Drugs, Crime & Sport: Mark Williams MSc

8/14/2019 Drugs, Crime & Sport: Mark Williams MSc

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University of Teesside

School of Social Science & Law

MSc Contemporary Issues of Drug Use

Drugs, Crime & Sport:

Can sport be used as an effective tool for reducing

problematic drug use and offending behaviour?

An account , of clients, sports staff and substance misuse

professionals involved in the 2nd

chance sportsprogramme County Durham and a review of previous

research finding.

Mark Williams

Dr Mark Simpson

Date of submission: 29 th of August 2008


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G7086401 Drugs, Crime & Sport

Word Count: 21.810

Acknowledgement

First and foremost I would like to thank my Wife and best friend Carole for her

belief in me and her constant support and encouragement when I needed it most.

I would also like to thank my Parents, Sons, family, and friends who have also

encouraged and supported me, especially throughout the writing of this

dissertation.

I would like to acknowledge all of the participating Agencies, Organisations,

Professionals and especially Clients. Without their participation and cooperation,

this piece of work would never have been possible.

I am also very grateful to my employer Addaction and my colleagues, past and

present, who have supported me and have had an invaluable influence on my

development and progression.

Last but not least, I would like to give a very big thank you to Frank Whittle, Mark

Symington and Sarah Landale. They have all been a fountain of ideas,

inspiration and most importantly motivation throughout my study. Without their

help, support and guidance this would not have been possible.

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Dedicated to my Grandmother Martha Mary Rees and my Father In-law Arthur

West who would have been so proud.

Abstract

The following study explores and examines the possible influences sports

activities may have on effectively reducing problematic drug use and the

subsequent crime related to the problem. It will focus predominantly on the 2 nd

Chance Sports Programme in County Durham and review the current opinion of

both the professionals and participating clients on its benefits.

The purpose of this study is to investigate specific themes connected to the use

of sport as a tool in rehabilitating drug using offenders. Firstly, it will examine the

arguments surrounding the possible links between sports activities and a

reduction in drug use and offending behaviour. Secondly, it will examine the

argument of cost effectiveness of such programmes. Finally, it will look at the

social attitudes and opinions vented towards such sports-based interventions for

the rehabilitation of drug using offender. It will examine a variety of similar

programmes which have embraced this concept and review both their findings

and outcomes.

A phenomenological approach will be used due to the fact that it will be asking

for their individual perceptions and experiences, and a purposive sample of four

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drug using clients, two sports coaching professionals and two substance misuse

professionals were selected due to their personal involvement in the programme.

All professionals are currently working with drug using offenders on a regular

basis. The overall Opinion from previous research in to the 2 nd Chance

Programme and this current research study on the importance of sport and how it

can be implemented as an intervention to reduce an individuals drug use and

offending behaviour have been strikingly similar among clients, sports coaching

staff and substance misuse professionals. Both client and professional

perception has largely been that sporting activities do have a major role to play inboth reducing drug use and offending behaviour. However, there is also a body

of academic literature which questions this argument. The conclusion of this

study supports the argument that sport does have a major role to play in the

treatment of drug use and in reducing acquisitive crime. It will also argue that

public attitude towards such initiatives rehabilitating drug users and offenders are

extremely negative and that punishment and not rehabilitation is at the forefront

of public opinion. Finally it will argue that the cost effectiveness of these

programmes can only be examined once the rationale or specific objectives of

the programme are more clearly defined. However, the study does support the

argument that drug treatment is cost effective in reducing problematic drug use

and crime.

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Content

Chapter 1

Introduction

1) Background 8

2) The link between drugs & crime 13

3) 2 nd Chance Programme 14

Chapter 2

Literature Review

1) Drugs & Crime 17

2) Sport, Drugs & Crime 20

3) Sports Culture 28

Chapter 3

Methodology

1) Preparation 33

2) Sampling 34

3) Interviews 35

4) Transcription and Coding 38

5) Analysis 38

6) Ethical Considerations 40

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Chapter 4

Does it work?

1) Little Evidence and Poorly Developed Rationale 43

2) Those in Favour 50Chapter 5

Review of Interviews

1) The Professionals view 61

2) The Clients view 67

Chapter 6

1) Cost Effectiveness 74

2) Social Attitude 79

Chapter 7

Conclusion 89

Chapter 8Appendix A: Invitation Letter for Professionals 98

Appendix B: Invitation Letter for Clients 100

Appendix C: Information Sheet for Clients 102

Appendix D: Consent Form 104

Appendix E: Interview Guide for Professionals 105

Appendix F: Interview Guide for Clients 106

Appendix G: Face Sheet for Clients 107

Appendix H: Transcripts of Clients 108

Appendix I: Transcripts of Professionals 116

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Appendix J: Request for Ethical Approval Form 126

References 133

Glossary

DAAT Drug & Alcohol Action Team

DCMS Department for Culture, Media and Sport

DH Department of Health

DIP Drug Interventions Programme

FA Football Association

FF Football Foundation

GONE Government Office North East

HO Home Office

NIDA National Institute on Drug Abuse

NOMS National Offender Management Service

NTA National Treatment Agency for Substance Misuse

NTORS National Treatment Outcomes Research Study

PPO Prolific & Priority Offenders

YOI Youth Offending Institute

YOT Youth Offending Team

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Chapter 1

Introduction

The Background

In Britain, as in many other countries, there is a widespread, though largelyuntested, assumption that sport and physical activities can make an important

contribution to reducing drug use and crime. The provision of sporting facilities as

a means of accommodating disaffected working class youth has been articulated

in several policy statements since the early 1960s, and that policy was reinforced

by the rise in youth unemployment and by the serious urban unrest in the 1980s

and 1990s. Waddington (2000:1)

The UN Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs of 1961 was the first international

document endorsing the principle of providing measures of treatment, education

aftercare, rehabilitation and social reintegration as an alternative to, or in addition

to, conviction or punishment (Article 36b) for drug related offences.

This principle has been reaffirmed several times in subsequent years in

international agreements, strategies and action plans (European Monitoring

Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction - EMCDDA 2005). The EU Drugs Action

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Plan 2005-2008 asks member states to 'make effective use and develop further

alternatives to prison for drug addicts who commit drug-related offences'

(European Commission, 2005).

Within Britain, sport-based schemes designed to combat delinquency and drug use

have won support from all the major political parties, from the police, the probation

service, and local government and, not surprisingly, from organisations involved in

promoting sport, such as the Sports Council and Sport England. On this basis,such schemes have attracted large amounts of funding both from the government

and from voluntary sector organisations concerned with drug users and offenders;

at the moment they are of particular interest in terms of the Governments agenda

on social exclusion.

The research undertaken as part of this study will focus on how clients and

professionals perceive the use of sport and specifically the 2 nd Chance

Programme as an effective intervention in reducing their problematic drug use

and subsequent offending behaviour which can be related directly to their

addiction. A brief introduction to the 2 nd chance programme and its origins is

highlighted here in Chapter 1.

The Clients and professionals involved in the 2 nd Chance Sports Initiative have

been interviewed, using a semi-structured interviewing technique and the

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approach used was ethno-methodological. Interviews did not take longer than 30

minutes and in these interviews clients were asked to briefly describe their

background, outline how long they had be introduced to the programme, how

long they had been accessing the sports provision available and how easy it was

to access the sports programmes. They were also asked to share their opinion

on how the sports programme could be improved or broadened.

The sports coaching staff and the substance misuse professionals give details of

any previous experiences, relevant knowledge, and qualifications relating toeither sports coaching or substance misuse worker role. Finally their personal

opinions and impressions, gained from their experiences on using sport and

sports activities to engage and to treat problematic drug users and to address

their offending behaviour.

One important point to consider when reviewing the outcomes of the professional

interviews would be that although both the sports coaching staff and the

substance misuse professionals work together and both passionately believe that

the use of sport is extremely beneficial for the clients and their well being, both

sets of professional come from very different backgrounds and agendas.

However, even though the professionals meet from different cultures and

agendas their opinions and attitudes towards the use of sport as a tool to engage

and treat problematic drug using offenders is strikingly similar.

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Chapter 2 covers the literature review. After delving into the concept and

reviewing the relevant literature and material available this study can conclude

that there has been a limited amount of research invested in investigating the

links between sport, drug treatment and crime reduction and that a considerable

amount of the research focusing on this concept is mostly directed at youth crime

and drug addiction. There has also been a limited amount of governmental

documentation, policies or guidance available for review when researching in this

area. However there has been some notable academic research from both these

shores and beyond which together with a small group of studies, including thisone, form the base of a large amount of the arguments and conclusions.

Chapter 3 looks at the methodology and methods used during conducting the

interviews. It will concentrate on sampling strategies, data collection, recording

information, transcription, strategies used to analyse the interviews, and finally

the possible risks and ethical implications.

Chapter 4 will be divided in to the arguments fore and against the idea that sport

can be used as an effective tool in combating drug use and crime. It will discuss,

compare, argue and summarise the main findings and opinions. This study will

argue that sports programmes such as the 2 nd chance programme do have a

significant role to play in both the treatment of drug use and in the reduction of

acquisitive crime.

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Chapter 5 reviews the research material gathered from the client and

professional interviews highlighting themes of consensus, before attempting to

construct the conclusion which will indicate that both clients and professionals

overwhelmingly support the arguments for such programmes.

Chapter 6 will consider some of the main issues surrounding the cost

effectiveness of the programmes and to review public opinion and attitudes

towards the use of such initiatives in the rehabilitation of drug using offenders.

Chapter 7 will provide a concluding summary of the study as a whole, pointingout the possible weaknesses and limitations within it, such as the limitations in

size. It will also highlight ideas for further research and debate such as, larger

scale and more longitudinal research studies with a more defined rationale.

Chapter 8 consists of all the relevant documentation required in undertaking the

research study, such as, letters of invitation, research information and consent

forms. The interview questions and references can also be found in this section.

The intended outcome of this study is to be an informative and useful piece of

work for both professionals working in the sports activities field and those

working in the substance misuse and criminal justice fields. It hopes that it will

give useful indications as to how the clients or participants perceive the concept

and the service provision already available and how they feel it can be developed

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or improved. It will also give a strong indication as to how the professionals

directly involved in the programme perceive the concept and its potential.

It is expected that this piece of work, although limited, may have some

contribution in influencing those who have the privilege of policy making and

commissioning schemes and services that utilise the concept of sport as a tool in

reducing drug use and crime. However, as Weiss (1997) so poignantly suggests

Nobody in high office reads social science journals, far less papers or books.

Coalter (2007:15)

Pawson (2006) cited in Coalter (2007:15) suggests that As one ascends the

intervention hierarchy the capacity to absorb complex information dwindles by

the bullet point, so that rules out some potential readers!

The study will now briefly examine the interaction between drugs and crime. This

relationship is a complex one and an in-depth examination is beyond the scope

of this study. However, it will give a brief outline of the possible links for the

purpose of the arguments and its outcomes of the study.

Links between drugs and crime.

Crime may result from the illegality of the drug itself, such as possession of, the

selling of, or the importing of an illegal substance. It maybe caused by behaviour

accredited to the influence of the drug itself on the individual or individuals.

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Finally, it may be related to the need for acquiring monies to buy the drugs. This

could lead to individuals participating in activities such as, theft, burglary, or

robbery to fulfil this need.

A review of the literature regarding drug abuse and the criminal justice system

(Hough 1996) concluded that, despite the widespread use of illegal drugs, most

drug users are not drawn into other forms of crime. A small minority of drug users

develop serious dependency problems, need substantial sums of money and

finance at least part of their drug misuse through crime. The variety of sourcesincludes income, benefits, and gifts, loans, selling property, theft, prostitution and

drug dealing. This review also found that a significant minority of crime is drug-

related, where the proceeds of the offence happen to be spent on drugs, but a

smaller proportion is drug-driven, where the offence is committed solely to pay

for illegal drugs.

The 2nd Chance Programme.

The Drug Interventions Programme is a large scale Home Office funded crime

reduction programme which seeks to get drug using offenders into treatment and

retain them there in order to reduce their levels of offending. Treatment

programmes which offer pharmacological and psychological interventions are

key to this behaviour change, however there is frequently a problem in motivating

individuals to engage in this process of change.

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Many have a range of additional problems and difficulties largely resulting from

social exclusion and there is a need to develop programmes and interventions

more suited to their needs and interests and to include accommodation, learning

and skills and employment as part of the essential wrap around services.

Since June 2005 a series of football training projects have been run throughout

North East England as part of a unique rolling Drug Interventions Programme

sports initiative. The 8-week long projects which run for a day each week have

been supported and led by student coaches within the North Easts five main

universities, each resulting in local tournaments in Newcastle, Teesside,Sunderland and Durham. Affiliated with the FA, over 400 drug service users

have to date been engaged in sporting activities through this Project. 14 service

users have gained FA coaching qualifications and 1 individual has since found

employment.

In May 2006 Durham University embarked on the fifth sports Programme,

involving service users from both Durham and Darlington Drug Intervention

Programmes. Addaction led the Durham DIP contribution supported by DISC

and Lifeline, with NECA leading from Darlington. An average of 25 drug users

took part in the football coaching programme whilst 4 women took part in

activities in the gym. Twelve Durham university students coached the service

users and achieved their FA Level 1 coaching certificates.

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During the summer of 2007 the 2nd Chance Sports Programme was rolled out

throughout the North East replacing the old DIP sports initiative. The programme

had received a considerable increase in funding through the Football foundation,

Sport England and Northern Rock, as well as retaining the long term funding

commitments from all of the Drug & Alcohol Action Teams (DAATs) in the North

East. The 2nd chance programme opened up to all service users and not only

DIP clients as was originally the case. It also offered a much wider variety of

sports and sports activites, such as, rock climbing, white water rafting and

archery, to name but a few. Durham University actually advertised the possibilityof over forty different sports and has pioneered rowing with the potential of

entering boat crews made up of clients in the local Regatta and other racing

events. The 2nd chance programme in County Durham currently runs weekly

core activities, such as, the Gym, football, trampolining, and kick boxing as well

as monthly taster events such as, archery and rockclimbing, as mentioned

earlier. Clients are regularly asked for feedback on the events and also surveyed

as to what events and activities they wish to participate. All events and activities

are organised and coordinated by the University coaching staff and the

participating staff from the relevant drug support agencies.

Chapter 2 will now review the literature used in constructing the relevant

arguements of this study, both those in favour of the use of sport as a

rehabilitative tool and those with reservations regarding its effectiveness.

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Chapter 2

Literature Revie w

Drugs & Crime

In Britain, as in many other western societies, there has been over the last two or

three decades growing concern over what has been described as 'widespread

drug use amongst very large numbers of young people' (Parker et al., 1998: 1).

In particular, concern has been expressed about the use of illegal recreational

drugs such as cannabis and 'harder' drugs such as cocaine, as well as the many

and various kinds of criminal behaviour said to be associated with drug use

(Boreham and McManus, 2003; Condon and Smith, 2003). This concern has

manifested itself in a number of ways, not least in the emergence of a plethora of

policy initiatives designed to combat social problems, including those of adult

drug users and offenders.

In 2007 The European Association for the Treatment of Addictions (EATA)

statistics showed that approximately 4 million people are using at least 1 illicit

drug each year throughout the UK. It is estimated that drug habits cost between

10 and 18 billion therefore in response to the current problem the government

allocated in the region of 400 million to be spent on treatment services and

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provision in 2008 (NTA 2007). In an attempt to address the high levels of illicit

drug use, the national drugs strategy Tackling Drugs Together was published in

1995 and the 10 year strategy Tackling drugs to build a better Britain 1998. This

strategy has now been review, revamped, and relaunched in April 2008 with just

as much importance and priority as its predesesors.

The National Treatment Agency (NTA) is also a leading organization in terms of

substance misuse, the NTA was launched in 2001 as a specialist agency to

improve the availability, capability and effectiveness of treatment for drug

misuse in England (NTA, 2007).

The interaction between drugs and crime is complex, examining the full extent is

beyond the remit of this study. However, it will give a brief outline of the possible

links for the purpose of this dissertation, its arguments and its outcomes.

Crime may result from the illegality of the drug itself, such as possession of, the

selling of, or the importing of an illegal substance. It maybe caused by behaviour

accredited to the influence of the drug itself on the individual or individuals.

Finally, it may be related to the need for acquiring monies to buy the drugs. This

could lead to individuals participating in activities such as, theft, burglary, or

robbery to fulfil this need.

A review of the literature regarding drug abuse and the criminal justice system

(Hough 1996) concluded that, despite the widespread use of illegal drugs, most

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drug users are not drawn into other forms of crime. A small minority of drug users

develop serious dependency problems, need substantial sums of money and

finance at least part of their drug misuse through crime. The variety of sources

includes income, benefits, and loans, selling property, theft, prostitution and drug

dealing. This review also found that a significant minority of crime is drug-related,

where the proceeds of the offence happen to be spent on drugs, but a smaller

proportion is drug-driven, where the offence is committed solely to pay for illegal

drugs.

While hard and fast definitions are impossible, the term problem drug users is

generally employed by drug workers to include those whose drug taking involves

dependency, regular excessive use, or use which creates serious health risks.

There are, depending on source, an estimated 90,000 to 250,000 problem drug

users in England and Wales who could benefit from different forms of treatment.

NTORS (2005). A Home Office report on referring offenders to drug services

adds that those users whom we regard as problematic typically use large

amounts of heroin, crack or amphetamine; usually as part of a pattern of

polydrug use; they generally show signs of dependency; their drug use poses

risks to themselves and others; and they are often extensively involved in crime

to support their drug use. Hough, M. (1996)

Problem drug users are those who could benefit from the services of drug

agencies offering medical or other forms of treatment. However, the Association

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of Chief Officers of Probation advises caution in drawing too precise a conclusion

about crime and drug use by stating that it is simplistic to assume drug misuse

causes otherwise honest individuals to commit crime. What appears to happen is

that problematic drug use often coexists with other deviant behaviour including

offending. As drug use becomes increasingly problematic, the individuals

propensity to offend increases. Increasingly problematic drug use is therefore

associated with the frequency and scale of offending but is much less often

associated with initiating a criminal career. House of Commons Report (2000:14)

Sport, Drugs & Crime

The use of sport has never played a major part in crime reduction or drug

rehabilitation programmes for adults, though it is argued that the Positive Futures

Programme run with Youth Offending Teams (YOTs) and other simular projects

and initiatives have clearly identified the value that sport has in engaging with

hard to reach groups, such as drug using offenders, or have they? Determining

whether sports activites are an effective tool in combatting drug use and crime

will be the main focus of this dissertation.

Coalter (2007) has examined the presumption that sport has the potential to

alleviate a variety of social problems and generally to improve both individualsand the communities in which they live. Sport is promoted as a relatively cost

effective antidote for a range of issues, such as, social exclusion, drug abuse,

persistent offending and educational underachievement, to name but a few.

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A large majority of the most recent literature surrounding this concept presents a

political and historical context for increased governmental interest in what has

become known as sport for good. The literature explores the particular social

issues that governments seek to address through sport, and examines the nature

and extent of the evidence for sports positive role.

Coalter (2007:1) highlights that in recent years sports have achieved an

increasingly high profile as part of New Labours social inclusion agenda. He

goes on to say that this is due to the assumption regarding its potential

contribution to addressing the social issues mentioned above and at the sametime being cost effective. However, these new opportunities which have been

welcomed by many involved in sport have been accompanied by a potential

threat which is, evidence based policy making.

The cost implications linked to drug use and crime, especially to the criminla

justice system are not only enormous in monetary terms but also in the price to

society in terms of human dignity. The National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA)

states, According to several conservative estimates, every $1 invested in

addiction treatment programs yields a return of between $4 and $7 in reduced

drug-related crime, criminal justice costs, and theft alone. When savings related

to health care are included, total savings can exceed costs by a ratio of 12 to 1.

With such savings reportedly possible it is hard not to justify an increase drug

treatment programs and initiatives. Chapter six will examine the differing views

and opinions regarding this question and attempt to derive a conclusion.

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The economic costs imposed upon society by the NTORS cohort were largely

due to their criminality. Crime costs made up a substantial proportion of the total

economic costs of addiction, whereas direct addiction treatment costs accounted

for only six per cent of costs.

Detailed calculations of the crime costs after NTORS treatments were made both

in terms of offences and client contacts with the criminal justice system (arrests,

court appearances, prison stays etc). Both methods yielded similar results with

considerable reductions in crime costs after treatment. Health and social care

costs were relatively small in comparison. The reductions in offences wereassociated with a drop in crime costs from around 6m before treatment to

approximately 2m at one year follow-up. Subsequent crime costs estimates at a

two year follow-up were also recording lower than at admission.

Cost-effectiveness and cost-benefit studies carried out in the US have also

shown that drug treatment was cost-effective and cost-beneficial in terms of

crime reduction effects. In most cases, the cost of treatment was recouped

during treatment, with additional cost-benefits as a result of reduced post-

treatment drug use.

A variety of commentators such as, (Coalter 2007 & Nichols 2007) point out that

the effectiveness of sports interventions are not easily measured and therefore

difficult to evidence. They also draw attention to the lack of a strong cumulative

body of research evidence for which to inform policy and practice. In fact, in an

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era of evidence-based policy making, the cumulative evidence base for many

claims for sport is relatively weak.

As for the links between sport and crime prevention (Coalter, Nichols, and

Crabbe) argue and discuss the vague and really unexamined claims regarding

sports ability to tackle such issues as anti-social behaviour, crime and substance

misuse. It is argued that this assumption is not a new one, in fact he refers to

Bailey (1978) and the Department of the Environment, white paper (1975:2)

which discuss concerns around boredom and urban frustration and itscontribute to the reduction of hooliganism and delinquency.

The debate about the relationship between sports participation and crime divides

broadly into theories about rehabilitation of offenders and theories regarding

crime prevention or diversion. The rehabilitation theory tends to involve small

schemes with limited numbers of offenders or drug users, and is often based on

out door adventure activities. They tend to focus more on an intensive

counselling approach in which the programme is adapted to meet the needs of

the drug users or offenders. They are aimed at developing personal and social

skills, improve self-esteem and self-confidence, which it is hope will be

transferred to the wider social context and reduce drug use and offending

behaviour. Coalter (1998). Taylor et al (1999), West & Crompton (2001), Nichols

and Crow, (2004).

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Diversionary programmes, which are the predominant concern of social policy,

tend to be relatively large scale, open access sports programmes targeted at

youth at risk and run in specific areas for maximum effect. Coalter (2007:116)

With New Labours social inclusion agenda the significance of sport is indicated

by the establishment of a national sports-based programme called Positive

Futures. This was established in 2002 and by the end of 2004 had received over

6 million in funding, as a partnership between the Home Office Drugs Strategy

Directorate, Sport England, the Youth Justice Board and the Football Foundation.

Coalter (2007:116). In many circles it is still undecided whether the money spenton these and other similar initiates are a good investment or could be used more

productively.

The initial 24 Positive Futures projects were directly targeted at 10 16 year olds

and little if no funds made available to engage older young people or adults.

However, there are also indications from other initiatives, especially from the

USA that show that sports activities such as, midnight soccer or basketball

seem to have been associated with reductions in recorded crime. Morgan (1998),

Wilkins (1997), Hartmann & Depro (2006).

Coalter (2007:7) concludes that if research is to inform policy, he argues that it is

essential to seek to explore the question of sufficient conditions , which sports, in

which conditions, have what effects for which participants?

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A Major narrative review of the impacts of sports concluded that, although there

appear to be strong theoretical arguments for the potentially positive contribution

which sport can make to the reduction of the propensity to commit crime, there is

an absence of robust intermediate or outcome data. Coalter et al (2000:47).

Coalter, Nichols and Crabbe amongst others reiterate throughout there literature

that we may need to adopt a different approach to research and evaluation if

sports researchers are to develop their understanding and make a substantial

contribution to sports policy.

Nichols (2007) amongst others also asks the question Can sport help create an

environment that dissuades young people from crime and how can we better

measure the effects of sports-led initiatives against crime?

Nichols has examined eight different sports-led initiatives from around the World

and to evaluate them by highlighting best practice in programme design and

evaluation, as well as the success and failure of the programmes.

Although Nichols is mostly focusing on youth drug use and crime, this study feels

that the same questions and answers can be used when directed at both adult

drug users and adult offenders. Especially as many of the most problematic drug

using offenders are in their late teens and early twenties.

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Nichols suggests how there may be synergy between programme objectives of

crime reduction and sports development. He argues that by understanding the

process by which sports activity may be an effective medium

for crime reduction programmes has implications for other forms of programmes

utilising other mediums such as art.

It is argued by some observers that an understanding of the role of sport in

programmes to reduce both problematic drug use and criminal behaviour

requires an understanding of how such programmes have a positive impact onthe individuals. Nichols draws attention to Brantingham and Fausts (1976)

categorisation of programmes as Primary, Secondary and Tertiary as discussed

earlier. Understanding these categorisations and choosing the correct type for

any future schemes may be important in the success of the scheme and

evaluating and interpreting the findings and outcomes.

Notwithstanding the rhetorical and common-sense claims made on behalf of the

effectiveness of sport in the community schemes, the consensus among more

critical observers is that, despite the vast numbers of such schemes currently in

operation in the UK, there is very little evidence for their effectiveness in reducing

and preventing crime and drug abuse(Coalter, 2001; Collins and Kay, 2003;

Dunning and Waddington, 2003; Hartmann, 2001; Long and Sanderson, 2001;

Long et al., 2002; Nichols, 1997, 2004; Robins, 1990). This argument is due to a

lack of hard evidence on the outcomes of these programmes . Research has

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been soft to say the least and without hard facts this concept will always be a

focus of scepticism and criticism.

In addition to the absence of supporting empirical evidence there are also a

number of theoretical reasons why one might be sceptical about the claims made

on behalf of the effectiveness of such schemes. One frequent justification for the

use of sport in schemes where crime and drug reduction or prevention is the

main objective is that sport can create enjoyment and excitement, and thus

provide an antidote to boredom, for young people (Coalter, 2001; DCMS/StrategyUnit, 2002; Nichols, 1997).

It is certainly the case, as Elias and Dunning (1986) have argued, that sport can

be seen as a quest for excitement. However, as Crabbe (2000: 383) has noted,

this is often for much the same reason that people might also choose to use

illicit drugs, become involved in criminal activity or even sport-related violence. In

this regard, several studies have emphasised the importance that many young

people, particularly young males, attach to the use of legal (alcohol and tobacco)

and illegal drugs (such as cannabis and ecstasy) as one way in which to create

excitement, enjoyment and self-confidence while hanging around and

socializing in the company of like-minded friends in their leisure time (see e.g.

Measham et al., 1998; Parker et al., 1998; Pavis and Cunningham-Burley, 1999;

Shildrick, 2002).

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Research has indicated that increased physical fitness, as a consequence of

sports participation, may enhance self-esteem (Trujillo, 1983). Sporting

achievement, may also offer a means of improving self-esteem. Self-esteem is

especially important for adolescents, for whom a central concern is establishing

their own sense of self-identity through social relations (Hendry et al., 1993:31-

57).

There is also evidence that sports activity can assist in the treatment of mental

health issues (see e.g. Careless & Douglas 2004, Morris & Faulkner 2003).Occupational therapy commentators, despite taking up different theoretical

positions about the role and value of occupationally-linked activities in every day

life, seem to agree that engagement in physical activity has the potential to add

meaning and purpose to peoples lives. For example, Hammel (2004) argues that

purposeful activities, which would include football, have the potential to add

meaning through doing, being, belonging and becoming, while Dickie et al (2006)

suggests that it is not activity per se that makes the difference, but rather the

transactions that take place linking the person to the situation. If this is the case

and if one concedes that there is a link between problematic drug use and mental

health issues then one can only assume that this evidence also supports the

theory that sport a useful tool in addressing these issues.

Sport & Culture

As Dunning and Waddington (2003) have noted there is an important but

frequently neglected aspect of sporting culture which they describe as a

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'Januform' character, for it has, at least since the late medieval/early modern

period, been characterised by two different and contrasting ideological

syndromes involving what one might call, on the one hand, a 'Dionysian' or

'Epicurean', that is, pleasure-centred, strain, and, on the other hand a 'Stoical' or

'Puritanical' thrust.

The latter ideology found perhaps its clearest expression in the development in

the 19th century of the mem sana in corpore sano ethos, a process which was

bolstered in the wider society by the emergence, on the one hand, of the 'rationalrecreation' movement and, on the other, of what might be called the 'sport/health'

ideology' (Dunning and Waddington, 2003: 355; Waddington, 2000).

In contrast, the Dionysian/Epicurean aspect, which has long been associated, in

particular, with physically dangerous contact sports such as football and rugby,

involves, among other things, the idea that it is 'manly' not only to play such

sports, but also to drink beer and to be able to 'hold your ale', that is to drink

copious quantities of alcoholic beverages after matches without becoming visibly

drunk and losing control.

This subculture has also often included the following elements: alcohol-related

initiation rites; ritualised drinking games which had the dual function of, first,

testing physical prowess and self-control under conditions of advancing

inebriation and, second, of increasing the quantities of alcohol consumed; and

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the singing of songs and the reciting of verses which had explicit sexual themes

and in which the mocking and degradation of females and male homosexuals

were recurrent themes (Dunning and Waddington, 2003: 356).

Studies of athletes and football clubs found that initiation ceremonies have

become normalised within sports clubs for both male and female athletes and

that, although initiation ceremonies were in some respects gendered (for

example, men's initiations more frequently involved nakedness and physical

abuse, ceremonies for both males and females tended to involve the excessive

consumption of alcohol (King, 2000). Alcohol related initiation ceremonies, or 'hazings', are also common in American collegiate sports (Hoover, 1999).

While there have been fluctuations in the relative emphasis and importance

associated with these two contrasting ideological syndromes, the

Dionysian/Epicurean element began, particularly from the Reformation period

onwards, to be pushed increasingly underground while the Puritanical/Stoical

element came increasingly to the fore, a process that occurred correlatively with

the emergence of Britain as a capitalist urban-industrial nation state (Dunning

and Waddington, 2003). This is important, for it explains the current pre-

eminence of the Puritanical/Stoical pole as a central aspect of the ideology of

those charged with the promotion of sport in public policy.

An understanding of this Januform character of sport forms a vital prerequisite

for understanding key aspects of the increasing use of sporting schemes as

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vehicles of social policy. In this regard, it is important to note that such schemes

are premised on a one-sided perception of sport. That is, they emphasise the

Puritanical aspects of sporting culture while largely ignoring the

Dionysian/Epicurean aspects. In other words, such schemes are based on an

uncritical perception of sport as an unambiguously wholesome and healthy

activity in both a physical and a moral sense. Of course, such a perception is not

wholly inaccurate, but it is one-sided and an appreciation of the other side, that

is, of the Dionysian aspects of sporting culture might lead to a more realistic view

of the likely effectiveness of such schemes.

When reviewing literature surrounding public or social opinion and attitudes

towards using such initiatives for the purpose of rehabilitating drug using

offenders, one does not have to look much further than the recent media

attention drawn on to the front pages of many national and local tabloids

regarding drug using offenders receiving free tickets for premier league football

matches.

This story typifies the position of the media and the subsequent reaction of the

law abiding public towards what they feel is preferential treatment for drug using

offenders. However, the chapter will also attempt to highlight how public opinion

can differ when involved in the debate and a rational explanation is given for this

type of intervention.

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As highlighted in the introduction, after reviewing a broad range of literature

covering the concept, the study will focus on three specific themes.

Firstly the argument surrounding the question Can sport be used as an effective

tool to reduce problematic drug use and offending behaviour? This will be the

main focus of argument that will be explored; however, there are two secondary

discussions that will be highlighted by the study. These are the arguments

around the cost effectiveness of these programmes and the social attitudes, both

public and professional, to this kind of treatment method or intervention. Chapter

six will attempt review the debate and construct a conclusion to the arguments asbest possible from the limited research material available.

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Chapter 3

Methodology

This chapter will outline the progress of the research, the underlying theory of the

preparation, interview styles, transcription, and finally explore the ethical

considerations.

1) Preparation

Whilst preparing the research, it was decided to use a deductive approach, since

it represents the commonest view of the nature of the relationship between

theory and social research (Bryman, 2004, p8). It furthermore specifies how

data can be collected in relation to the concepts that make up the hypothesis

(Bryman, 2004, p8).

A deductive approach was most suitable, due to personally having come across

and been involved in programmes and concepts similar to these prior to writing

this dissertation. Through being actively involved and discussing the concept with

colleagues it was decided to use this debate as a basis for the study and it began

researching into the concept of using sport as an intervention before starting the

interviewing process.

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During the preparation stage, interviewing, and analysing the data, the study has

been influenced by Interpretivism, as it is critical to the application of the

scientific model to the study of the social world and views that the subject matter

of the social sciences people and their institutions is fundamentally different

from that of the natural sciences. The study of the social world therefore requires

a different logic of research procedure, one that reflects the distinctiveness of

humans as against the natural orders. (Bryman, 2004:13). This approach was

particularly helpful when talking to the interviewees and understanding their

points since it emphasises the difference between explanation andunderstanding of human behaviour (Bryman, 2004, p13).

I was also aware that I would use an ethnographic approach, since I would

interview colleagues from a work setting. I have also met and spent time with the

clients before I decided to interview them and thus built up a certain degree of

knowledge about their circumstances, and a certain degree of trust so that they

would have no problems and feel rather comfortable in participating in the

research. Ethnography takes place when a researcher is immersed in a social

setting for some time in order to observe and listen with a view to gaining

appreciation of the culture of a social group (Bryman, 2004, p267).

2) Sampling

My sample was created by a non-probable convenience sampling strategy. It is

defined as one that is simply available to the researcher by virtue of its

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accessibility and has a good response rate (Bryman, 2004, p100). As mentioned

before, I knew the clients I have interviewed through my professional life and

spent some time with them prior to interviewing. The Sports Coaching Staff and

the Substance Misuse professional I interviewed were people who I have worked

along side for some time and throughout the duration of my research.

However, a critique of this type of sampling is that The data will not allow definite

findings to be generated, because of the problem of generalisation, but it could,

and hopefully will, provide a springboard for further debate and research

(Bryman, 2004, p100).

3) Interviews

This study is based upon a phenomenological approach whilst preparing and

conducting the interviews. Phenomenology is defined as a philosophy that is

concerned with the question of how individuals make sense of the world around

them and how in particular the philosopher should bracket out preconceptions in

his or her grasp of that world (Bryman, 2004, p13). Also, this philosophy, as

Interpretivism, recognises the fundamental difference between the subject

matter of the natural sciences and the social sciences (Bryman, 2004. p14).

It appreciates that social reality has a meaning for human beings and therefore

human action is meaningful that is, it has a meaning for them and they act on

the basis of the meanings that they attribute to their acts and to the acts of

others (Bryman, 2004, p14). This philosophy is a useful tool to understand and

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interpret my interviewees actions from their point, regardless if they are clients or

professionals.

Two slightly different interview guides were designed to focus on the clients

perspective, and that of the professionals points of view and attitudes. They

were directed specifically towards the 2 nd Chance Programme and the concept of

sport as a tool in both drug treatment and reducing crime. Both interview guides

were of a semi-structured nature; however, the professionals were given more

scope and therefore the interviews were of a slightly more unstructured nature.

In a semi-structured interview the researcher has a list of questions or fairly

specific topics to be covered, but the interviewee has a great deal of leeway in

how to reply (Bryman. 2004, p321). Considering the circumstances of the clients

I intended to interview, I felt that a stricter semi-structured guide would give them

more confidence in talking about their experiences, since they felt more

comfortable when confronted with stricter guidelines and given less leeway.

The professional interview guide was slightly more unstructured to give the

professionals the opportunity to dwell or even expand on topics they might

deemed as important or relevant (Bryman, 2004, p321). Though the interview

guides differed slightly, they still gave the interviewees the power to decide to talk

about issues they considered as important or relevant, and the entire interview

became characterised to being more of a conversation (Bryman, 2004, p321).

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This qualitative approach can be a very appealing research strategy, because of

their human character (Gillham, 2005, p8). It furthermore is easier to probe and

clarify. Additionally, it gives me, the researcher the opportunity to show

appreciation and understanding, which was particularly important for my clients,

as it encouraged them to talk more openly about their circumstances. This,

furthermore feministic approach, is entirely different from the traditionally male

structured interviewing culture. It allows me to approach participants with a

certain openness, demonstrate emotional engagement, and the development of trust (Punch, 2006, p173).

Whilst constructing both guides, I paid attention that questions were open and

ordered, and that one question flows reasonably into the other, but yet stayed

flexible enough to alteration. I furthermore considered language issues, and how

I could adopt a language that would be easily understood, especially by clients.

In general, interviews did not take longer than 30 minutes and usually took place

in venues that were familiar to the participants, such as, the sports facilities they

attended or at their local treatment centre. All interviews were audio-recorded

after interviewees gave their consent. The participants had the right of receiving

a transcribed version of their interview, which they indicated on the consent form

(Gillham, 2005, p14). Prior to interviewing the participants were informed of their

rights and confidentiality issues.

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4) Transcription and Coding

As Bryman recommends (2004, p329), I transcribed every interview shortly after

it had taken place. The transcription helped to code the statements appropriately,

and to make sense of the data collected. I transcribed interviews word by word,

but left out exclamations, such as ehm, and pauses. Neither did I indicate words

that were stressed by the interviewees. However, a big disadvantage of transcribing data is that the dimensions of speech, such a pauses, emphasis,

tone and pace get lost (Gillham, 2005, p121), which in turn might have an impact

on the meaning of what had been said.

The identity of the participants has been coded for use in referencing and to keep

their anonymity. They have been coded as follows: All the Professionals

interviewed will start with the letter (P) those who are drug workers will be coded

as (PDW) and then their number 1 or 2. Sports Coaches similarly will be coded

(PSC) and then their number. The Clients will be numbered I to 4 and put into

sex. There is only one female interviewee who will be coded (FSU1) while the

male clients will be coded (MSU1), (MSU2) and (MSU3).

5) Analysis

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After transcription carefully and systematically reviewed the data looking for

themes which I had integrated into the semi structured interview questions.

Themes such as, how did you find out about the programme? How do you think

the programme has benefited you? And how would you like to see the

programme develop?

The study could then easily compare the clients answers and views to gain a

general overview of opinion. (See chapter 6) This method also highlighted any

new issues that may arise. The same approach was adopted for theprofessionals analysis but this time the themes were of a slightly different nature.

Themes such as, their personal and professional opinion on the utilisation of

sports activities in addressing drug misuse and criminal behaviour, or how they

personally would like to see the programme develop, if at all.

The comments from the themes were grouped together and from that it was

easier to gain a broad idea of the views shown. (See chapter 6) By using the

themes it was also easier to gain a general overview and deduce a conclusion

from both the clients perspective as well a professionals perspective.

By comparing these findings with those from similar projects using the same

concepts of sport to reduce drug use and crime, I have been able to in some way

triangulate my finding with the purpose of strengthening their validity. However, I

am fully aware that triangulation (multi ways of investigating situations or

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finding) has its pitfalls. Silverman (2000) suggests that this approach

can be ambitious for the student researcher, that it requires time,

personnel resources and verification from participants who might not

be the best to comment on their own actions. Furthermore Silverman

goes on to state that if using this generalisation method that one must

inspect and compare all data till your generalisation is able to apply to every

single gobbet of relevant data you collected. This he calls Comprehensive data

treatment.

6) Ethical Considerations

Ethics play a mayor role whilst carrying out research. As Gillham stresses (2005,

p10), People are responsive to the apparent interest of an interviewer, and

therein lies the essence of their vulnerability, furthermore, professional

impersonality seems to facilitate rather than inhibit disclosure. It shows that

interviewers in general have a great amount of power. However, they should be

aware of that power and handle it with care; otherwise it is easy to exploit and

cause harm to participants.

Whilst preparing, carrying out and evaluating the interviews, I adhered to the 4

main areas of ethical principles, suggested by Diener and Crandall (in Bryman,2004, p509), which are Harm to participants, Lack of informed consent,

Invasion of privacy, and Deception. Furthermore, I was aware of the ethical

issues I could encounter from the beginning of my research until after the project,

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proposed by Miles and Huberman (in Punch, 2006, pp277-278). The ethical

principles suggested by Diener and Crandall merge into the issues mentioned by

Miles and Huberman, and made me think more thoroughly about my research

and its ethical impacts, especially on clients.

Miles and Hubermans ethical issues (in Punch, 2006, pp277-278) are divided

into three sub-categories. Early in the project I needed to think about the

worthiness of the project, my personal competence boundaries, meaning if I can

carry out the research personally, how I could ensure informed consent, and

finally, what the benefits, costs and reciprocity are likely to be.

During the project I needed to be aware of the likelihood of risks, and who might

be at risk. Furthermore, I might come across issues of honesty, trust, privacy and

confidentiality, especially since I have spent time with the clients before the

interview and would most likely spend time with them after it. I also needed to

think about issues of anonymity, and how I could provide it.

Lastly, after all interviews had been conducted and transcription had taken place,

I had to think about the research integrity and quality. I had to reflect if the study

was conducted carefully, thoughtfully and correctly, adhering to given ethical

standards. Then, I needed to clarify the ownership of the data and the researchs

conclusions, namely, who owns the collected material, and how would the study

be distributed. Finally, I had to be aware of the possible use and misuse of the

data and results.

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I had to ensure that the data collected was correct and appropriate for me to

use. I also needed to decide if the data collected, regardless if it would be chosen

to be published, would cause harm to that participant or organisation in the

future. (Miles and Huberman, in Punch, 2006:277-278).

As mentioned before, ethics play a big part in carrying out a research study, and I

needed to be aware of ethical issues I could encounter throughout my research.

However, thanks to the support and guidance I have received I could carry out aresearch that I believe is congruent with all underlying ethical considerations.

In concluding this chapter this study would advocate the use of realist evaluation

as a methodology for evaluating these types of programmes.

Chapter 4 will now explore in depth the arguments both for and against the use

of sport as an effective tool in combating drug use and crime. However, the

arguments that criticise such programmes are directed more towards the lack of

hard or significant evidence in support of them rather than the concept itself.

Furthermore, they argue that the rationale behind such programmes is in many

cases, weak and not measurable and until this is addressed it would be incorrect

to make such strong assumptions surrounding the success of such programmes.

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Chapter 4

Does it Work?

Little Evidence and Poorly Developed Rationale

The critical question is: do such schemes work? In other words is there any

evidence to suggest that such schemes have a significant impact either on the

amount of illegal drug use by individuals or on their level of criminal activity?

Sport has an invaluable role to play in improving the health and well-being of communities. It can make individuals healthier and communities more vibrant, by reducing health inequalities, lowering long-term unemployment, cutting crime, and delivering better qualifications, but also by developing pride among individuals,strengthening community spirit, and empowering communities sothat they are able to run regeneration programmes themselves.RT Hon Richard Caborn MP Cabinet Office (2005:4)

One of many quotes delivered by government ministers in the promotion of sport

to eradicate a multitude of sins. As discussed earlier these concepts fit nicely

with the Labour governments social inclusion policies (see e.g. Collins and Kay,

2003) and are based on assumptions or rationales such as those discussed by

Nichols (1997) attempts to review the most commonly used rationales which can

be identified as underlying sport as prevention schemes.

Nichols lists the following series of potential rationales:

1 1. Reducing the ability to take part in crime.

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2 2. Meeting a need for excitement.

3 3. Physical fitness.

4 4. Increased self-esteem and sense of control over ones life.

5 5. The development of cognitive competencies.

6 6. The importance of role models.

7 7. The importance of employment.

Another two, so called, positive key points which are commonly used regarding

the relationship of sport and physical activity reducing drug use and crime arethat they reduce boredom; and decrease the amount of unsupervised leisure

time.

It was something that you planned ahead Thursday, it was like ohThursday weve got sports that day. Everyone was looking forward to it and nobody wanted to miss it. (Participating Client 2006 DIP Evaluation)

It kills time, and its a healthy way of killing time. Its the whole point.If theyre not engaged in something and doing something then they will start sitting around getting bored, and boredom leads to mischief (which) leads to bad habits, and thats the whole ball game. (Participating Worker 2006 DIP Evaluation)

Preventing and reducing boredom is important due to its reported links to

depression, distractibility and loneliness (Coalter et al. 2000; McGiboney & Carter

1988 in Reid et al.1994). In addition, there is consensus that if young people lack

stimulation and have little to do they will seek their own, often antisocial, activities

(Collingwood et al.1992; Crabbe2000; Felson 1998)

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It gives us summit to do. It gives us summit to look forward too every week. Keeps us a bit fitter and keeps me out of trouble, dunnit? (MSU 2)

As Nichols (1997:181) notes, these rationales have developed in an ad hoc way;

they are poorly developed on a theoretical level and their relationships with each

another are not clearly articulated. Nichols suggests that it is a matter of concern

that, despite many years of funding for such schemes, no clear rationale has yet

been developed for programmes that use sport as a means of reducing illicit drug

use or criminal behaviour. Does it matter? He points out that we could, adopt theapproach which suggests that such schemes work even if we not understand

why they work. However this approach is inadequate for three reasons. Firstly,

there is no clear evidence that these programmes do indeed reduce drug use or

crime. Secondly one of the reasons for a lack of evidence is the poorly developed

rationale itself. Such a rationale is required in order to justify measuring specific

outcomes of the programme with reference to their impact on drug use and crime

reduction. Thirdly, a clear rationale would inform the design of programmes and

would allow the individual needs of participants to be matched to specific

programmes (Nichols, 1997:182)

There are also other arguments that arising from the claim that participation in

sport leads to improved self-esteem, a claim which has been made in a number

of studies such as, Collins et al (1999), Crabbe (2000), and DCMS (2001).

There are several problems here. Firstly, the increased self-esteem which may

be associated with excellence in sporting achievement is, by definition, only

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attainable by a few and there may be difficulties of readjustment when the

individual loses the capacity to perform sport at an exceptional level. Secondly, it

is in the nature of sport that there are winners and losers; if enhanced self-

esteem is a consequence of winning then what, we may ask, is the impact on the

self-esteem of those who are the losers? In addition, the nature of the alleged

link between enhanced self esteem and reduced levels of drug use criminal

behaviour is by no means clear; indeed, as Crabbe (2000) has pointed out, in

some situations the drug use-crime nexus can itself provide meaning and

purpose in the absence of legitimate structured opportunities and can generatestatus and identity in contexts of social and economic exclusion.

Furthermore, there are a number of theoretical reasons why one might be sceptical

about claims about the effectiveness of such schemes. For example one of the

principle reasons why sport is used in drug prevention and treatment interventions

is because people enjoy it.

However, as Crabbe (2000) has noted, this is often for much the same reason that

they might also choose to use illicit drugs, become involved in criminal activity or

even in sport-related violence such as football hooliganism. Crabbe suggests that

it is within this context that attempts to draw mutually exclusive boundaries

between sport and drugs use, or good and bad behaviour, become

problematic.

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Secondly, Crabbe notes that sport is just one of a range of leisure options and that

the relationship between sport and other leisure options is empirically variable. For

example, football is played by over 2 million people in the United Kingdom, but

they may play football alongside other leisure pursuits which positively promote

drug use and other deviant behaviour; a good example would be the heavy

drinking culture which has traditionally surrounded a number of sports, most

notably rugby and football, in the UK.

Thirdly, Crabbe notes that in terms of the degree to which sport can influenceother forms of behaviour, we need to recognise that the kinds of experiences

which people seek through sport, for example, emotional satisfaction,

exhilaration, confrontation, financial reward, the overcoming of fear and the joy of

celebration can also be achieved through crime and drug use. Indeed, he notes

that, in contrast to those approaches which stress sports allegedly wholesome

and socially cohesive nature, it might with equal validity be noted that sport

provides an environment in which acts of violence, confrontation and drug use

may be licensed in ritualised fashion and given meaning through their association

with the hegemonic masculine ideals of toughness, heroism and sacrifice.

Nichols (2007) reiterates that a variety of previous initiatives aimed at reducing

drug use and crime, have frequently used sport and leisure as a major activity.

However, there is little evidence for the effectiveness of such programmes in

reducing either drug use or crime. For example, Writing in 1990, Robins noted

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that 'research into the relation between sport and delinquency has been virtually

non-existent in the UK' (1990:1). One of the few systematic studies which existed

at that time was that by Coalter (1989) who, following a review of the literature on

the subject was unable to conclude that there is a correlation between high levels

of sports participation and low levels and frequency of delinquency among young

people in the UK. Beyond Coalter's review, however, Robins observed that there

was a dearth of properly conducted and monitored evaluation of schemes where

the reduction of crime via sports participation was a main objective.

It was in this context that Robins critically examined all the major programmes

which had then been set up with the aim of using sport and recreation as part of

a crime prevention strategy. These included a wide variety of schemes for

example, community development schemes, police schemes and schemes

designed to rehabilitate young offenders - and Robins (1990: 92) concluded that

there was 'little evidence of evaluation of the effect of programmes on young

people' and that, as a consequence, 'information about outcomes was hard to

come by'. He adds that an additional problem, was that none of the programmes

surveyed included a process of follow-up or after-care in their objectives and,

specifically with regard to those schemes which were targeted at convicted

offenders, he noted that information about re-offending patterns, where it was

available, was generally sketchy. He also noted that 'no clear picture of aims and

objectives and their underlying rationales emerge' Robins, (1990: 88). See also

Nichols (2007), Coalter (2007) & Waddington (2000).

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Gratton and Taylor concluded that, 'hard evidence in support of this argument (of

a relationship between involvement in sport and reduction in anti-social

behaviour) is difficult to come by' (1991, p. 66). There are considerable difficulties

in producing 'hard evidence'. Lyngs (1993) concept of edgework and

Csikszentmilhalyis and Csikszentmilhalyis (1992) sense of flow support the

argument that there is no evidence that sport provided a long-term alternative tothe excitement derived from drug use or crime, however they do acknowledge

that this remains an unproven possibility.

Some claim that the inherent benefits of sport are that it improves personal fitness

if one does enough of it, and if one avoids injury. (The Department for Culture,

Media and Sport 2002). It is also associated with good mental health. However, as

noted by Nichols (2007) this still leaves the question of how this relates to drug and

crime reduction. One of the most simplistic explanations for sports programmes

effectiveness in reducing drug use and crime is that while on a programme the

participant is not able to take part in crime at the same time. This obvious

justification of a programme's effectiveness needs to be related to the cost of the

programme in relation to the cost of alternatives, for example, prisons, and the long

term impact of experiences on the participant. A related explanation of why a

programme might reduce crime is if the programme takes place on premises that

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would otherwise be used for, and be the object of, criminal behaviour. (Crabbe, T.

2000; Coalter, F. 2007; Hartmann, D. & Depro, B. 2006; Measham, F. & Aldridge,

J. 1995; Nichols 2007; Parker, H. Ramella, M. 2004; Robins, D. 1990).

For example, a programme in Huddersfield observed by Nichols (1997) offers

after-school activities to young people between the time school activities finish

and 6.0 p.m. This has resulted in a substantial reduction in vandalism to the

school premises. Cost savings from reduced vandalism have exceeded the costs

of running the programme. Merely being involved in a purposeful and legitimate

activity may prevent involvement in crime. Nichols (1997: 3)

Arguments and critique such as these mentioned so far should sound a warning

against making simplistic assumptions about the effectiveness of sporting

participation as a means of combating drug 'abuse' and instantly reducing levels of

crime.

There have been many valid and justifiable arguments put forward in defence of

the arguments that these types of initiatives and in fact the concept itself have little

evidence that it actually works. However, let us now move away from this level of

general scepticism and examine some of the more empirically based studies

conducted within the UK, such as, the 2 nd Chance Sports Programme which has

sought to gauge and promote the effectiveness of these programmes.

Th ose in favour

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Crabbe (2000) analysed the rehabilitative and diversionary elements of the

Leyton Orient Football Club Community Sports Programme in London, the

objective of which was to establish a programme of activity, which would provide

local ex- and stabilised drug users with a range of sporting and personal

development opportunities. Crabbe (2000: 388) concluded, following four months

of observation of the project, that the participants are benefiting from the

alternative focus that the sports activities provide and the need to remain stable

that participation requires.

He noted that several participants, because of their involvement, had obtained

qualifications ranging from junior team managers awards to qualifications in

photography and places on other courses at local colleges. Two of the

participants were subsequently employed on a casual basis in the community

sports programme itself. Crabbes evaluation is, on the whole, a positive one,

although his evaluation is based, as is so frequently the case in such schemes,

on the identification of individual participants who have benefited from the

scheme rather than on the analysis of systematically gathered statistical

information, which would provide a more reliable basis for judgements about the

effectiveness of such schemes.

Sport can be crucial to the social and personal development of young people. By participating in sporting activities they can learn todifferentiate between good and bad behaviour . (Labour Party, 1997)

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As mentioned earlier, the original pilot for the now established 2nd chance

Programme was commisioned by the Home Office (HO) and coordinated by thier

North east Office (GONE). Its implimentation was through the provision of the

The Drug Interventions Programme in conjunction with the 5 North East

Universities. (Teesside, Durham, Sunderland, Newcastle and Northumbia). It has

also been supported by the Football Association who have been actively involved

with the delivering of coaching courses.

The idea was to use sport as a means of increasing client engagement andhelping to effect change in their lives. Initially the work began as a football

programme but now a whole range of sports are available. One of the important

principles is that it is a regular, structured activity, and not a one off tournament

or afternoon out. The structure is what helps to build a sense of purpose and

achievement.

Sven Goran Eriksson (The then) England manager says: 'Football can be a

powerful way of reaching and helping people with issues and problems. Positive

Futures is one the schemes that is doing just that. The players, everybody at The

FA and myself are proud to be associated with initiatives making a real difference

to peoples lives. Home Office (2007)

It is commonly perceived by those directly involved with the scheme and those

who supply the bulk of the funding that the programme has already shown that

there is clear evidence that sport and the accompanying improvement in health

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can help to raise self-esteem and self-worth both of which are major deficiencies

in problematic drug users.

It is also argued that achieving fitness and a level of proficiency in a sport canprovide a valuable sense of achievement, creation of networks; personal gain,

such as increased patience, a sense of effectiveness and acquiring new skills or

knowledge (Rhodes et al., 2000) and for a small percentage it can offer

opportunities in volunteering and mentoring which in turn helps towards the

possibility of employment.

It is argued that it offers a strong counter message to drug misuse as sport

teaches a respect for health and the workings of the body which acts as an

excellent cognitive reinforcer for individuals going through drug treatment and

rehabilitation. It also claims that sport and health is an interest for a significant

number of men and women on the programme and can be used as a valuable

adjunct to existing treatment, a positive use of time and something that is

enjoyable and fun.

Furthermore, sport can help individuals to take responsibility, communicate

effectively, overcome barriers and develop social skills (Rhodes et al, 2000)

One of the arguements used to justify this stance is that the appeal of sport andhealth can be seen by the fact that many prisoners engage in PE and sports

programmes whilst in prison and experience the positive effects, but only a tiny

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proportion continue with sports activities on release because of the problems of

drug use and social exclusion once they leave prison. Foster (2000)

Hendry et al (1993) found during a recent study of over 10,000 young people in

Scotland, that a significant relationship between participation in sport and

perceived physical and mental health, for males. This was an especially strong

relationship for males involved in team sports although the relationship was not

significant for females. Hendry concluded that:

A considerable body of empirical evidence now exists to support the

idea that an active leisure life can improve overall self-esteem and

mental and physical health. Put simply, leisure has a big part to play

in helping young people to make healthy and successful adjustments

in this phase of their life. Hendry et al (1993:72) cited in Nichols

(1997:184)

Government Office North East (GONE) compiled its first evaluation of the

scheme in the summer of 2006. The evaluation consentrated on the five

individual areas of the North East, however, the findings from all five areas of the

North East were interestingly simular at the time, however, although many of the

fndings from this piece of research maintain the same attitudes and enthusiasm

to the potential of the programme there has been a decline in the levels of

participants experienced in 2006.

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Findings identified that the partnership approach between the DIPs and other

participating drug services and the Universities has been successful with all the

key individuals involved taking an active involvement in the project and workingwell together and that the success of the Project is dependent upon collaborative

working between drug service agencies. Also that the linked but separate

provision of drug rehabilitation in a sporting context and the use of sports within

care plans has been extremely attractive to drug service users. (GONE 2006)

The establishment of mutual respect and trust between participants, coaches and

key workers was key to the engagement and retention of the service users over

the eight-week period. The findings indicate that there are clear rehabilitative

benefits to be gained by drug users through involvement in sporting activity.

Sport is attractive to large numbers of service users and can provide a context for

an increased sense of well-being, physical exercise, healthy living, diet

awareness, social engagement, and a range of social and organisational skills

such as punctuality, teamwork, self management, and concentration. (Ibid)

For some drug users, involvement in the Project has provided the basis of an

alternative community with a different set of rules to those which govern habitual

drug use - service users commented on the value they placed on the regular

social interaction they experienced in a setting outside of the usual drugs

context they normally associate in. However, as we have already observed this

is debatable and can be argued. (Ibid)

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The Programme clearly demonstrated the benefits of using the University and its

students as coaches. For the service users these include a wide range of high

standard sports facilities, an insight into education opportunities and contact withcoaches to answer related questions, the involvement of non drug users in the

Programme which plays down the drug histories of participants and offers

positive role models as mentors for the service users. The University also

benefits by linking in with the Governments agenda to involve more socially

excluded and undereducated groups in universities. (Ibid)

On a broader scale the Programme has also highlighted the benefits to the wider

community by involving drug service users and University students in the

initiative. This socialisation process has linked in a marginalised and socially

excluded group with a socially privileged group and bridging this gap develops

community cohesion. By retaining drug users in the Programme the initiative has

increased their engagement in services, retained them in treatment, and provided

routes into employment. The secondary benefits to society are found as the

numbers of drug misusing offenders in the community are reduced. (Ibid)

Here are some of the recorded comments from the key Workers and Clients

involved in the programme in 2

Documents

Drugs, Crime & Sport: Mark Williams MSc