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only economic and ecological aspects of Raikas in his study while Arun Agarwalhas taken their political and market economy as a field of his inquiry. Vinay KumarSrivastava has done an intensive study on religious aspects of Raikas focusing onrenouncers in the community. Pastoralism in India : A Scoping study by Leaguefor Pastoral People & IIM, Ahemdabad focuses on study of all pastoralists of India.Present study focuses on ecological & development structure of Raikas of WesternRajasthan.

CONCEPT OF ECOLOGY

Ecology studies the relationship between an organism and its environment, a criticalnotion being that of symbiosis, that is, the complex of interdependencies that developbetween the elements of a system, such that no one element can survive in a givenform in the absence of these relationships and conversely, that a change in any oneelement would trigger off changes in the entire complex. Symbiosis does not implyharmony or the absence of conflict and competition; it does however take as itspremise a state of homeostasis that is systematic continuity.

Ecological oriented research leads to the understanding of the basic elementsof pastoral resource like pasture, water and animals. Pastures are an artifact and aproduct of human directed activity i.e. grazing. If there would be no grazing, therewould be no need for pastures. Ecological studies also show the relationship betweengrazing pressure and the maintenance of certain type of environment. The processesof social regulation involved in the use of all water resources including naturalones (lakes, ponds, rivers) as well as the more apparently physically constructedwater sources (well, tanks and so on). Water provides an obvious and, on the faceof it, straightforward target for intervention (Kavoori).7

Greater part of Rajasthan is arid and semi arid and thus its environment lead tothe emergence and persistence of migratory pastoralism in Rajasthan. The ancientAravalli hills begin near Delhi and run south and next towards the borders ofGujarat marking the southern and eastern border of this dry region. To the west,the desert crosses the Indo-Pakistan border. Desert exists in the western most partalone, while the rest of the region is semi arid where rainfall is low and variable.Natural vegetation cover is xerophytic, and mainly comprises of shrub and grasses,which fluctuates with change in seasons. (Dyson - Hudson R. and J. T. McCabe)8

GRASS AND GRAZING

During the course of migration of pastoral people different varieties of grass andvegetation come on their route. Detailed information on the variety of grassesencountered en-route has been taken. Quality of these grasses, suitability of thedifferent grasses as fodder, changes in the type of grazing available in the courseof migration are also studied. An attempt has also been made to know about theproblems flocks face in adapting to different types of grasses:


One migration cycle was studied in detail. Migration cycle started from Manpurof Pali district. In the early phase of migration, there was enormous variety ofedible grasses, shrubs and creepers available for grazing. Dominant variety changedfrom one micro niche to another, but the overall variety remained the same. Grazingon variety of different plants in a poor state is preferred to grazing on only onespecies. Thus, continued grazing on one species, for example a shrub named Booi,would lead to illness of many animals specially lambs.

But, switching the animals to another type of grazing can mitigate this risk,like a shrub called Besuni or a creeper like grass called Ganthiya.

As the migration cycle moves westwards, the variety of vegetation begins todecrease. At the same time, the types of grasses also begin to change. There is agradual decrease in the presence of the desert grasses, such as Sewan and Ganthiya.Shrubs, such as Bhurut, Booi and Besuni also decrease and thus their importancein grazing also becomes less. But on the other hand, new variety of grass makestheir appearance, like Binjli and to a lesser extends Dob. Dob also gradually becomesimportant grass available for grazing. In the region of western Jodhpur and mostof Nagaur, stubble of Bajra, Gaur and Til become important grazing sources thatare more commonly present. Unlike other natural grass, the grazing resource isfound and said to be more susceptible to the climate.

As the migration cycle moves towards north and west, the transition goesfrom natural grass to crop residues. In the irrigated two crop areas of Haryana,vegetation reaches its extreme. After the crops have been harvested, i.e. after March-April there is a shift in the type of grazing available. Stubble and residues of cropssuch as wheat, Sarsoon, Taramira and gram are found here in abundance. Thegrazing on two crops irrigated area is rich and the animals can easily thrive on it.With the onset of monsoon, return journey of flocks’ starts.

Problems associated with grazing on the return journey are different fromwhat preceded. The only grazing available since fields has been ploughed andsown. The only grazing available is grass, such as Dob and Kanti along the narrowroadsides. These difficulties last until the flocks reach the dry and relativelyuncultivated zone of Western Bikaner, Jodhpur and Pokran. Now, the grasses againchange. Desert grasses such as Ganthiya and Sewan make reappearance. Theseare available in much better state than they were in winter.

Lopping forms an important component of the grazing system and itsimportance depends on the broader environmental complex of the regions whereflocks migrate. Thus, in the early phase of migration, the importance of loppings isnegligible, because of relative paucity of trees in the Pokran and Jaisalmer region.On the midway to Jodhpur, lopping acquire significant place, with the appearanceof Khejri tree. Its presence continues to be in Jodhpur and Nagaur and way toSikar, from where its appearance ceases. This tree does not occur generally incommon or waste lands and is largely found in fields. Thus, its use by migrating

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animals is restricted and depends mainly on reciprocal exchange between Raikasand farmers. Thus, they can use Khejri tree only when flocks spend night in thefield and deposit manure. Lopping is not permitted occasionally but dusting offthe leaves may be allowed. The value of tree lopping for the flock increases foryoung lambs, especially in conditions where grazing is poor. Apart from Khejri,the other tree, which is sometimes lopped for the flocks, is Oranjia. This is foundchiefly in the regions of eastern Nagaur, northern Ajmer and Sikar. A problemwith this tree is that its fruit (pods) are a deadly poison, the consumption of whicheven leads to death of an animal. For this reason, the tree is of negligible utility.The movement into Haryana changes the available source of lopping completely.The only source of lopping is the widely spread Desi Babool tree. Animals eat itsfruit or phali (pod) with great interest.

Thus, the vegetation coming en-route of migration can be broadly classifiedas follows:

1. Sewan and Ganthiya: These are perennial grasses and can be eaten in adry state as well as in a green one. Both are considered to be very goodand nutritious for animals. Camels do not eat Ganthiya, but other animalslike sheep and goats do eat it.

2. Luna: It is a kind of shrub. It is eaten green as well as in its dry state. Butit does not prove to be a good fodder.

3. Khair: It is spiny, cactus like shrub and is eaten by sheep and camel.

4. Akda: It is a kind of cactus and is almost present everywhere. Sheep andgoat eat its big leaves, but for them it is not considered nutritious and forcamel it is even considered as toxic.

5. Ber: Its leaves are considered to be highly nutritious. They are eaten dry.It is considered to be a high quality fodder.

6. Vilayati Babool : It is planted by the government on road sides. It is saidthat it has no fodder value and infact, is considered as toxic.

7. Desi Babool : It is a good fodder and is available generously along withroute of migration.

8. Sarson: It is eaten with great interest by sheep, goat and camel.

9. Thor: Its green leaves and flowers, both provide a good fodder. Leavesare eaten by goats and flowers by sheep.

10. Googlan and Murali: They are eaten in a green state by sheep, goats andcamels.

11. Booi: It is a kind of a shrub, which makes its appearance after rain but canbe eaten by flocks when dry. If eaten green, it causes constipation andeven death, especially among lambs. It is thus not considered as a good ora nutritious fodder.


12. Dhamasa: It is of average nutritional value and is available throughoutthe year, but is preferably eaten dried.

13. Kheemp: It is eaten only by young camels and in a green state.

14. Khejri: It is a tree. Animals eat it with great interest. It is believed to bepious and villagers are restricted from lopping or cutting it. It enjoys thereligious sentiments of various communities settled in villages of Rajasthan.

During the rainy season, the forest of Aravalli hills provides plants of goodnutritional value in which the main forage trees are:

1. Dhav (Anoguessus species)

2. Kanter (Capparis sepiaria)

3. Kolvan (Dicrostacrys cinerea)

TYPE OF FIELDS FOR GRAZING ANIMALS

Two types of fields for grazing animals have been noticed during the study:1. Oroan: This type of field is never cultivated and is open for grazing

throughout the year.

2. Post monsoon fallow: This type of field is available only for seven toeight months for grazing, when they are not being cultivated. These villagefallow lands are also called as gocher. (Literally meaning ‘land for grazingof cows’).

PATTERNS OF GRAZING

There are certain patterns of grazing of animals among Raikas:1. Radial grazing pattern: In this type of grazing pattern, Raikas leave

with their animals in the morning and return to the village in the eveningafter grazing them.

2. Circular grazing pattern: Raikas move from one pasture to another fora specified period and return home after several months (Pallmier, 1982).

Another pattern of grazing has also been observed. In this type, a Raika hiresan agricultural field (after it has been harvested) together with the Khejri trees(Prosopis cineraria) standing on it.

The owner may demand payment either in cash or part cash payment togetherwith bare branches of the tree. Raikas cut off all the small leafy branches of theKhejri tree and thus the trees are reduced to stumps. The residual branches serve asfuel or are used in making fences. Owners often complain that Raikas cut off allsmall leafy branches of the Khejri tree and thus the trees are damaged beyondrecoupment. If a Raika has given total payment in cash, he will keep all the branchesfor himself, but if he gives payment for piling he will pile them up in a corner ofthe field of the owner to collect them. Once the contract is complete and executed,

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Raikas shift their flocks to the fields, start living in a thatched hut till its vegetationis exhausted. After that, they move to other agricultural fields. In their local dialect,they call it berey pe rahna (to live on the field). Such arrangements if deemednecessary are made prior to start of migration.

Different animals have also different habits of grazing. Thus, the herdsmenhave to graze animals in a manner, which suits their habit. Like sheep graze byroaming here and there and camels have the habit of grazing separately. Thuscamels are not grazed by their individual owner. There are certain specific familiesof camel herdsman, who graze the camels of all Raikas. For sheep and goats,herdsmen disperse at different points. During the day, when they get tired, theyoffen sit together on a raised plateau and keep an eye on the entire herd. Like thegrazing pattern, there also exists fodder pattern.

Fodder

1. Green vegetation: It includes green creepers, leafy shrubs etc.

2. Dry fodder: It includes plants, which are dried up and are given to animalsmainly during summers, when pastures in become scarce jungles.

3. Seeds: Wet and dry cereals

Though many type of herb, shrub and trees come on the route during migrationbut the major vegetation which the herds of Raikas eat are:

Green Vegetation

Jungle Kerela (Momordica dioica): These are creepers and are found mainly invillages and semi-arid region during rainy season. Round shaped spiny fruits arefound on it. Animals, especially camels eat it with great interest. Its local name isMornordica dioica.

Indrayan (Citrullus colocynthis): It is mainly found in desert andsemi-desert area in rains. Its leaves are small. Its fruit are of small ball-shape,which is green. They are very bitter in taste. It is believed that, it is good fordigestion.

Shakarkandhi (Solanum indicum): It is eaten exclusively by camel.Therefore, it is also called unta katari. It is mainly seen during rainy and autumnseason.

Other Plants

Some other plants of interest to Raikas as fodder to their herds are:Ker (Capparis aphylla), Ber (Zizyphus rotundifolia), Ber (Zizyphus jujuba),

Katha (Acasia arabica), Katha (Accaia catechu), Babool (Acacia Senegal),Neem(Melia azadirachta), Babool (Ficus religiosa), Gulmohar (Dalbergia sissoo),and Aam (Mangifera indica).


Plants Causing Harm

Certain plants are poisonous to animals herded by Raikas. Though Raikas havesome knowledge about these plants and their effects; yet cases of accident dooccur due to poisoning. It is therefore, necessary to make a mention of these plants:

Jwar (Sorghum): After, the rain sorghum standing in the fields remains short.At that time it contains a kind of poison called hydrocyanic acid. This poison getswashed away during rains but when rains stop it is retained. Animals became victimsof poison if they graze on such plants. It even leads to death.

Dhatura (Stromonium or Horn Apple Poisoning): During rains this plantgrows by itself in north India. It is quite small. Its fruit are small and ball shaped.Spines are found on these fruits. Hindus offer these fruits to Shivji. Generally,animals do not eat it, but sometimes if by mistake they eat it, they faint and evendie.

Akda (Calotropis procera): This plant is mainly found in desert area wheresalt is in abundance. When its leaf is plucked, white fluid comes out of the stem.Animals generally don’t eat it. Often, goats eat its dry leaves and remain unaffected.But sometimes, along with other plants, camels and sheep eat them and as a resultpoison spread in them.

Adaptation

Due to migration, there is a constant shift in grazing resources and the flocks haveto face certain adaptive problems. Process of adaptation is a learning process i.e. aprocess involving habituation and familiarity with the changing habitat. Often aconsiderable amount of control has to be exercised by Raikas and also a degree ofhabituation is necessary before the flocks graze on new grasses. Moreover,considerable attention has to be paid to restrict animals, specially lambs, fromeating unsuitable and at times poisonous plants. As has been said earlier, constantgrazing on Booi often leads to constipation, subsequent diarrhea and ultimately,death. In this instance, the role of Raikas is important, because the consumption ofa limited amount of this plant is not harmful. It is only unrestricted grazing on thisplant that does the damage. Similarly, flocks do not naturally refrain from eatingOranjia, Vilayati Babool and also sometimes Akda, all seriously toxic for theseanimals, which have to be carefully restricted.

Erosion Due to Grazing

Two important criticisms labeled against the pastoral nomads are overgrazing andsoil erosion. But, it has been observed that the rate or speed at which flocks moveensure that a pasture or field or fallow is not seriously damaged after a flock hasgrazed on it. Raikas move very rapidly, making their flocks graze on the upperportion of the crop. About the soil erosion also it has been observed; that the passageof sheep can lead to erosion through the raising of dust, though at the same time

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the nature of the soil also proves an important contributing factor. Thus, grazingon hard soil of harvested and fallows fields or on the oroans do not appear to leadto soil erosion. It is observed only in freshly ploughed fields or soft soils or sandyareas.

DEVELOPMENT

Development means a gradual unfolding, a fuller working out of the details ofanything, the growth of what is in the germ.

While referring to development Srivastava says that, “In Indian anthropology,the conceptual formulation of development has been outweighed by the attentiongiven to a critical understanding of development policies and approaches…. It isour conviction that the goal of development should be to create a just society, asociety placed on an egalitarian order, realized in normative as well as existentialterms. If development results in excess of hierarchy and divisiveness posing athreat to national integration, it, besides being examined in critical terms, needs areappraisal and rehabilitation of a culturally rooted model of progress”. ( Srivastava)9

Sustainable development of a society is possible only when efforts are madeto manage local traditional understanding with modern knowledge. It creates anatmosphere of mutual learning between the people of community and outsiders.

For making policies for the development of a society, it is necessary that itshould be planned equally in all fields, such as economic, industrial, educational,social, cultural and physical. Srivastava points out that any field left behind theother shall create imbalance. The effects of other field where progress has takenplace shall not show its effect. Moreover, the responsibilities to work according tothe programme should not only be limited to officer’s class and social workers,but instead it is also necessary to know the view of the people for whom theprogrammes are made. Community based programmes of development should beneed-based (Srivastava)10

Problems of Raikas

Raika community is said to be most conservative group and they do not easily andreadily get open to outsiders. It was very difficult to collect data from them aboutthe problems. Thanks to key informants and employees of sheep and wooldepartment, who were also the local inhabitants of Pali, and were viewed withrespect among Raikas, that some important informations were extracted. Yet acommon response to our questioning them was, ‘What purpose will serve by askingthese questions, taking our photographs, or writing book on us. If you really wantto know about our problem leave all your paper, pen, work and come and live withus. Roam with us from one place to another only than you will yourself experienceour problems, live our life. Our situation is too bad and nobody is doing any effortsto improve it. In their own words, ‘boot polish karne walo ki jindgi hamari jindgi


se acchhi hai’ (life of boot polishers is far better than ours). Some of the mainproblems of Raikas are:

Lack of Pasture land: This is one of the major problems of Raikas. There areseveral reasons for the decrease in pasturelands. Increase in population has led torapid colonization of marginal land. This land, at one time, was available for grazing.Again, as said by Agarwal, “An expansion of crop lands on grazing sites has madegrazing areas less and still lesser. This in turn has led to the overstocking of grazinglands, destroying their productivity and impoverishing the graziers in the process”.(Agarwal, Arun)11 .Mankad12 has described the problem of Raikas of Khathiawad inthe following words: “The forests are being cut down. The pasturelands are graduallygetting smaller and narrower; the rainfall in the province is gradually becoming less.

In these circumstances Raikas find it extremely difficult to rear a number ofanimals. So, they are slowly giving up their original occupation and have thoughtit proper to settle down and take to agriculture. They take to cultivate for others aslabourers and get a sum of money for their work. Another reason is the starting ofirrigation projects. Before the starting of major irrigation projects, villagers weredependent on one crop (ek fasal) which was fully harvested by Asvina KartikaAgrahayana (October, November) and then the fields used to be completelyuncultivated. At that time, Raikas moving with their herds, were not only welcomeby farmers, who provided them fields for rest and stay, but were often paid for thisservice, as the nomadic animals if allowed to rest for sometime in a field broughtmanure to it. But, with the start of irrigation projects, the symbiosis between farmersand herding castes has turned into open antagonism. One monsoon crop (that wasthe earlier trend) has changed to two crops and thus at no part of the year land isavailable for grazing. Animals cause considerable damage to the standing crops,and this creates tension among Raikas and settled cultivators. Nowadays newfertilizers are available in the market. This has again reduced the dependence offarmers on animal dumps. As a result, the settled farmers not only oppose thegraziers, but also resort to violence, sometimes resulting in heavy casualties. Thus,some of the Raikas have started entering into forests for grazing their herds. Buthere also there are problems. In Gujrat and Rajasthan forests have almostdisappeared, and thus the only state left with forest is M.P. But, as has been said inearlier chapters, the grazing tax in these forest areas is too high for them to pay.Moreover, foresters have started planting trees of eucalyptus, which is of no usefrom grazing point of view as well as from ecological point of view.

Raikas have had a fall in their status, after the ruling houses (of Rajputs)disposed of their camel-herds. After India’s independence the rulers of variousstates could not maintain the life style they led earlier and thus have to withdrawthe patronage they earlier generously extended to their subordinates. As has beensaid earlier they were also the losers in ‘Land Reform Act’. After independenceseveral development programmes have also been in progress. ‘Grow more food’

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rather than ‘grow more wool’, was India’s slogan of development afterindependence. To add to the problems of Raikas, areas which were set-aside invillages for grazing such as gocher were also illegally encroached upon by thepeasant classes and barbed wires were fenced round it. Raikas were restricted fromgrazing animals over there. Prasad has also documented many cases of conflictbetween pastoralists and agriculturists, between foresters and pastoralists, wheresettled population tried to stop the Rebaris from entering their areas. These conflictseven lead to bloodshed. (Prasad, R.R.) 13

Other reasons for scarcity of land for grazing has been given by Jodha, “Alongwith agriculture, other developments include increased availabity of tractors,shortening of the fallowing period, mining activities, creation of naturereserves.”(Jodha, Narpat,1985)14 Again according to Centre for Science andEnvironment 15concurrent with human population growth, livestock populationshave also risen and the stocking density has increased three times. There is a popularsaying among Raikas, “Earlier there used to be a jungle here, now there is nothing”.Moreover, central government has also closed the summer grazing grounds ofRaikas in Aravali hills and alternative pastures are absent. To add more problemfor Raikas, some of their traditional summer pastures in the Aravalli hills, (east ofthe desert), have been listed as nature reserves. Thus, with the scarcity of grazingland, majority of Raika herds are now on the brink of starvation and their chronichunger has ill affected their fertility.

Lack of Access to Veterinary and Medical Care: Disease and lack of accessto modern medicines is another major problem among Raikas. Though ingovernment documents it is emphatically said that government is making so muchefforts for helping pastoralists, but in reality, government veterinary care is generallyout of the reach of poor Raikas. They have to rely on their own resources. Many ofRaikas have good traditional knowledge about the treatment of diseases and cantreat minor and common ailments like wounds, skin diseases, diarrhea etc. quiteefficiently. But their ethno veterinary skills are not sufficient for controlling theproblem of disease like trypanosomiasis, although they try to treat their animalsprophylactic ally i.e. by protecting the animal from disease.

Most of the Raikas, due to nomadic life, are illiterate. They fail to group oridentify the differential functions of various medicines available in the market andfor them any white injection, whether penicillin or trypanocide, is the same.Moreover, they do not have any knowledge about the need of giving extra dosages.

Similarly, in regards to industrial preparation for managing treatment (BHCpowder, butox etc.), they are not aware of the fact that, these are toxic and have tobe handled with care.

Lack of Good Quality Breeding Animals: Lack of good quality breedinganimals is also a problem. Because of insufficient economic returns, Raikas arenot able to invest in good quality breeding animals. Thus, as per their knowledge


they make use of any male animal for husbandry purposes. Low quality offspringsare thus produced which fetch low price further lowering the economic returns.

Although government has provided sheep and rams of good quality to Raikasbut it has come out to be a total failure. These so-called good quality sheep offeredby government are of foreign origin and of no use in India. According to Raikas,unlike Indian sheep they can’t subsist in adverse conditions, can’t walk for long ongrazing areas, can’t eat whatever vegetation they find en route. And it is beyondthe reach of Raikas to buy special fodder for them, or to take them on trucks oranything else to the area having ample quantity of fodder and water. Same thing istrue for camel. Though the government has started programme for the provision ofbreeding camels, but the application procedures are so complicated and long thatit becomes too difficult for illiterate and traditional Raikas to take benefit out of it.

Lack of the Support for Marketing: Raikas do not find suitable market fortheir products like wool and animals. Although mandis are there, but because oftheir nomadic life pattern, they aren’t able to send their products to mandis.Generally, they have to sell them at very low rates to the merchants on the route.Here for unwashed wool they get Rs. 15/- per kg and for washed wool they getRs..30/- per kg. Same thing is true for animal sale. Earlier, milk sale was a taboo,but now some Raikas, in the changing context, have started selling milk of sheepand goat. Problems do not arise because dairies use this milk. Problem occurs withcamel milk. Dairies are not permitted to accept camel’s milk (although many ofthem do so in the name of the cow’s milk). The Rajasthan dairy cooperative hasdeclared camel milk as being of bad taste and unfit for human consumption.

No one is willing to agree that in other countries camel milk is valued highlyfor its nutritional benefits. It has been found out that camel’s milk has therapeuticeffect on certain human diseases, like typhoid, tuberculosis and liver diseases.

Lack of support for marketing of camel milk creates a problem for Raikas,since dairies change their (unofficial) policies about the acceptance of camel milk,depending on whether they have a problem to fulfill milk quota or not.

Social Isolation of Raikas: For their pitiable situation, two anthropologicalfacts are quite prominent. One is their dhani outside the village and another is thatthey remain outside the village on migration for almost three-fourth of the yearwith their cattle. Thus, they are totally unaware of development programmes andin fact sometimes government do not consider Raikas population as participants inthese programmes. For example in National Literacy Mission and Pulse Polio theysay that they are not considered as targets of these programmes and thus theyremain outside the structure of opportunities of development process.

Developmental Programmes for Raikas

Para-vet Training: This is a step taken to make the veterinary facilities availableto pastoralists in the remote villages.

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Training cum Sheep Breeding Programme: This scheme is sponsored bythe Rajasthan Scheduled Caste Development Cooperative Federation, Jaipur. Underthis project every year 180-schedule caste sheep breeder’s youth will be selectedfor training in sheep husbandry and allied subjects for two months.

Pasture and Sheep Development Programme: Aim of the project was todevelop pastures. Main theme of the program was that Raikas as they migratehave an adverse effect on vegetation. Thus certain schemes are made to preventthem from moving, and thus will benefit all the pasture, sheep and environment.

Certain Other Measures Taken by the Government for the Welfare ofRaikas: According to government documents, the state has always endeavoredfor the welfare of Raikas through its various departments like Department of Sheepand Wool and Animal Husbandry.

Integrated Sheep and Wool Development Project: This project envisageshealth coverage, breed improvement, product development, marketing assistanceand training camps. Health coverage includes protecting animals from internaland external parasites, which in turn leads to increase in productivity of animalsBreeding Programmes aims at improving the breed of animals by adoptingselective breeding programme. Provision is made in the programme to purchasebest rams and to supply them to breeders. Under the product development,producers are encouraged for undertaking proper washing of sheep beforeshearing, thus can get better return. They are even given certain incentives forthis. Marketing assistance aims at establishing direct contacts between producersand purchasers. Project of training camps aims at bringing change in traditionalmethods of sheep husbandry and to impart basic knowledge of modern sheephusbandry practices to Raikas.

Agriculture Development Programme: Under the Agricultural DevelopmentProject, a component of sheep development has also been incorporated.

National Water Shed Programme: In this programme also sheepdevelopment has been incorporated.

Moreover they are a part of Integrated Tribal Development Project & NAREGArun by Government of India. They have also been included in 5 percent reservationquota given to O.B.C. in addition to 49 percent already existing.

DISCUSSION & CONCLUSION

It is obvious that Raikas talk about their problems from their own viewpoint. Theyoften pretend to be most pitiable creatures in the world. Undoubtedly they havenot been able to attain their share of development after independence but if thoughtand seen in depth, they are themselves to some extent responsible for their problems.No development programme can be successful without the willing cooperation ofthose for whom the programmes is planned. Raika community is believed to bevery conservative and tight-lipped. It does not get easily opened up to outsiders.


They are reticent to provide even the most basic bits of information. But no projectcan be mounted without a solid database. Solution for this problem can be soughtout, if young literate Raikas are employed for the sole purpose of systematic datacollection.

There are also certain negative aspects of their demands. Raikas always demandthat Aravalli hill should be opened for grazing and there should be an abundantsupply of medicines for their animals. If unlimited access of the now restrictedforest areas is granted, this will only be stopgap measure with adverse consequencesfor the habitat of several forests dwelling tribal groups such as the Bhil and Girasias,as well as wild life species. Demand for an unlimited supply of medicines is notwrong on their part, because their main source of income is animal rearing. But anNGO named League for Pastoral People who are working among them has claimedthat they sell off medicines given to them. Moreover, indiscriminate use oftrypanocides could also lead to drug resistance of the microorganism that causesdisease. It will also be financially unsustainable because current cost of medicinesis very high. Therefore, for the solution of this problem, less costly ‘disease controlstrategies’ should be explored.

Certain social and cultural systems and religious rituals are also to an extentresponsible for their downtrodden situation. Opium consumption and death feasts(mausar) are some such traditions. Most of the Raikas are under debt, because ofthese avoidable expenditures. They can’t get loan for these socio-culturalexpenditure from the bank and thus they come under debt of Baniyas / Mahajans.They don’t sell their products like wool to government departments, which claimto give them good money, because they borrow money from moneylenders whoare viewed as prestigious person among them. Most of them clip the wool threetimes a year, which decreases the quality of this wool.

Raikas demand a plant Acacia species Prosopis juliflora to be eradicated. It isuseless as animal fodder and it causes harm to animal’s feet, but certain tribes, likesnake charmers use it as raw material for building shelter. Thus total eradication ofthis plant will be an injustice to other communities.

Raikas demand to be allowed to keep weapons and firearms so that they canprotect themselves if any conflict with villagers arises, or if any dacoits attackthem. But Raikas are themselves not cool tempered and if they are provided withweapons, small conflict might change into big ones.

It is observed that bias regarding Pastoral Development Programmes run bythe Government are visualized in context of Rebaris. In such programmes morepreference is given to agricultural communities which rear cattle as a subsidiaryoccupation. Moreover due to their nomadic lifestyle they also become deprived ofdevelopmental programmes regarding health ,education & so on.

We, thus, see that although the condition of Raikas is quite bad, but they are toan extent responsible for their situation. They however always hold government

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responsible for their problems. Some of their demands are not based on realitiesand are not forceful enough to be approved.

CHANGES TAKING PLACE AMONG RAIKAS

With the change in times and in an attempt to subsist in adverse conditions, Raikashave also tried to change themselves. Despite their continuing emotional linkagewith camel, (as the ritual meaning of camel at wedding and consideration of camelas status symbol) and the historical association with this animal which forms animportant part of their identity, it is now only a minority of Raikas for whom thisanimal forms the basis of subsistence. The majority of them have become involvedin sheep/goat husbandary. They have also started serving as cattle and buffaloherders of village, as caretakers in guashalas (cow-houses) or as traditional animalhealers. Although such animal related occupations are still typical for Raikas, manyof them have severed all connections with livestock and invested profits from thesale of their herds in agricultural land or in purchase of shops.

Though there are some exceptions but the general level of education amongRaikas is quite low, especially among girls. Most of the families are now makingefforts to provide at least one son with some education. But the level of literacyamong men actively engaged in animal herding and among the women is practicallynil.

In the area of study, only two male Raikas were found educated. They wereworking as teachers at Pali government schools. One Raika from Manpur has alsobeen elected as panch in panchayat system. But the majority of young men seekdaily wage labour outside Rajasthan, mostly in menial jobs, by which they canhardly earn their living. Educated Raikas, though the number is small, have startedpromoting the value of education in their community.

Kohler-Rollefson and Rathore16 have written in their report that some Raikasgo to Surat, Bombay or other big towns in south India where they work in thehouses of Marwari families, a caste with which they have long-term relations.They return to their villages, may be once a year, to visit their families and tobecome temporarily absorbed in their traditional culture.

R.R. Dewasi 17of Jojawar, Pali District has written in his report: As the timeschanged, the Dewasis also changed a little and bought some land and some wells.It was necessary for them to send children to school, but there were problemsbecause education went only to 7th/8th class and school going children were alsoneeded to herd the animals. (Dewasi).

In Rajasthan some Raikas have taken up new and non-traditional professions,but their number is very small. A former Raika teacher is now in the state’s accountservices. The first Raika to have become a veterinary doctor is from Pali district.Recently a Raika young man finished his graduation in engineering and is nowpreparing for the civil service examination. After obtaining a degree in medicine,


a Raika young man from Pali has sought employment in a Delhi hospital. Thereare many well-known Raika teachers and those active in state politics, but thecommunity on the whole, has remained pastoral, somewhere combining with settledlife in agriculture. Recent announcement of reservation for the socially andeducationally backward classes (OBC) will be helpful to them in diverting to non-traditional jobs. A Raika from Pali, has recently become LIC agent and is doingvery well.

Westphal-Hellbush and Westphal18 had noted that, “Raikas are adjusting to itin two ways, first by switching from the role of wool producer to that of a wooltrader and second by endeavoring to form milk cooperative. But, both these effortsare highly localized. In other areas, the proletarianisation of the Raikas is on increase;both men and women have taken to manual labour. They are also desperatelytrying to find viable alternatives to their traditional styles of livelihood”.

• Mr. Seva Ram Dewasi a former Raika teacher is now in state’s accountsservices.

• Dr. D. R. Dewasi is a first Raika to become Veterinary Doctor.

• Mr. Bhika Ram Dewasi is a young Raika man who has finished engineeringand is now preparing for civil services.

While talking of social advancement we shall have to distinguish betweenconsumerism and real development. The mere fact that some Raikas have a T.V.with 10 channels or that some others have started using soap or scented oil, shouldnot be construed as development. Real social development means having basiceducation, good health and environment, sound economic status and providingequal opportunities to all. It makes a family and a status community develops inthe real sense of the word. Unless and until specific programmes, both culturallyrooted and holistic, are made for them and implemented properly the future ofRaikas appears to be bleak. Efforts should be made to make pastoralism occupy anappropriate place in India’s planning so that Raikas as a community might surviveand retain their traditional culture and yet get assimilated in the mainstream ofnational life.

Thus Raika is a tradition bound community entrenched deeply in religiousand superstitious beliefs. They need social and government support to improvetheir economic and physical status. They deserve immediate attention in regard totheir general health and hygiene. A well thought out plan of action for improvementof herding techniques and a concerted effort to boost marketing of their animalproducts can go a long way in the betterment of their general standard of living. Itis however, reiterated that the survival of Raikas as a community need notnecessarily mean that they should be led or prompted to discontinue their nomadicpastoral life. Developmental agencies and the government should rather endeavor

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to apply technology and modernization to improve the wage earning power ofthese people without disturbing their basic values and livelihood patterns.

The fact however remains that no community can reap the fruits ofdevelopmental processes unless it actively involves in the ensuing changes.Members of Raika Community will have to come half way to receive the benefitsof development by accepting the basic tenets of general development. They willhave to cast off some of their inhibitions and conservative mind-set to accommodatewith the main stream of development. NGO’s can play an important role in sociallyeducating Raika community in shedding off some of their aloofness from the largersociety. Similarly the government will also have to prepare plans for thedevelopment of this community in such a manner that does not drastically interferewith the basic roots of their culture and traditions.

NEW DEBATE

The Vasundhara Raje government’s decision to accord camel the status of a “stateanimal” has left the nomadic Rebari community of Rajasthan worried for itslivelihood. In fact, the status would do even the animal more harm than good, feltby the community elders. Initial reports suggested that the government in itsenthusiasm to check camel slaughtering failed to discuss the pros and cons ofdeclaring it a ‘state animal’ with the camel herders, who have sizable populationin Rajasthan.

The decision to include camel as state animal-a status enjoyed only by chinkara(Gazelle bennettii) until now-was taken at a cabinet meeting chaired by chiefminister Raje at Bikaner .The government was yet to disclose what all prohibitionswould be imposed in handling camels from now on as per its new status. Thecabinet note released for the media simply said there would be a ban on the animal’smigration and smuggling.

A major concern among the state’s camel herders was whether they would benow allowed to put nose-pegs to control the animal, ride it and use it as a beast ofburden. “Putting nose pegs, riding it and using it to carry loads would go againstthe dignity of a state animal status,” believe Umaid Singh Rebari of Shree BharatGopalak Rebari Mandal. “The government has acted in haste without consultingthe camel herders. The decision would harm the animal as people would begin toabandon it finding it economically unviable. Camel slaughtering can be checkedwithout this status also,” he said.

BJP legislator Otaram, too, said, “We rear camels for livelihood. If our earningfrom them stops, why would we keep them?” The legislator underlined that ridinga camel held a social significance for the Rebari community. “A Rebari groom hasto mandatorily ride a camel for the ‘toran’ ceremony before entering the bride’shouse,” he said. Further, the Border Security Force (BSF) personnel ride camels topatrol along the Indo-Pak border.


Checks on the animal’s inter-state migration in search of fodder during summeror drought conditions could play havoc on the camel owners. “Besides camels,Rebaris keep hundreds of cows and other milch animals. During extreme weather,an entire Rebari family or the entire community village traditionally migrate toneighbouring states like Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Haryana. If camels are nowstopped from migrating along with the cows, where will their owners keep them?”asked Ratan Devasi, former Congress legislator from Jalore district.

Rajpal Singh, a state wildlife board member, said, “Experience show thataccording state animal status to chinkara or state bird status to godawan (GreatIndian Bustard) has not helped. To help improve the condition of camels thegovernment would do well if it focuses on increasing the animal’s use in particularrural terrains and link it to the village economy.”(Times of India July,2014).

The State government is also in the process of drafting a new law to preventslaughter, illegal trade and transportation and has announced that it will includecamel milk in its food security programme. Camels provide livelihood to a largenumber of people in rural Rajasthan. (The Hindu ,July 2014).

Concern of Government about declining number of camel population is worthappreciable but the livelihood and culture of Raika community is framed aroundcamel herding. This should also be taken into consideration .Otherwise one day itmay be possible that this semi nomadic community preserving hard to conserve itscolourful culture, specialized in ethno veterinary knowledge and pastoral herdingwill become extinct one day. Villages and villages together where majorconcentration is of Raika population is switching over to other occupations. Situationis alarming.

RECOMMENDATIONS

In the context of the understanding and analysis of major problems of Raikas,certain actions need to be taken by the State:

• Raikas should be given proper instructions not to change the migratoryroutes now and then.

• In migratory routes, settled grazier should not be allowed to make bada orto do tarabandi to preclude Raikas from grazing their herds.

• Checkposts should be made more effective and on each checkpostsappropriate staff of Sheep and Wool Department, Police Department andLand Revenue Department should be appointed to be present jointly forlooking after interests of mobile groups of Raikas and their herds.

• As Raikas are nomadic and have to move with their herds in search ofwater and fodder efforts should be made to prevent them from sun, rainand storms. They must be provided with financial assistance for theconstruction of some sheds in areas where they generally hold their camps.

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Arrangements for clean water and medical aid should be made with theassistance of NGOs. In order to prevent themselves from enemies theyshould be allowed to keep licenced arms after objective checking.

• Herds of Raikas should be allowed to graze in forest areas because,according to ecologists, forests do not get any harm when animals justpass away after grazing. Special programmes and policies should be madefor the preservation and development of pastures.

• Their ethnoveterinary knowledge should be blended with modernknowledge so to provide utmost health benefit to cattle & in turn thecommunity.

• For sorting out clashes with the sedentary villagers panchayats should betaken into confidence so that some peaceful and permanent solution couldbe found out.

• They should be represented properly in governing bodies.

• Government does not consider sheep and goat business as an animalbusiness. They are not included in famine code. They should bereconsidered to include sheep and goat in animal business.

• Wool is not considered as agriculture genesis, but still agriculture marketis taking tax on it. Government should resolve this anomaly.

• Appropriate price should be fixed for wool by the Government, sale oflocal wool should be encouraged & supported. Proper markets should bearranged for them.

• According to Raikas ,government don’t want to give employment to theminspite of the fact that they are enlisted in OBC. Government must endeavorto create job opportunities in their traditional professions.

• Some effective and cost efficient treatments for main diseases need to beidentified. There are still no satisfactory solutions for controlling the twomost important health problems, mange and trypanosomiasis. Raikasshould be made aware that existing traditional knowledge of treatmentcould be reinforced. But it should also be enhanced with modern methodsor treatment when necessary.

• Awareness should be created among Raikas about the harmful effects ofsome of the dangerous chemical substance (like plant pesticides), whichhave somehow taken entry into their therapeutic treatment.

• Camel numbers are declining day by day. It is imperative to givesome attention to the identification and preservation of local breeds andstrains that are of superior quality in regards to breeding and diseaseresistance.


• Some provisions should be made to allot land to Raikas so that alternativesto migrations can be found out.

• During migration, special markets should be arranged so as to makeprovision for effective distribution of their daily needs.

• Wool and animal business should be given the status of industry.

• Benefit of the development programmes should be extended to nomadicpastoralists even during migratory periods, with the active support of localself government bodies.

• Ecologically sound programmes should be devised for them.

• Efforts should be made to develop community through communitydevelopment programmes and for that purpose youth from among thecommunity must be trained.

Notes & References

1. All India Nomadic Enquiry Report, (1891).

2. Sanford, Stephen, (1981), Management of Pastoral Development in the Third World,Chischester: Wiley, pp. 2-3.

3. Robbin, Paul, (1998), Nomadization in Western Rajasthan India: An Institutional andEconomic Perspective, Human Ecology, 26(1), pp. 87-112.

4. Westphal-Hellbusch, Sigrid, (1975), Changes in meaning of ethnic names as examplifiedby the Jat, Rabari, Bharvad and Charan is northwestern India, in L. Leshnik and G.Sontheimer, eds., Pastoralists and Nomads in South Asia, Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, pp.117-138.

5. Srivastava, Vinay, (1997), Religious Renunciation of a Pastoral People, Delhi: OxfordUniversity Press, pp. 18-47.

6. Rollefson, Kohler, I. (1995), Camels in the Land of Kings, Natural History, 104 (3), pp 54-61.

7. Kavoori, Purnendu, (1990), Pastoral Transhumance in Eastern Rajasthan: A Report onthe Migratory System of Sheep, Mimeo, Jaipur, Rajasthan: Institute of Development Studies,pp. 28-9.

8. Dyson - Hudson R. and J. T. McCabe, (1985), Water Resources and Livestock Movementsin South Turkana, Kenya, Nomadic Peoples, no. 19 (September).

9. Pallmieri, (1982), in Srivastava Vinay, (1997), Religious Renunciation of a Pastoral People,Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp.30-31.

10. Srivastava Vinay, (1987), Some Issues in the Anthropology of Development, Man in India,64(4), pp317-34.

11. Agarwal Arun, (1999), Greener Pastures: Politics, Markets and Community Among aMigrant Pastoral People, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. 101-103.

12. Mankad, B. L. (1939), Rabaris of Kathiawad - A Social Study, Journal of University ofBombay, (7), pp. 31-79.

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13. Prasad, R.R., (1994), Pastoral Nomadism in Arid Zones of India: Socio Demographic andEcological Aspects, New Delhi: Discovery.

14. Jodha, Narpat, (1985), Population Growth and the Decline of Common Property Resourcesin Rajasthan, India, Population and Development Review (11) pp.247-63.

15. Centre for Science and Environment Report.

16. Rollefson, Kohler and Rathore, H.S., (1977), Camel Pastoralism in Pali District ofRajasthan: Anachronism or Chance? A Report on the Camel Husbandry ImprovementProject (CHIP), Ober - Ramstadt/Sadri.

17. Dewasi, R.R.,(1999), The Camel in India: A Threatened Livestock Species? Status ReportAction Plan Policy Recommendations by Lokhit Pashu Palak Sansthan, Sadri and Leaguefor Pastoral Peoples, Germany.

18. Westphal-Hellbusch, Sigrid, (1975), Changes in meaning of ethnic names as examplifiedby the Jat, Rabari, Bharvad and Charan is northwestern India, in L. Leshnik and G.Sontheimer, eds, Pastoralists and Nomads in South Asia, Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, pp.117-138.

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