DOCUMENT RESUME

ED 411 187 SO 027 653

TITLE Primary School Repetition: A Global Perspective.

INSTITUTION International Bureau of Education, Geneva (Switzerland).

PUB DATE 1996-00-00NOTE 33p.

PUB TYPE Information Analyses (070) -- Reports Descriptive (141)

EDRS PRICE MF01/PCO2 Plus Postage.

DESCRIPTORS *Basic Skills; *Comparative Education; *Developing Nations;

Dropouts; Elementary Education; Foreign Countries; *School

Holding Power; Student Attrition; World Affairs; World

Problems

ABSTRACTThis booklet comes from a workshop, "School Repetition: a

Global Perspective," held in Geneva (Switzerland) in February 1995, and the

subsequent dialogue. The document is the first state-of-the-art approximation

on school repetition. This highly complex phenomenon assumes differentcharacteristics in different contexts and is defined and measured in various

ways. Analysis of available information reveals that repetition is a

significant quantitative phenomenon throughout the developing world, that it

is concentrated within the first grades of school and in schools attended by

students from low-income sectors, that is has devastating social and

psychological impact on students who repeat and their families, and that it

has a high financial cost. This document provides a beginning for analysis of

repetition on a global scale. Sections include: (1) "Introduction"; (2) "The

Dimensions of the Repetition Phenomenon"; (3) "Repetition: A Problem or a

Solution?"; (4) "Factors Associated with Repetition"; (5) "Social Attitudes

and Repetition"; and (6) "Various Strategies to Overcome Repetition." Charts

and graphs accompany the text. (EH)

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U S DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATIONOffice of Educational Research and Improvement

EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATIONCENTER (ERIC)

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how is it possible thatso many students haveto repeat their grades?

Contents

Foreword, p. 3

Introduction, p. 5

The dimensions of the repetition phenomenon, p. 8

Repetition: a problem or a solution? p. 13

Factors associated with repetition, p. 16

Social attitudes towards repetition, p. 20

Various strategies to overcome repetition, p. 22

To find out more ..., p. 27

Who contributed to this document? p. 29

i. ; l'

The designations employed and thepresentation of the material in thispublication do not imply the expressionof any opinion whatsoever on the part ofUNESCO:IBE or UNICEF concerningthe legal status of any country, territory,city or area or of its authorities, orconcerning the delimitations of itsfrontiers or boundaries.

Prepared by Massimo Amadio.

ri

Cover photo: UNICEF/Sean Sprague

UNESCO:International Bureau of Education,P.O. Box 199,1211 Geneva 20,Switzerland.

Printed by SADAG,Bellegarde, France.

© UNESCO:IBE 1996

Foreword

Basic education meeting the basiclearning needs of children, youth andadults has developed as a priority overthe past ten years, for both governmentsand international agencies involved in theeducation sector. The World Conferenceon Education for All (Jomtien, Thailand,March 1990) has thus accomplished oneof its important goals. However, as under-scored by the Jomtien conference, achiev-ing 'education for all' implies not only anexpansion in coverage but a significantmodification of the parameterscurricu-lar, educational, administrative, financialcommunicationalthat underlie the con-ventional education model. Ensuringequity and quality education for allimplies, among others, overcoming the`culture of failure' that is embedded inschool systems and that primarily affectsthe poor. School repetition, a widelyextensive phenomenon in low-incomecountries, is a demonstrable manifestationof the inadequacy of school systems torespond to the conditions, potential andneeds of the population, and particularlythose of children coming from disadvan-taged social sectors.

Combined with insufficient coverage,repetition, drop-out and low learningachievement are critical problems facingschool systems in low-income countries.Enrolment has traditionally been the prin-cipal concern and the educational indica-tor of key consideration. Drop-out andlow learning achievement have gainedattention in recent years and there isgrowing consensus on the importance andmagnitude of the problem. Repetition, onthe other hand, has been somewhatopaque in school statisticsboth at theschool and at the national and interna-tional levelsscarcely researched andanalyzed, and seldom taken into accountin the definition of educational policiesand programmes. In general, there persistsa limited awareness of the magnitude andseriousness of school repetition, and lack

of clarity regarding coping strategies andmechanisms.

Against this context, UNICEF andUNESCO's International Bureau ofEducation (IBE) decided to co-operatetowards building awareness on schoolrepetition, understanding it better andthus creating the conditions for moreeffective action to deal with it at both thenational and the international levels. Inthis joint effort, both organizations agreedto: (a) collect and systematize availableinformation on school repetition at theglobal level; (b) organize a specializedworkshop to discuss the issue; (c) preparea journalistic kit for wide dissemination;and (d) prepare a state-of-the-art reporton repetition, based on both bibliographicreview and workshop discussions, aimedat informing educators, specialists anddecision-makers in the education sector.

The workshop 'School Repetition: AGlobal Perspective' was held in February1995 in Geneva and was convened byUNICEF and the IBE. Its purpose was toshare accumulated knowledge and experi-ence on repetition, with a focus on low-income countries, and to encouragediscussion on its nature, magnitude,causes and policy strategies to deal withrepetition. A small group of specialistswas invited to enable in-depth discus-sions. Given the complexity and diversityof factors involved in repetition, an effortwas made to ensure that participantscame not only from different regions andrealities but also from different disciplinesand professional areas relevant to thetopic discussedincluding curriculum,pedagogy, linguistics, psycho-linguistics,teacher education, administration and sta-tistics. The participants consisted of PaulAchola, Massimo Amadio, NabilConstantine, Justa Ezpeleta, EmiliaFerreiro, RaUl Gagliardi, Aklilu Habte,Ruben Klein, Abel Koulaninga, LuisEnrique Lopez, Victor Ordoiiez, ErnestoSchiefelbein, Juan Carlos Tedesco, Luis

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repetition is asignificant quantitativephenomenonthroughout thedeveloping world, thatit is concentratedwithin the first gradesof school and inschools attended bystudents from low-income sectors, ... ithas devastating socialand psychologicalimpact on the studentswho repeat and theirfamilies, and ... has ahigh financial cost. Allof which calls forrepetition to beconsidered a seriousproblem that schoolsystems must not onlyalleviate, but resolve

Foreword

Tiburcio, Rosa Maria Torres and ArreratWattanasin. A brief biographical note oneach of the workshop participants is pro-vided at the end of the report.

A previous draft of this document wasused as a working document during theworkshop. The present version has beenenriched by workshop discussions, inputsand comments by several participants,and the analysis of additional documenta-tion collected or produced after the work-shop. Both the working document andthis version of the report were preparedby Massimo Amadio. Juan CarlosTedesco (Director, IBE) and Rosa MariaTorres (Senior Education Adviser,UNICEF Education Cluster) were incharge of the overall co-ordination of theproject and the editing of this report.

The document now presented for dis-cussion is a first state-of-the-art approxi-mation on school repetition. Its readingpermits an appreciation of this highlycomplex phenomenon and the realizationthat it assumes different characteristics in

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different contexts, and is defined andmeasured in varied ways. Beyond suchdifferences, however, analysis of availableinformation reveals that repetition isa significant quantitative phenomenonthroughout the developing world, that itis concentrated within the first grades ofschool and in schools attended by stu-dents from low-income sectors, that it hasdevastating social and psychologicalimpact on the students who repeat andtheir families, and that is has a high finan-cial cost. All of which calls for repetitionto be considered a serious problem thatschool systems must not only alleviate,but resolve.

This document is a beginning for ananalysis of repetition on a global scale.Although repetition is increasingly incor-porated as an indicator in internationalstatistical compendiums, most availablestudies conducted thus far have been lim-ited to a local, national or regional level.Advancing on the line of a global percep-tion of the repetition phenomenonenriches its understanding, and allows anappreciation of the various factors thatintervene and the diverse strategiesapplied in different contexts and coun-tries. Indeed, getting to know the realitiesof others is essential for better under-standing one's own reality and acting on itmore effectively

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Introduction

Making basic education available to all,that is, meeting the basic learning needs ofall children, youths and adults, is the mainobjective of developing countries andinternational organizations in the educa-tional sector in the final decade of thetwentieth century.

Ever since the World Conference onEducation for All (Jomtien, Thailand,March 1990), the expansion andimprovement of basic education hasregained a prominent place on the agendaof the main international organizationsand bilateral co-operation agencies, andin the action plans prepared by educa-tional authorities in the majority of devel-oping countries. The Convention on theRights of the Child, ratified by over 160States, has helped to establish educationnot only as a necessity but also as a funda-mental right.

Despite the economic difficulties expe-rienced in the 1980s, impressive advanceshave been achieved in the last thirty yearsin terms of spreading primary education.Enrolment has grown considerably, espe-cially in the 1970s. The number ofschools has doubled and that of teacherstripled. Both in Asia and in LatinAmerica, the education systems of manycountries now have sufficient capacity toattend to their whole school-age popula-tion, and would already be in a positionto ensure universal access to primary edu-cation (Lockheed & Verspoor, 1992;UNESCO, 1991; 1993d; UNESCO/UNICEF, 1993).

Despite these advances, however, thereare some problems still in the way ofachieving the desired objectives whichshould not be overlooked.

LACK OF ACCESS

The first problem, and perhaps the onewhich has received the most constantattention, arises from the large numbersof boys and girls who still have no access

to the education system. In 1990, therewere some 130 million children in that sit-uation, more than half of whom were con-centrated in four countries (Bangladesh,India, Nigeria and Pakistan). Two thirdsof them were girls.

The main difficulty with trying tomake primary education universally avail-able may reside either in capacity limita-tion, cultural factors (especially in the caseof women) or the direct and indirect costsof education, especially for the poorestsocial sectors. In Nicaragua, for instance,it is estimated that the minimum annualcost for every child in primary school isequivalent to 20% of a peasant's averageincome (UNICEF, 1995).

The resources required either to con-solidate or to increase the supply of basiceducation are undoubtedly very signifi-cant, especially in sub-Saharan Africa. It isworth noting, however, that in the period1980-1987, per capita public expenditureon education fell by 40% in LatinAmerica and 75% in Africa (Colclough &Lewin, 1993, p. 20); furthermore, interna-tional aid to the educational sector fell by15% between 1975 and 1985, while as apercentage of total aid, it declined from

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TABLE 1:Estimation of the net

rate of schoolattendance by the

6-11,12-17 and18-23' age groups, by

region, 1995

6-11 12-17 18-23

M F M F M

Sub-Saharan Africa 55.2 47.4 46.0 35.3 9.7 4.9

Arab States 83.9 71.6 59.2 47.1 24.5 16.3

Latin America/Caribbean 88.5 87.5 68.4 67.4 26.1 26.3

East Asia/Oceania 88.6 85.5 54.7 51.4 19.5 13.6

South Asia 84.3 65.6 50.5 32.2 12.4 6.6

Developed countries 92.3 91.7 87.1 88.5 40.8 42.7

I . Pupils/students of each age group as a percentage of the total population of this age

group.

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FIGURE I:Estimation (in millions)of the number ofyoung people out-of-school in developingcountries, 1990 and2000

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Introduction

6-11 age group

I18

30

26

Sub-SaharanAfrica

El3

Ell4

ArabStates

giLatin

America/Caribbean

m12

113

East Asia/Oceania

32

16

I16

SouthAsia

17% in 1970 to a little over 10% from1985 to 1989 (ibid., p. 242-43).

In South Asia, population growth rep-resents a serious challenge in terms of theadditional resources required to continueexpanding educational services. In the1980s, in Africa as a whole (fifty-onecountries) the school-age population grewfaster than enrolment, so that the grossrate of school attendance fell from 79% in1980 to 72% in 1988 (UNESCO, 1991a).

DROPOUT

The second problem is the high propor-tion of temporary absenteeism and earlydropout in school. Nowadays access toeducation has improved and the averagetime spent by pupils in the school systemhas gradually increased. According toUNESCO estimates, while two-thirds ofdropouts occurred in the first grade of pri-mary school in 1970, by 1980 the propor-tion had fallen to 50%. Nevertheless,almost a quarter of all pupils failed tocomplete primary school, and it is esti-mated that, out of the 95 million children

enrolled in the first grade in the world in1988, 25 million did not complete thefourth grade (Brunswic, 1994, p. 12).

In the case of Asia, for instance,according to 1985 statistical data, inIndia, Myanmar and Pakistan only half ofthe children enrolled in the first grade everreach the fifth; in Bangladesh and Laos, alittle over one-third (UNESCO, 1992),while in Nepal only 27% completed theearly years of primary school, with adropout rate of 40% in the first grade(UNESCO, 1987).

A considerable number of childrenexperience difficulty progressing from onegrade to another at the right time, do notderive full benefit from the time theyspend at school and, in many cases, arenever again given any opportunity tolearn once they have left school.

Absenteeism and temporary and finaldropout are usually associated with theconditions of poverty and low incomelevels of very large social sectors.However, learning results vary consider-ably from one educational establishmentto another, which indicates that the qual-

Introduction

100

80

60

40

20

01980 1988 1980 1988 1980 1988

Sub-Saharan Arab

Africa States

Attaining fourth

grade

Latin

America/

Caribbean

1980 1988 1980 1988 1980 1988

East Asia/ South

Oceania Asia

Did not reach fourth

grade

Least-

developed

countries

Not entering

school

Source:The impact of primary education on literacy. Statisticed issues (Paris. UNESCO), no.8, February 1992.

ity of schools plays an important part inthe decision whether to stay on or leave. Along-term study carried out on a sampleof primary school children in Egypt(Hanushek & Lavy, 1994) suggests thatstudents are aware of the difference in thequality of schools and tend to stay on inthe better quality establishments, takingthe view that one year of attendance at thelatter may be equivalent to over two yearsin a poorer quality school.

REPETITION

The third problem is related to the signifi-cant number of students who repeatcourses, especially in the early grades ofprimary school. This means that a consid-erable number of boys and girls enteringthe education system experience not thepleasure and satisfaction of learning, butonly the frustration of having to start theirstudies all over again.

Repetition in primary school, and its

connection with learning and school fail-ure, have been the subject of muchresearch in recent decades, looking intoboth the size of the phenomenon and itscauses, as well as trying to identify betterways of gradually reducing its frequency.In this respect, it is worth recalling theInternational Conferences on Educationconvened by UNESCO in 1970, on thetheme of the improvement of teaching,and in 1984, on the universalization andreform of primary education, for whichvarious studies and statistical analyseswere prepared on repetition and the wayit was evolving.

In other words, the problem has longbeen familiar, although it has taken onnew profiles with the switch from elitist,highly selective education systems to masspublic education, and with the growingconcern with making efficient use of avail-able resources.

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FIGURE 2:Rate of school

attendance anddropout in primary

school, /980 and 1988

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II. The dimensions of therepetition phenomenon

Exactly what is known at present aboutthe dimensions of repetition in developingcountries? A quick look at the specializedliterature and comparisons made over thelast decades appears to highlight at leasttwo critical aspects of the phenomenon:its persistence and its magnitude, whichhave been substantially underestimated(see box).

These figures offer only an incompleteand partially outdated general view, con-sidering that the available data refer basi-cally to 1990 and do not cover allcountries. There are no reliable data, forinstance, concerning some countries withvery large school-age populations, such asMyanmar, Nigeria, Pakistan and VietNam. The many conflicts which broke outafter 1990 in Africa, as in several Balkan

countries, have had devastating effects oneducation. In Russia and several countriesof Eastern Europe, the serious socio-eco-nomic crisis has had a negative impact onthe quality of public social services, whilelittle is known about the situation asregards education in the new formerSoviet republics, especially those ofCentral Asia.

Furthermore, as explained in the sec-tion below, official statistics do not pro-vide a fair picture of the real situation andtend to underestimate the magnitude ofrepetition.

DEFINING AND MEASURINGREPETITION

There are various definitions of and

PERSISTENCE ANDMAGNITUDE OF REPETITION

Although very few studies have beenmade about the trend of repetitionin different countries, it seems safe

to say that the education systemswhich have managed gradually andsteadily to reduce its magnitude arefew and far between. While generaldata obviously do not give any idea

of the great diversity of situations,they do provide an overall insight

into the main trends.Around 1980, official

statistics for primary education insixty-nine countries of Latin

America, Africa and Asia indicateda figure of over 17 million cases of

repetition, almost half in LatinAmerica (Blat Gimeno, 1984). Thistotal did not include some countrieswhich were very significant in terms

of enrolment, such as China andIndia.

From a comparative pointof view, taking 1970 data for

ninety-eight countries as a referencepoint (excluding China, India,

Pakistan and Nigeria), UNESCO'sStatistical Office (1984, p. 356)

found that in the 1970s, despite aslight decrease in the average

percentage for Latin America andAfrica, and a more significant

decrease in Asia, the total numberof repeating children had increased

by 41.1% in Africa, 45.7% in LatinAmerica and 7.3% in Asia and

Oceania, a trend which appeared tobe closely related to a spectaculargrowth of enrolment in the same

period (58.8%, 49.7% and 52.3%respectively).

The highest rate ofrepetition was observed in the finalgrade of primary school in twenty-

two out of thirty-three Africancountries (ibid., p. 357), a higher

occurrence of repetition in the firstgrade in the case of Latin America,

and a notable difference with regardto the impact of the phenomenon

between French-speaking andPortuguese-speaking African

countries on the one hand andEnglish-speaking countries on the

other (p. 349-53). These situations

tended to persist in the 1980s.By 1990, official figures

supplied for eighty-four countries(UNESCO, 1993c) showed a total

of almost 35.6 million cases ofrepetition in primary school. Apart

from the larger enrolment effect, thesignificant increase compared with

1980 data was due to a great extentto the availability of statistics from

China and India (7.5 and 3.5million respectively), two countrieswhich on their own accounted foralmost a third of the total numberof cases. If Brazil (nearly 5 millioncases) and Mexico (1.3 million) are

added to these two, the fourcountries together total practically

half the number of cases ofrepetition in the developing world.

Regional situations, whilealso tending to mask the diversity

within them, do highlight someinteresting tendencies.

In the African countries,compared with 1980 data, therewas an increase both in the total

number of repetitions and in theiroverall percentage, especially in sub-

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The dimensions of the repetition phenomenon

methods of calculating repetitions, whichare closely linked to the structure of aneducation system, the way it is organizedand the administrative procedures used toregulate the progress of students throughgrades and levels (Russel, Kinsey &McGinn, 1972). There is plenty of evi-dence to show that official statisticsemploy criteria which underestimate repe-tition, because repeating children arecounted as dropouts or new entrants(Cuadra, 1989; Costa Ribeiro, 1990;Klein & Costa Ribeiro, 1991; Klein,1995).

If matriculation data by age and bygrade are used instead, as well as censusdata and household surveys (e.g. Fletcher& Costa Ribeiro, 1989; Klein & CostaRibeiro, 1991; Gargiulo & Crouch,

1994), the results turn out to be very dif-ferent from the official figures.

As mentioned above, many pupils clas-sified as dropouts in the early grades are infact repetitions rather than dropouts(Schiefelbein & Wolff, 1993, p. 22). Thereare cases of early admissions to the firstgrade (used as a form of pre-schooling),where pupils repeat until they havereached the right age (for the situation inNepal, see Williams et al., 1993). Onewidespread practice is to keep in the samegrade pupils who, despite having reacheda satisfactory standard, are considered bytheir families or teachers to need furtherlearning before moving on to the nextgrade (in Brazil, almost 10% of first gradeenrolment is made up of this type of repe-tition) (see Klein & Costa Ribeiro, 1991,

Saharan Africa (data relating tothirty-three countries).Repetition has reached

alarming proportions, particularlyin the French- and Portuguese-

speaking countries of sub-SaharanAfrica, where in many cases overallpercentages close to or above 25%

of school enrolment may beobserved, significantly higher than

in other regions of the world. Thesecountries therefore have to face the

double problem of a publiceducation system with insufficient

coverage and poor internalefficiency, so that the limitednumber of children actually

receiving education experienceconsiderable difficulty in achieving

any steady progress through thesystem.

In the English-speakingcountries, the percentage of

repetition cases is lower, apart fromthe last grade of primary school, a

fairly common situation in countrieswhere very selective tests have to be

passed for admission to secondaryschool.

It might be interesting tolook into the reasons for these

substantial, persisting differencesbetween countries belonging to

different language areas anddifferent colonial traditions inAfrica (such as differences in

promotion standards, the way theeducation systems are organized, the

way repetition is defined andmeasured, or different social,

economic and historical backgrounds).In the Arab countries of

North Africa (excluding the LibyanArab Jamahiriya, for which no data

are available after 1980), thetendency has been towards a declinein the percentage and an increase inthe total number of repetitions. The

only exception is Morocco, whereboth of these figures have fallen.

In the Arab States (datarelating to ten countries), the

repetition trend appears to indicatea fall in the overall percentage and

an increase in the number ofrepetitions, with the exception ofDjibouti, Jordan and Iraq, where.

both figures increased (allowing for

the fact that the data for Iraq arefor 1988, prior to the Gulf War).

A less uniform patternemerges in Asia and Oceania, for

which available information is morelimited. In any event, both thepercentage_and the number ofrepetitions increased in three

countries (Bhutan, Indonesia andLaos), while they fell in two others

(Bangladesh and Thailand), thepercentage remaining unchanged in

a further two (the Philippines,where the total number declined,and the Islamic Republic of Iran,

where repetitions increased).In Latin America and the

Caribbean (data relating to twentycountries), while both the

percentage and the total number ofrepetitions tended to decrease in ten

countries, the number increased insix (and both figures rose in Costa

Rica). Generally speaking, however,the percentage of children repeating

the first grade of primary schoolcontinues to be very high (close to

or above 15%, according to officialdata) in many countries.

I0The dimensions of the repetition phenomenon

DISCREPANCY BETWEEN OFFICIAL AND NON-OFFICIAL DATA ON REPETITION

A 1986 study carried out inHonduras, which compared official

data with information supplied byfamilies, estimated the repetitionrate at 51.7% in the first grade

compared with an official estimateof 27.3%. An analysis of the

difference showed that there was asubstantial overestimation of

dropouts and of the number of newpupils entering the system (Cuadra,

1989).Studies made in Brazil using

the Profluxo model arrived at theconclusion that in 1982 the

repetition rate was 52.4% (againstthe official figure of 29.6%) and a

very low level of dropouts in thefirst grade, at only 2.3% (compared

with the official figure of 25.5%).Until a short time ago, the Brazilian

education system considered onlystudents who enrolled again in the

same grade after failing owing tolow qualifications or irregular

attendance as repetitions. Studentswho dropped out before the end of

the school year without havingfailed and who returned to the same

grade were classified as new

entrants (see Klein, 1995; CostaRibeiro, 1990).

A 1993 study carried out inNicaragua (Gargiulo &Crouch,

1994) concluded that the realrepetition rate there was 33%

higher than the official figure, andthat on the other hand the official

dropout figures were overestimated.It also concluded that the rate of

school attendance on average washigher than expected and the

number of graduating students 40%above the figure estimated in official

statistics (ibid., p. 40).

p. 38). In some cases, students remain inthe same grade despite having been pro-moted and are then considered as repeti-tions, simply because the school does nothave a higher grade and the students areunable to move to another school (for thecase of Honduras, see McGinn &Reimers, 1992; for Brazil, see Klein,1995).

The studies made concerning the dif-ferences in repetition rates due to themethods used refer particularly to the caseof Latin America. They show that for the1980s the real repetition rate was practi-cally double the average rate indicated byofficial statistics (see Schiefelbein &Wolff, 1993).

Assuming these estimates are reason-able, towards the end of the 1980s inLatin America the real percentage of repe-titions in the first six grades of primaryschool would amount to 30.9%(UNESCO/UNICEF, 1993, p. 22), com-pared with the figure of 15.3% officiallydeclared by the countries, while the realrepetition rate in the first grade would beas high as 41.4% on average, instead ofthe official rate of 21.7%. In overallterms, the total number of primary schoolrepetitions in the region would then be

close to 20.5 million (more than doublethat indicated in official data), mostlyconcentrated in Brazil (11.4 million) andin three other countries (Mexico, 2.7 mil-lion; Argentina and Colombia, around 1million each) (ibid.).

The studies carried out in Latin.America highlight the need to pay moreattention not only to the methodologyused to analyze the information, but alsoto the quality of the statistical data on rep-etition produced by the schools and thedissemination of the data once processed.This problem is undoubtedly notrestricted to Latin America. A sectoralmission of the World Bank carried out in1993 in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh(one of the most backward in the country)observed that the data collected manuallyby the teachers were not reliable, becausethe 15% of pupils who changed schooleach year were not reported.

The available documentation is notsufficient, however, to establish clearlywhether repetition is an underestimatedproblem also in other regions, and towhat extent.

Repetition rates in Africa, and particu-larly in sub-Saharan countries, are alreadya matter of concern. If they are under-

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The dimensions of the repetition phenomenon

estimated, then the problem could take ontruly alarming proportions. On the otherhand, the need to continue expanding theeducational supply at the same rate asdemographic growth, starting from theexisting low level of coverage, might wellhave the effect of further reducing theinternal efficiency of the school systemand offering an even lower standard ofbasic education.

The situation in Asia is fairly similar tothat of Latin America. Some studies car-ried out in China, for instance, suggestthat there is a significant underestimationof repetition there, especially in the firstgrade and in rural areas. In the province ofAnsai, while official statistics indicate anaverage repetition rate of 5%, in manyschools more than 50% of fourth gradepupils have repeated at least once andonly 30% of pupils complete primaryschool in six years (Colclough & Lewin,1993, p. 93). For three other provinces(Shaanxi, Guizhou and Hubei), calcula-tions based on the most reliable methodsestimated an average repetition rate forthe period 1980-88 of 30-33%, with atotal of between 8 and 9 million repeti-tions in the first grade for the country as awhole, mainly due to temporary dropoutamong pupils in rural areas (Schiefelbein,1990b).

If, on the basis of those calculations,we accept the estimate of over 50 millionrepetitions in Latin America and Asiatogether, and in the light of the seriouseducational situation of many countries insub-Saharan Africa, there is clearly a needio pay more attention to the phenomenonof repetition. Owing to its dimensions, itcould be considered one of the maincauses of internal inefficiency in educationsystems and one of the main obstacles pre-venting the achievement of universalaccess to primary education.

The way repetition is calculated is byno means a secondary consideration. Dataobtained with different methods tend to

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be contradictory and suggest very differ-ent action strategies. For instance, twostudies on repetition carried out inNicaragua arrive at almost opposite con-clusions: in one case, it was found that thereal dropout rate was almost double thatestimated officially, while repetition ratestended to coincide (UNICEF, 1995);

another study, however, concluded that

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repetition rates inAfrica, and particularly

in sub-Saharancountries, are already

a matter of concern

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TABLE 2:Total number of casesof repetition inprimary educationaround 1990 (officialfigures)

The dimensions of the repetition phenomenon

repetition was underestimated and thatofficial statistics tended to overestimatedropout (Gargiulo & Crouch, 1994). Thetwo conclusions will point to differentstrategies. If the real problem is dropout,then policies aimed at making basic edu-cation universally available should con-centrate on increasing the system's supply(by building more schools, classrooms,etc.). If, on the other hand, repetition isthe problem, then policies should beaimed at improving the quality of teach-ing rather than building more facilities.

Obtaining a more accurate idea of themagnitude and distribution of repetitionin primary schools, in other words, shouldnot be considered as a mere academicexercise.

Taking decisions and establishing pri-orities in the educational sector, bothnationally and internationally, requiresreliable data. The allocation of additionalresources and the redistribution of exist-ing ones must be assessed in the light of adetailed analysis of the situation and howit is likely to evolve. The public must begiven accurate information about the limi-

tations affecting the educational develop-ment of each country, while internationalfinancial institutions and national educa-tional authorities also need to measureprogress and to show results.

Lastly, repetition carries an economiccost. In the case of Latin America, esti-mates range from at least 1,000 milliondollars a year up to as much as 4,200 mil-lion (Schiefelbein, 1989; Schiefelbein &Wolff, 1993). In South Asia, on the basisof average public expenditure per studentand the estimated total number of repeti-tions, the annual cost could amount tosome 800 million dollars, and in East Asiaabout 1,000 million.

In other words, Latin America andAsia together could be spending some$5,000 million per year on school repeti-tion, a figure which is equivalent to morethan double the whole of multilateralassistance to the educational sector for1990 ($2,395 million, according toUNESCO and UNICEF data).

It may be wondered whether thisexpenditure is justified and just what itproduces in terms of results.

Region Number Total numberof countries of repetitions

Africa

Arab States

Asia

(China+India)

Latin America and the Caribbean

(Brazil+Mexico)

TOTAL

(China, India, Brazil and Mexico)

37 7,759,687

10 1,036,110

12 16,856,167

(10,941,043)

25 10,033,982

(6,349,794)

84 35,685,946

(17,290,837)

Source: UNESCO, I 993c; UNESCO/UNICEF, 1993.

III. Repetition:a problem or a solution?

It should not be assumed from theregional averages quoted above that repe-tition is uniformly distributed across allprimary school grades, countries orregions.

Generally speaking, the highest rates ofrepetition tend to be concentrated in thefirst grade (in several African countriesalso in the last grade) and, though notexclusively, among children from poorfamilies, living in rural areas or in areaswhich are backward from a social andeducational point of view.

If one considers the gender variable,the few studies available tend to show thatthere are no significant differencesbetween boys and girls, although furtherresearch would be needed. A study on theArab States, for instance, suggests that theapparent similarities of repetition ratesamong boys and girls (a little loweramong the latter), should be interpreted inthe light of the fact that among girls thedropout rate is notably higher thanamong boys. Although the repetition ratesare similar, in actual fact only few girls aregiven the opportunity to repeat theirgrade (see Mehran, 1995).

In view of these characteristics, whyshould repetition even be considered aproblem? Some consider repetition to be asolution to the learning problems experi-enced by some students, who are thusoffered the opportunity of extra tuition inorder to reach the level of academic per-formance required to complete theirgrade. In countries where admission tosecondary school depends on highly selec-tive tests, repeating the final grade of pri-mary school may be seen as a means ofimproving a student's preparation andqualification for the examination.

From this angle, the effects of repeti-tion may be considered positive, since itallows better learning and improved per-formance, helping students to keep pacewith their own physical and intellectualdevelopment. This interpretation is fairly

widespread in countries which have veryselective examination systems for accessto secondary education and where the syl-labus content of the last primary schoolgrade is relatively difficult.

For instance, a study carried out inBurundi on a sample of some 1,800 pupilsin the sixth grade of primary schoolreached the conclusion that repeating chil-dren achieved a better academic perfor-mance than non-repeaters, and had beenable to take advantage of the extra time toimprove their learning and their prepara-tion for entrance tests to secondary school(Schwille et al., 1991).

The analyses which look upon repeti-tion as a positive phenomenon view learn-ing as a linear and repetitive process.Available empirical evidence indicates,however, that the main problems, espe-cially in the early grades of primaryschool, are related not so much to learn-ing as to teaching, that is, to methods andcontents, the criteria used for assessingacademic performance and the wayschools are managed.

Several studies on this theme have con-cluded that repetition has little effectwhere learning is concerned and, fromthis point of view, seems to be more of anunnecessary expenditure than a worth-while investment.

In this connection, two aspects areworth bearing in mind. Firstly, there is notalways a direct relationship between repe-tition and learning achievements. A studycarried out in rural primary schools inHonduras, for instance, found that 20%of children with sufficient qualificationshad not moved on to a higher grade(Schiefelbein & Wolff, 1993, p. 26), whilein the rural north-eastern part of Brazil itwas found that there was no significantrelation linking academic performancewith promotion to the next grade (ibid.,p. 25). A survey made through question-naires in China showed that 18.6% ofrepeating children in primary school had

14

13

the main problems,especially in the early

grades of primaryschool, are related notso much to learning asto teaching, that is, to

methods and contents,the criteria used forassessing academic

performance and theway schools are

managed

14

rural schools.... wherethe physicalinfrastructure isinadequate, multigradeclasses are given by asingle teacher, the timedevoted to teaching isoften less than thatlaid down in the schooltimetable, and theteacher is poorlytrained andinsufficiently prepared

Repetition: a problem or a solution?

reached a sufficient level of learning(UNESCO, 1992, p. 144). Moreover, it isnot always easy to find clear definitionsfor repetition or well established proce-dures to regulate it, while the standardsused to assess performance are oftenapplied neither systematically nor to allsubjects alike. A study carried out inNepal failed to find any common criteriaapplied by teachers with respect to pro-motion (Williams et al., 1993, p. 16). In astudy applied to a sample of schools inNamibia, it was found that both theinconsistent application of standards andthe individual attitudes and opinions ofteachers may influence the decision to faila student more than the actual level oflearning achieved (Fair, 1994).

Secondly, low repetition rates do notnecessarily signify high levels of academicperformance. In Malaysia, for instance,where an automatic promotion standardis applied and where repetition anddropout have practically been eliminated,an analysis of the tests given in rural pri-mary schools in 1989 showed a 67.7%satisfactory performance in mathematics(compared with 92.5% in urban schools)and 57% in English language (69% inurban schools) (UNESCO, 1992, p. 145).In Jamaica, which applies a system of agepromotion resulting in low repetition anddropout rates, the analysis of performancetests given in 1989 showed that 48% ofthose leaving primary school experiencedconsiderable difficulties understandingwhat they read (Schiefelbein & Wolff,1993, p. 27).

In fact, unlike what may be assumed,students who repeat or who experiencelearning difficulties generally receive nospecial attention from the teacher andturn out to be the least cared for. This wasshown, for instance, by a survey carriedout in 1981 by the Ministry of Educationof Sri Lanka (UNESCO, 1987), as well asby a study based on a sample of studentsin the first to fifth grades of basic educa-

tion in Madagascar (Uddin Khan &Berstecher, 1988).

In Sri Lanka as well, it was found thatthe schools with the highest repetition anddropout rates were also those which hadmost pupils per teacher, especially in thefirst grade, and where pupils received theleast support from their teachers(Colclough & Lewin, 1993). A survey car-ried out in rural schools in Mexicoshowed that teachers generally do notknow how to help pupils who experiencedifficulties learning a particular subject(Ezpeleta & Weiss, 1994). It has also oftenbeen observed that teachers have lowexpectations where repeating children areconcerned and tend to devote more timeand attention to students who performbetter, thus creating a vicious circle whichis hard to break.

The highest repetition and dropoutrates are concentrated in rural schools.The most common situation is one wherethe physical infrastructure is inadequate,multi-grade classes are given by a singleteacher (one-third of primary schools inIndia in 1987), the time devoted to teach-ing is often less than that laid down in theschool timetable, and the teacher is poorlytrained and insufficiently prepared. InNicaragua, for instance, a study showedthat the risk of repeating is higher whenteachers are young and have limitedworking experience (UNICEF, 1995,p. 22).

On the other hand, repetition has anotable effect on dropout and early schoolleaving. A study carried out in eighteencommunes and cities in the province ofHebei (China) found that 68.6% ofdropouts had already repeated a grade.The dropout rate was 21.6% among non-repeaters, 31.6% among those who hadrepeated once and 82.8% among thosewho had repeated more than twice(UNESCO, 1992). In the case of SriLanka, a survey carried out in the early1980s showed that 60% of dropouts had

15

Repetition: a problem or a solution?

attended school irregularly; 21% hadrepeated a grade three times, 31% twiceand 64% once. In addition, 82% ofdropouts were older than the normal agefor their grade (UNESCO, 1984).

It is not so much a matter of establish-ing to what extent repetition inducesdropout, but rather of taking account ofthe fact that a fair proportion of pupilswho leave school before completing theprimary cycle do so after repeating agrade once or twice, probably withouthaving acquired a satisfactory level ofknowledge and skills.

A further effect of high repetition ratesis the marked increase in the proportionof pupils who are older than the normalage for their grade. In other words, addedto boys and girls who have not beenadmitted to the education system at theright age, there are the pupils who havehad to repeat their grade. This type of sit-uation, which is very common in ruralschools in many countries, has at leasttwo significant effects:(i) The task of teaching is complicated by

having to teach children at differentlevels of physical and psychologicalmaturity. It is well known that teachingmaterials and educational methods aredesigned mostly on the basis of an idealsituation with an average student inmind. Such materials are obviously notsuitable for teachers faced with thereality of different ages and levels inthe classroom (see Schiefelbein &Wolff, 1993; Ezpeleta & Weiss, 1994).As a result, children who repeat andwho are over age (who, as we havesaid, usually receive no special atten-tion), find it more difficult to followthe 'normal' pace of teaching and inmany cases will have to repeat theirgrade again.

In this way, repetition may merelylead to yet more repetition instead ofbetter learning. According to some esti-mates, the probability that a new pupil

will be promoted in the first grade inBrazil is almost double that of a repeat-ing child (Costa Ribeiro, 1990, p. 7).On the other hand, as the age of pupilsand the number of times they haverepeated increases, so does the likeli-hood that they will leave school forgood in a state of virtual illiteracy,especially if they leave before the thirdgrade, as shown by a study carried outin the Philippines (UNESCO, 1984).

(ii)Children repeating the first grade takeup many of the places which couldhave been available for children reach-ing school age and who should beenrolling for the first time, thus leadingto an inefficient use of the premises andresources available.

In countries where there is alreadysufficient educational capacity to sat-isfy the whole of the school age popu-lation, a considerable proportion of theavailable capacity is used for repeatingpupils, making it more difficult toextend primary education to the wholepopulation.

On the other hand, countries withan insufficient educational coverageand high repetition rates are forced toexpand existing capacity too fast andto devote most of their availableresources to creating additional places.

Lastly, it is worth noting that higher repe-tition rates are related to more student-years on average needed to pass a gradeand to complete primary school success-fully, entailing additional cost and a lossof internal efficiency for the educationsystem. The cost increase could be consid-ered useful if the expected results in termsof better learning were achieved. A greatdeal of evidence suggests, however, thatthe opposite is true, at least for the earlygrades.

16

15

higher repetition ratesare related to more

student-years onaverage needed to

pass a grade and tocomplete primary

school successfully,entailing additional

cost and a loss ofinternal efficiency forthe education system

16

the enormousexpansion of primaryeducation in recentdecades has allowedaccess to the eductionsystem to very largesocial sectors whichhave traditionally beenexcluded fromschooling

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IV. Factors associatedwith repetition

The enormous expansion of primary edu-cation in recent decades has allowedaccess to the education system to verylarge social sectors which have tradition-ally been excluded from schooling. Thegreater coverage obtained has requiredconsiderable investments in terms ofpremises, equipment and staff, yet has notbeen accompanied by any substantivereview of teaching contents and methods,taking into account the growing differen-tiation in educational demand and theincreasing diversity of students broughtinto the system. Many attempts have beenmade at renewing and reforming educa-tion, in different regional contexts, butsufficient account has not always beentaken of the need for substantial changesin the way basic learning is organized,promoted and assessed. Furthermore,educational practice continues to beanchored to an ideal of linguistic and cul-tural uniformity which is very far fromreflecting the true characteristics of theschool population. Instead of being con-sidered as a resource and a starting point,the cultural knowledge and linguistic abil-ities of students are frequently perceivedas an obstacle or a disadvantage for theacquisition of further knowledge.

Why is it that a fair proportion of chil-

dren entering the primary cycle repeatonce or twice? Is it plausible that there areso many students who have problemsadapting to school and taking full advan-tage of the opportunity to learn, or is itnot more likely that school systems arefailing to adapt their educational methodsto the diversity of students and continueto have serious difficulties with the qualityof the teaching they provide?

The available evidence regarding thefactors related to high repetition provide asufficiently clear idea of the set of vari-ables which may be involved. What is lessobvious, on the other hand, and a matterof controversy, is the relative importancewhich should be attached to each inexplaining school performance.

The distinction between out-of-schoolfactors (related to living conditions andthe socio-economic environment) andfactors internal to the education system(such as teaching resources, teacher train-ing or teaching contents) has beenaccepted and their complex interrelation-ship widely recognized. However, theextent to which these factors individuallydetermine such significant disparities inacademic performance and exactly howthey affect school success and failure isstill an open question.

r

17

t

The association between socio-eco-nomic causes and final school dropout is awell documented fact, especially in thecase of children over 10 years old, whocan begin to be a source of additionalincome or to lend a hand in domestic orfarming work. Moreover, all the studiescarried out in different regions agree thatthe highest repetition and (more gener-ally) school failure rates are observedamong students from certain social sec-tors and geographic areas. There are twodifferent ways of explaining this correla-tion.

One possibility is that a high repetitionrate is an indicator of poor school perfor-mance and an insufficient aptitude tolearn, due to social conditions of povertywhich do not favour normal physical andmental development in children.

Alternatively, it may be argued thatrepetition is an indicator of the low qual-ity of the educational services supplied tothis type of student, characterized by apoor supply of material resources, aninadequate level of preparation on thepart of teachers and ineffective teachingmethods.

In fact, the available evidence showsthat the greater the deprivations as far asliving conditions are concerned, thegreater the limitations in the teachingavailable, so that the neediest childrenalmost invariably receive the poorestquality education.

Internal variables of the educationsystem and the quality of teaching have aconsiderable impact on high repetitionrates in the early grades of primaryschool. Such factors include the teachers,their attitudes, degree of preparation andexperience; the teaching methods usedand the criteria applied to assess learning;the time devoted to teaching and atten-dance at school as shown in the cases ofMadagascar (Uddin Khan & Berstecher,1988) and Mexico (Ezpeleta & Weiss,1994); the quality of the communication

Factors associated with repetition

they establish with students and the reme-dial actions with which they try to resolvewhat they perceive as learning problems.They also include the school, the way it isorganized and managed (timetable, evalu-ation and promotion systems, availabilityof pre-school care, etc.) and the availabil-ity of texts, teaching inputs and possibleincentives. They also obviously includethe contents of teaching (and in particularthe degree of difficulty of programmes)and the extent to which these are adaptedto the children's cultural and linguisticcharacteristics.

All these variables may be ordered indifferent ways. There is one aspect, how-ever, which is particularly relevant acrossdifferent regions, namely the acquisitionof reading and writing skills. There aretwo questions in this respect which needanalyzing in detail, repetition in the earlygrades and multilingualism.

REPETITION IN EARLY GRADES

Available information appears to confirmthat the highest repetition rates occur inthe first grade of primary school, wherelearning success is closely related to theacquisition of basic reading and writingskills, which also determine the pupils'chances of later progress.

The teaching methods used, the teach-ers' ability to master them, their suitabil-ity in relation to the characteristics of theteaching language and to the pupils' ownknowledge of that language all appear ascritical factors for the development of theability to understand and to reproducewritten and verbal messages.

In this sense, the effectiveness of teach-ing generally continues to be very low, anddoes not help to create the sort of literateenvironment which is propitious to activelearning and to the creative use of readingand writing. Furthermore, in many casesthe traditional way of teaching readingand writing tends to be very mechanical

18

17

the available evidenceshows that the greaterthe deprivations as faras living conditions areconcerned, the greater

the limitations in theteaching available, so

that the neediestchildren almost

invariably receive thepoorest quality

education

18

pupils who do notspeak the languageused in teaching andwho are faced with thedouble difficulty oflearning to read andwrite in an unknownlanguage at the sametime as they acquirethat language do notreceive any specialassistance

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Factors associated with repetition

and encourages memorization rather thanthe significant use of language to commu-nicate. Schools continue to consider thelearning of writing more as the acquisitionof a technique than the appropriation of anew object of knowledge, that is to say, asystem for representing language. In thissense, the high repetition rates in the earlygrades of primary school should be inter-preted not so much as the effect of theusual difficulties experienced by studentsas they try to develop a technical skill(which can gradually be overcome withmore effective methods and more prac-tice), but rather as a reflection of seriouslimitations of the education system,which is unable to support the normaldevelopment of a means of acquiring newknowledge (see Ferreiro, 1986a Sc b;1988).

It must also be remembered that lin-guistic diversity is the rule rather than theexception in all geographic regions, andthat most of the time teaching is con-ducted in one language only, which is theofficial language. Pupils who do notspeak the language used in teaching andwho are faced with the double difficultyof learning to read and write in anunknown language at the same time as

they acquireacquire that language do not receiveany special assistance. Similarly, theteachers working in multilingual environ-ments have not been either trained ortaught to cope with the difficulties theyhave to face in practice in such situations.It is worth pointing out that bilingualeducation programmes reach only a tinyproportion of the school populationneeding this type of teaching. In China,for instance, about 2.6 million childrenbelonging to the fifty-five recognizednational minorities are enrolled in pri-mary school, but only little more than afifth of them enjoy bilingual schooling(Asia-Pacific Cultural Centre forUNESCO, 1994, p. 98-99). In LatinAmerica, bilingual education pro-grammes have become widespread onlyin Mexico, while among the indigenouspopulations of the different countries ofthe region, repetition, dropout and illiter-acy rates are usually twice the nationalaverages (see Centro Latinoamericano deDemografia, 1994; Psacharopoulos &Patrinos, 1994). In Bolivia, for instance, aprimary school child of indigenous originis twice as likely to repeat a grade com-pared with a non-indigenous pupil, whilein Guatemala repetition rates among

19

indigenous pupils run as high as 90% (seePatrinos & Psacharopoulos, 1992). InParaguay, monolingual Guarani childrenare more likely to repeat and generallyprogress more slowly through the system(see Patrinos, Velez & Psacharopoulos,1993).

Among the tribal minorities inThailand, the literacy rate is only 16.4%,compared with a national average of93.3% (Asia-Pacific Cultural Centre forUNESCO, p. 112). In Viet Nam, the 1989census survey estimated a nationwide illit-eracy rate of 16.4%, but an average rateof 40.8% among national minorities,which account for around 13% of thepopulation (ibid., p. 115); also in VietNam, 1980 data indicated an averagedropout rate of 3.8% nationwide in thefirst four primary grades, while in theprovinces populated mostly by nationalminorities the rate varied between 4.7 and13% (UNESCO, 1984, p. 169).

MULTILINGUALISM

Language teaching takes up a substantialproportion of available time in primaryeducation (Lockheed & Verspoor, 1992,p. 45). On entering school, children haveto learn new uses of the language and haveto develop new types of linguistic behav-iour, which are not necessarily the same asthose of their reference culture.

The extent to which pupils are able toassimilate these new language functionsand the degree of familiarity achieved interms of the linguistic behaviour patternsrequired have a considerable impact onschool performance and its assessment.And yet the approaches and techniquesapplied in language teaching continue toignore the advances achieved in the fieldof child literacy in recent decades. In somebilingual educational projects undertakenin Latin America, it was found when inno-vative methods of teaching reading andwriting were applied, for instance, that

Factors associated with repetition

the children of indigenous mother tonguehad acquired a better knowledge ofSpanish than Spanish-speaking studentswho had been taught by traditional meth-ods.

There is considerable ignorance in theeducation system regarding languageproblems and teaching methods related toreading and writing, particularly in multi-lingual situations. In Latin America, forinstance, teachers working in indigenousschools are frequently under the impres-sion that they are teaching Spanish whenin fact they are using it as a tool to teachother subjects. This confusion betweenlanguage as either a means or an object ofteaching can significantly delay acquisi-tion of the official language, apart fromcausing serious difficulties in the learningof curriculum contents.

From this point of view, the poor edu-cational results achieved in multilingualcountries are also related to the lack ofappropriate planning of the use of lan-guages in primary education. In recentyears, there has been much discussionregarding the advisability of initiating thelearning process in a child's own mothertongue, and it seems that broad agreementhas been reached in this respect. Yetdespite this, innovations introduced inthis field in recent decades have not man-aged to get beyond the experimentalstage, and bilingual education is still con-sidered as a luxury rather than a necessity(on Latin America, see UNESCO, 1990).Moreover, the need for a suitable method-.ology for teaching the official language asa second language has been given verylittle attention in educational policies andin the research and investment pro-grammes of international organizations(Torres, 1995a & b).

20

I9

there is considerableignorance in the

education systemregarding language

problems and teachingmethods related to

reading and writing,particularly in

multilingual situations

20

From the point of viewof families and pupils... in the last resort, itis better to repeatthan to receive noteaching at all

O

O

O0

V. Social attitudestowards repetition

In general, the culture of repetition orpedagogy of repetition, as defined bysome authors (see Costa Ribeiro, 1990), isaccepted as a normal fact of primary edu-cation, on the assumption that repetitionis a remedy provided by the educationsystem to offset a lack of learning, for rea-sons either internal or external to theschool system. From the point of view offamilies and pupils, especially among thepoorest social sectors, who have to makeconsiderable efforts to obtain access toeducation, it is preferable to repeat agrade than to have to face greater difficul-ties with more complex curricular con-tent. In the last resort, it is better to repeatthan to receive no teaching at all (seeMyers, 1993; McGinn et al., 1992).

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Views tend to differ regarding thecauses of poor learning standardsaccording to the positions of thoseinvolved in the system. Teachers, schoolprincipals and educational authoritiesalike tend to relate the learning difficul-ties and low academic performance ofpupils chiefly to factors external to thesystem, such as low family income andpoor living conditions, which give rise tolow learning aptitudes and little interestin schooling, or the inadequate supportwhich children receive from their fami-lies. They also commonly refer to thematerial limitations inherent in thesystem, such as the lack of equipment,textbooks and teaching inputs. Few con-sider that repetition really depends on

21

Social attitudes towards repetition

the quality of the teaching offered or thecriteria used to evaluate learning.

A study concerning a small sample ofprimary schools in Brazil showed that theteachers interviewed appeared convincedthat children from low-income socialbackgrounds faced inherent learning diffi-culties, although direct observationshowed that the highest repetition rateswere related to first grade teachers lackingin enthusiasm, dedication and suitabletraining (Davico, 1990).

While the socio-economic level ofpupils obviously affects their academicperformance and the qualifications theyobtain, it also influences the expectationteachers have regarding their learningcapacity. A survey carried out in some pri-mary schools in Namibia showed thatteachers' attitudes and opinions concern-ing aspects of their students not directlyrelated to education considerably influ-enced the decision whether to promote apupil or not (Fair, 1994).

Parents, on the other hand, tend toattribute low learning performance totheir children's own limitations and short-comings, without ever querying the effi-ciency or quality of the schoolingprovided. In this way, the low expecta-tions in terms of learning for studentsfrom the poorest families may originateon either the demand side (parents) or onthe supply side (teachers) of education,each serving to reinforce the other(Tedesco, 1983).

A better awareness of the social atti-tudes towards educational results, of thedifferent approaches to academic perfor-mance and the different reactions amongfamilies to their children's failure inschool might well contribute to a betterunderstanding of the problem.

Further studies and research, and evenmore so exchanges of views regarding theresults obtained between families, teach-ers and educational authorities, mightprovide some useful clues for the defini-

tion and implementation of strategies fordealing with repetition.

The measures adopted should proba-bly include information campaigns aimedat changing deep-rooted convictions andwidespread social opinions regardingschool repetition.

A practical example may illustrate thispoint. It is well established that bilingualeducation programmes often meet withresistance from parents, teachers and offi-cials alike, who are convinced that theteaching of the mother tongue hampers orretards the acquisition of a second lan-guage (the official language). Assessmentsof bilingual education projects carried outin Latin America have shown that thereare no significant differences in the stan-dards achieved in the official languagebetween pupils receiving bilingual educa-tion and those taught along traditionallines (see, for instance, Lopez, 1995). Inother words, the development of languageskills in the mother tongue far fromrestricting the learning of a second lan-guage tends to facilitate the process.Once again, widely accepted social atti-tudes and beliefs have hampered the intro-duction of innovative methods whichhave proved to be pedagogically effective.Changes in the school system and cultureshould therefore be treated like any otherattempt at planned social change, the suc-cess of which will depend to a great extenton how much is known about the differ-ent points of view and practices of thesocial players involved.

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21

teachers . . . appearedconvinced that

children from low-income social

backgrounds facedinherent learning

difficulties, althoughdirect observation

showed that thehighest repetition rates

were related to first-grade teachers lacking

in enthusiasm,dedication and

suitable training

22

the problem isconcentrated inparticular grades ofprimary education, insome regions of acountry more than inothers and, though notexclusively, among thechildren of poorfamilies andindigenouscommunities

VI. Various strategiesto overcome repetition

According to the available evidence .ana-lyzed in this study, it may be suggestedthat high repetition rates in the earlygrades of primary school are to a largeextent due to the low quality of the educa-tion supply and to problems of organizingand assessing basic learning.

As was mentioned earlier, many factorsaffect repetition, in ways which varyaccording to individual situations.Measures have been taken and experi-ments have been tried in many countriesand various regions in an effort to solve orto alleviate the problem through improve-ments in the effectiveness of teaching. Itmust be remembered, however, that mea-sures which have been successful in onecountry may not necessarily have thesame impact in another. In actual fact, thepossibilities of classifying and comparingsimilar experiments in different regions ofthe world are fairly limited.

In view of the complexity of the prob-lem and the sheer diversity of national sit-uations, is it even worth trying to identifythe most appropriate strategies andactions to reduce repetition and achievebetter learning? Several studies on thesubject of repetition problems (including,for instance, UNESCO, 1984; Lockheed& Verspoor, 1992) have reached the con-clusion that, on the basis of the informa-tion currently available, it is extremelydifficult to determine which measuresoffer the best guarantees of success.

There are some general aspects, how-ever, which may come in useful in tryingto define strategies for tackling repetition.

COMPREHENSIVE MEASURESAND SUSTAINED EFFORT

Firstly, strategies have to be comprehen-sive and sustained over time. Two LatinAmerican countries (Chile and Uruguay)have managed to reduce repetition in pri-mary school considerably, thanks toteacher training, the distribution of texts,

23

curriculum improvements and incentivesfor both teachers and students (seeSchiefelbein & Wolff, 1993, p. 32).

'MAPPING' REPETITION

Reports suggest that the problem is con-centrated in particular grades of primaryeducation, in some regions of a countrymore than in others and, though notexclusively, among the children of poorfamilies and indigenous communities. Inview of this, defining strategies requirespreparing a map of repetition, takingaccount of the different levels and relatedproblems (the causes and effects of repeti-tion may differ, depending on whether thefirst or last grades of the primary cycle areconsidered), and the groups needing pri-ority attention.

ESTIMATING COSTS ANDIMPROVING EFFICIENCY

While reducing repetition rates may ensuresignificant savings in terms of average expen-diture per student, the additional invest-ments required to make the strategiesoperational will also need to be considered.This would mean estimating the costs of spe-cific actions, the possible alternatives for abetter distribution of available resources andtheir potential effectiveness. The use of simu-lation models establishing relationshipsbetween repetition factors in each grade andaccording to priority groups would no doubtfacilitate decisions and the definition of spe-cific programmes, since it would provide ameans of measuring the impact and the costof possible solutions in each scenario.

DEFINING PRIORITIES

Lastly, while a set of integrated measureswill need to be planned for, there is proba-bly no need and even no possibility oftrying to resolve all existing problems atonce. Perhaps the most important aspect

Various strategies to overcome repetition

is that the efforts deployed to increase theinternal efficiency of the educationsystem should focus on countering thecauses of low performance in primaryschool.

To sum up, strategies may be aimed attwo general objectives: (a) improving thematerial conditions in which teaching takesplace, in order to provide a suitable environ-ment for learning and to offset any draw-backs children bring with them to school (interms of premises, equipment, teachingmaterials, incentives, pre-school education,etc.); and (b) improving the teaching-learn-ing process, in order to ensure that pupilsfully develop their potential (with properlytrained teachers, suitable teaching methods,a different approach to organization and toassessing learning, etc.).

FOOD PROGRAMMES ANDDISTRIBUTION OF EDUCATIONALEQUIPMENT

Many surveys have highlighted the posi-tive effects of food programmes and thedistribution of school equipment and aidson reducing dropout, as well as increasingassistance to classes, especially in the casesof the children of low-income families(Ezpeleta & Weiss, 1994; McGinn etal., 1992; Gargiulo & Crouch, 1994;UNICEF, 1995). Nevertheless, merelyspending more time in school does notnecessarily imply a better learning perfor-mance. Food programmes should beaccompanied by measures to improveteaching efficiency as well.

MORE AND BETTER SCHOOLTEXTBOOKS

Many studies have shown that supplyingmore and better textbooks has a positiveeffect on school performance (see, forinstance, Colclough & Lewin, 1993;Lockheed & Verspoor, 1992; Thiagarajan

Pasigna, 1988), even though, like atten-

dance at school, the greater availability oftexts in itself will not resolve the problemof their appropriate use and is not a guar-antee that teaching methods will beimproved. A greater availability of schooltextbooks and reading material is a neces-sary though not sufficient condition for arenewal of the teaching process.

INITIAL AND PRE-SCHOOLEDUCATION

There is evidence which suggests a posi-tive correlation between pre-school andinitial education and greater success inlearning, especially if combined with foodprogrammes (see Lockheed & Verspoor,1992; Myers, 1992; Myers & King, 1983;Reimers, 1993). In Mexico, a positiveimpact was observed especially among thechildren of poor families, and it was esti-mated, for instance, that pre-school edu-cation produces a 19% improvement inthe results of mathematics tests among thechildren of illiterate parents, comparedwith an improvement of only 1% in thecase of better educated parents (Palafox etal., 1994, p. 177-78).

Despite the considerable expansion ofpre-school education in recent years, there isa tendency for services in general to be con-centrated in urban areas, where the benefi-ciaries are mostly children in the medium toupper social strata. If so, strategies forachieving a greater coverage of pre-schooleducation should give priority to the moreneedy and vulnerable population groups.

IMPROVING TEACHING

Generally speaking, it may be said thatmeasures aimed at improving the prepara-tion of children for learning and at facili-tating their admission and attendance atschool are more likely to succeed if theyare related to other measures for improv-ing the quality of teaching.

In this respect, one should stress the

24

23

strategies may beaimed at two general

objectives:(a) improving the

material conditions inwhich teaching takes

place, in order toprovide a suitable

environment forlearning and to offset

any drawbackschildren bring with

them to school;and (b) improving the

teaching-learningprocess, in order to

ensure that pupils fullydevelop their potential

24Various strategies to overcome repetition

LINGUISTIC DIVERSITY

In Myanmar, there are estimated tobe 135 language groups; in

Indonesia, there are some 350 locallanguages, and in Papua New

Guinea about 600. In India, there

are an estimated 1,200 languages: inthe state of Manipur, for instance,

26 languages are spoken, while thestate of Nagaland has 16 officiallanguages, some with their ownsystem of writing (Asia-PacificCultural Centre for UNESCO,

1994). In Latin America, about400 languages are spoken, and

linguistic diversity in Africais frequently associated witha type of social organization

where ethnic bonds play a veryimportant role.

need for measures aimed at strengtheninginitial education programmes and atintroducing basic changes in the wayreading and writing are taught.

Available evidence concerning infant,initial and pre-school education haveshown the significant impact on learningcapacity and motivation produced by allmeasures aimed at a balanced physicaland mental development, especiallyamong children from underprivilegedbackgrounds (see World Bank, 1995a,p. 46-47). Pupils who have to repeat as aresult of some type of physical disabilitycould be assisted for a reasonable cost bymeans of special education programmes(see World Bank, 1995a, p. 80).

SIGNIFICANT CHANGESIN THE TEACHING OF READINGAND WRITING

Moreover, in view of the obvious connectionbetween repetition in the first grade of pri-mary education and the learning of readingand writing, there is a need for a thoroughoverhaul of the parameters and traditionalpractices applied in the school system withregard to literacy (see the works of Ferreiroquoted in the bibliography).

GREATER AWARENESS OFCULTURAL AND LINGUISTICASPECTS

The impact of cultural and linguistic fac-tors on school performance generally

tends to be underestimated, despite theobservation that in many cultures thestandards of socialization and access toknowledge are not in harmony with theteaching methods and learning stylesfound in the school system.

As regards the language aspect, there isbroad agreement regarding the advisabil-ity of using children's mother tongue inaddition to the official language in theearly grades of primary school.

It is true that in most developing coun-tries the situation as regards languagestends to be extremely complex.

Moreover, a considerable number ofunofficial languages, which have onlyrecently acquired writing systems, tend tosuffer a high level of dialectal fragmenta-tion and attempts at standardization haveonly just begun. Designing bilingual edu-cation programmes requires additionalresources which are not always available,proper technical advice, sufficient timedevoted to experimentation and research,and careful planning of the use of lan-guages. A sectoral mission of the WorldBank carried out in 1993 in the provinceof Baluchistan (Pakistan) found that anattempt to produce teaching materials inthe four official languages, without anyadvice or linguistic planning, had beenunsuccessful, which is why it was decidedto use only a single official language inwritten material.

The responses of the education systemto linguistic and cultural diversity havealmost invariably been inadequate. Any

25

Various strategies to overcome repetition

efforts to apply a uniform, standardizingmodel have paradoxically tended toexclude rather than to integrate.

What strategies should then be consid-ered in highly differentiated language con-texts?

Learning in the mother tongue is aright, and any decisions in that respecttherefore extend beyond the school envi-ronment and carry a strong political con-notation.

Nevertheless, assessments made ofbilingual educational experiments inLatin America have shown that using themother tongue in primary education con-tributes towards better learning in sev-eral areas of the curriculum and todeveloping a reading ability in a secondlanguage; it offers better possibilities ofacademic success for children who aregenerally underprivileged; it facilitatesgreater participation by pupils in theclassroom and generates a more dynamicrelationship between the school and thecommunity; it tends to improve enrol-ment and promotion rates; and has afavourable impact on dropout and repe-tition (see Lopez, 1995; World Bank,1995b).

At the same time, the possibility ofacquiring a language which allowsbroader social communication and accessto other knowledge and learning of a moreuniversal nature may also be considered aright, even though in many cases it is feltto be an imposition. This would indicate aneed to consider, as part of the strategiesfor improving teaching in multilingualcontexts, a much broader approach to theway languages are used in education.

To sum up, improving methods ofteaching reading and writing, the mothertongue and the official language as asecond language appears to be a basicarea for further action, in situations ofboth low and high linguistic differentia-tion, if what is at stake is improving learn-ing and reducing repetition.

PROMOTION ANDASSESSMENT CRITERIA

The criteria used for promotion and forthe assessment of learning in primary edu-cation deserves specific mention. Annualpromotion does not appear necessarily toproduce positive effects in terms of learn-ing and may on the other hand discouragepupils, increasing dropouts and maintain-ing high repetition rates (for the case ofAsia, see UNESCO, 1984). Automaticpromotion appears to be the simplest wayof reducing repetition and the mostadvantageous in terms of costs, sincereducing the average time required toprogress through the system means thatmore children can be catered for.However, unless appropriate measures aretaken to help students who have difficul-ties and unless learning objectives arereformulated and placed within the reachof the majority of pupils, it is most likelythat the effect will be negative (see

Colclough & Lewin, 1993; Schwilleet al., 1991; UNESCO Office of Statistics,1984) or that it may only serve to deferthe problem to the end of the primaryschool cycle.

Some Latin American countries(including Panama and Puerto Rico)decided to do away with automatic pro-motion when they found that more chil-dren were leaving primary school with anunsatisfactory standard of learning whichwas attributed to the lower quality of edu-cation brought about by the new measure(see McGinn et al., 1992; SchiefelbeinWolff, 1993). It is also by no means surethat eliminating failure will produce sig-nificant effects on repetition and the flowof students, as has been observed in Brazil(Klein & Ribeiro, 1993) and Colombia(Colclough & Lewin, 1993).

It may further be pointed out that learningassessment is often used more for selectionpurposes than as a tool to assist learning andto identify difficulties experienced by stu-

25

improving methods ofteaching reading and

writing, the mothertongue and the official

language as a secondlanguage appears to

be a basic area forfurther action, in

situations of both lowand high linguistic

differentiation

26

the persistence of highrates of repetition inthe early grades ofprimary school iscontradictory in aneducation systemwhich claims to satisfythe basic learningneeds of the wholepopulation

Various strategies to overcome repetition

dents. Such assessment is rarely understoodas a permanent process and is frequently con-centrated on only a few subjects of the cur-riculum (Macintosh, 1994). Moreover, inview of the great linguistic and cultural diver-sity in many countries, it would be worthconsidering what cultural standards shouldbe used to assess students, how their progressin acquiring reading and writing abilities ismeasured and in what languages.

Studies show that reading and writingare ideal criteria for assessing and pro-moting students. In both Latin Americaand Asia, some interesting experimentshave been made in the area of flexibleinstruction, by doing away with gradesand allowing students to progress at theirown pace, encouraging the ablest withappropriate materials and providing spe-cial support for those experiencing mostdifficulties, eliminating annual tests andencouraging instead methods of self-assessment and self-learning (Schiefelbein,1992; UNESCO, 1984). In these cases,although there is some evidence ofimprovement in academic performanceand in the dropout rate, the same cannotbe said of repetition, as was found in anevaluation of the Escuela Nueva pro-gramme carried out in Colombia in 1987(see Colclough & Lewin, 1993, p. 137).

TEACHER TRAININGAND PREPARATION

Reducing repetition implies in any caseintroducing substantial changes in thestyles of learning and above all in thedidactic approach and the role of theteacher. Apart from obvious requirementsin terms of preparation and the develop-ment of appropriate materials, suchchanges imply a full review of teachertraining. In the medium and longer term,careful attention should be given to theneed to innovate in the area of trainingeducational staff, which in many casesappears bound to traditional and out-

dated approaches and which necessitatesfrequent retraining (see Torres, 1995a).

IMPROVING STATISTICS

Lastly, it would be essential to improvemethods of collecting statistical informa-tion and analyzing the relevant data. Aneffort should be made to arrive at moreoperational and more homogeneous defi-nitions of the different types of repetitionand related factors, by identifying suitableindicators to check how relevant repeti-tion is as a factor, to monitor its develop-ment and to establish comparisons. Fieldstudies are crucial for obtaining a bettergrasp of the problems, and especially tosupport information and disseminationcampaigns aimed at changing social atti-tudes towards repetition.

The persistence of high rates of repeti-tion in the early grades of primary schoolis contradictory in an education systemwhich claims to satisfy the basic learningneeds of the whole population, unless ahigh repetition rate is considered as anindicator of how far the system still is atpresent from the ultimate goal.

Satisfying basic learning needs impliesa number of challenges and opens up newperspectives for primary education. Itimplies essentially redefining schoolingand promoting a new school model on thebasis of which good quality education canbe guaranteed for everyone. In the end, ifthe message left by the Jomtien WorldConference may be interpreted as the con-viction that all can learn and oftenmanage to despite the shortcomings of theeducation offered how is it possiblethat so many students have to repeat theirgrades?

27

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Who contributedto this document?

Paul RW.Achola (Kenya) is currently ResearchProfessor and Director of the Bureau ofEducational Research, Kenyatta University,Nairobi. He has worked as a university schol-ar and researcher in Ghana, Kenya, the UnitedStates of America and Zambia. His currentresearch interests include factors associatedwith wastage in primary and secondary edu-cation; access to secondary and higher edu-cation in the countries of Eastern andSouthern Africa; and the financing of sec-ondary and higher education in East Africancountries. Among Professor Achola's recentpublications are Sociology of knowledge andAfrica's dependency on the social sciences(1992); Educational policy and educationalreforms in Kenya (1995); University expansionin Kenya: focus on issues of educational quality(1995); Adolescents and family planning: thecase of Zambia (1993); The anaemic state ofbasic education in Africa: some proposals forremedial action (1995); Access, participationand performance by slum children in formalbasic education: a study of Nairobi, Mombasaand Kisumu (1994); and Perceptions and opin-ions of selected staff of the Ministry of educa-tion regarding factors associated with wastagein primary education in Kenya (1994).

Massimo Amodio (Italy). Anthropologist. Heworked for ten years in several LatinAmerican countries, collaborating in the exe-cution and evaluation of bilingual educationactivities. He has been an associate expert inbasic education, as well as a consultant forUNESCO and for other international or bilat-eral co-operation agencies, mainly in the fieldof teacher training and project formulation.He has published several works on educa-tional issues and on bilingual educationamong indigenous peoples in Latin America.He is currently a Programme Officer for theInternational Bureau of Education, Geneva,and is preparing, jointly with Luis E. Lopez (aPeruvian linguist), an annotated bibliographyon bilingual intercultural education in LatinAmerica covering the last thirty years.

Nabil Constantine (Lebanon). A graduatemiddle-school teacher from 1965 to 1967; hesubsequently joined the staff of the StatisticsDepartment of the Ministry of Education andthe Centre de recherche et de developpe-ment pedagogiques of Beirut; since 1981, hehas headed the computing unit as well as theComite des programmes des matieres d'in-formatique.

He has acted as consultant for a numberof international organizations, such as theInternational Research and DevelopmentCentre (IRDC), Ottawa, Canada, the MPRCin Bahrain, the International Bureau for

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Education of UNESCO in Geneva, as anexpert on pedagogy, and the 'Association derecherche consacree a Ia paix' as national co-ordinator for Lebanon.

His most recent publications include: Theprice index of education in Canada (1981),Development of the examination system inTogo, Chad, Madagascar (1989), Ceducationreligieuse, ethique et morale au Liban [Religious,ethical and moral education in Lebanon](1993),Teacher training for intercultural edu-cation in Lebanon in: R. Gagliardi, ed., Teachertraining and multiculturalism: national studies(1995), School repetition in Lebanon (1995),Les coutumes et traditions libanaises et ('e-ducation interculturelle [Lebanese customsand traditions and intercultural education](1995), Citizenship education in Lebanon(1996).

Justa Ezpeleta (Argentina) was appointedResearch Professor at the Department forEducational Research of the Centre forResearch and Advanced Studies (DIC-CIMVESTAV) of Mexico in 1976. She is a grad-uate in pedagogy and educational psychologyand has carried out post-graduate studies insociology specializing in the sociology of edu-cation, at the National University of Cordoba,Argentina. She has taught post-graduate pro-grammes and seminars for researchers fromvarious Latin American universities, and hasacted as consultant for UNESCO andUNICEF.

Her main line of research has been theinstitutional problems related to the consti-tution and operation of primary schools.Following an ethnographic approach, she hasstudied institutional conditions for the pro-duction of teaching (in Argentina, Bolivia andPeru, 1989); relations between school orga-nization and educational management of theschool (in Mexico, 1994); and the labouraspect of the teaching profession (in Mexico,1992 and 1994). She has directed national andinternational research projects, the results ofwhich, such as articles and books, have beenpublished in Argentina, Brazil, Colombia,Chile, Mexico, Peru and Venezuela.

Her recent publications include: El casodel PARE (Programa para Abatir el RezagoEducativo) [The PARE case (Programme toReduce School Repetition] in: V. Edwardsand J. Osorio, eds. La construction de las politi-cos educative: en America Latina (1995);Participation social len que escuela? [Socialparticipation in what school?] in: ViolaEspinola, ed., Administration descentralizada yautonomla escolar: el rol de la comunidad en lagestiOn educativa (1995); La gestion directivaen las nuevas tendencies de politicas educa-tivas [Management for the new trends in edu-

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29

cational policy] in: M. Herrera, IsabelMosqueda, eds., La direction de Ia escuela,(1995); La evaluation cualitativa del Programapars Abet!, el Rezago Educativo [Qualitativeevaluation of PARE] (with Eduardo Weiss)(1994).

Emilia Ferreiro (Argentina) studied psycholo-gy at the University of Buenos Aires. Ph.D.from the University of Geneva, under thedirection of Jean Piaget, who wrote theForeword to her published Ph.D. thesis: Lesrelations temporelles dans le langage de Pen-font [Temporal relations in children's lan-guage] (1971).

Her interest in literacy developmentstarted in 1972, when she returned toArgentina with a Guggenheim Fellowship.Since then, she has contributed to thisfield with a psychogenetic developmentaltheory of literacy development that receivedgreat international recognition. Since1979, she has been Full Professor at theCenter of Research and Advanced Studies(CINVESTAV), Mexico City. Recently, shereceived the Honoris Causa Ph.D. from theUniversity of BuenosAires (1992) and fromthe Rio de Janeiro State University (1995),and the International Citation of Merit ofthe International Reading Association (1994).She has published numerous books, chap-ters and articles in Spanish, French, English,Italian and Portuguese. One of her books,edited in Brazil, has now appeared in itstwenty-fourth edition with 114,000 copies.Her most recent publications are Diversitye processo di alfabetizzazione [Diversity andliteracy process], Eta evolutiva, vol. 51, 1995;Remarques sur la precocite et les appren-tissages prOcoces [Remarks on precocity andearly learning], in: A. Bentolila, ed., Enseigner,apprendre,cornprendre, (1994); Children's useof punctuation marks: the case of quotedspeech, in: C. Pontecorvo, M. Orsolini &L. Resnick, Children's early text construc-tion, (1996); and J. Castorina, E. Ferreiro,M. Kohl & D. Lerner, Plaget- Vlgotsky: con-tribuciones pare replantear el debate [Piaget-Vygotsky: contributions to reopen thedebate] (1996).

Raal Gagliardi (Argentina). Scientist and expertin teaching and teacher training. Ph.D. in edu-cational sciences and in biological sciencefrom the University of Geneva; professor atthe universities of Pavia and Milan in scienceteaching; professor in the Department ofEducational Sciences and the Department ofPsychology in the Faculty of Arts in theUniversity of BuenosAires where he was alsohead of the Department of Education of theFaculty of Veterinary Sciences.Worked at

30Who contributed to this document?

the International Centre for GeneticEpistemology at the University of Geneva.

From 1981 to 1993 he undertook activi-ties in the teaching of science, the history ofscience and teacher training in the Laboratoryof Scientific Didactics and Epistemology atthe University of Geneva. Responsible fortraining in the World Programme againstAIDS of the World Health Organization(1988-89) and expert on training for FAO, ILOand the ILO's International Training Centrein Turin. Since 1993, he has been a technicalconsultant to the IBE on the teacher trainingand multiculturalism project.

He has published seventy-two articles onthe educational sciences and thirteen on biol-ogy, as well as thirteen books, among whichare: Teacher training and multiculturalism(1995); Environmental training: policies and prac-tices for sustainable development (1994) (withT. Alfthan); II maestro, it bambino, le scienze[The teacher, the child and science] (1994)(with P. Mosconi Bernardini and M.T.Bocchiola).

Akli lu Habte (Ethiopia), prior to assuming pri-vate consultancy activities, joined and servedUNICEF as Chief of the Education Divisionand Special Adviser to the Executive Directorof UNICEF (1990-93). He was seconded toUNICEF from the World Bank where he hadserved from 1977 to 1990. From 1969 to 1974he was President of the Haile Selassie IUniversity, Addis Ababa. From 1974 to 1977he served as Minister of Culture, Sports andYouth Affairs in the Government of Ethiopia.He received degrees from the UniversityCollege of Addis Ababa, the University ofManitoba and Ohio State University and doc-torates from Ohio State University in 1958and 1972.

He has served and continues to serve onnumerous boards, including: the ExecutiveBoard of UNESCO; the Board and theExecutive Committee of the InternationalDevelopment Research Centre of Canada;International Institute for EducationalPlanning; member and the First President ofthe International Scientific Committee forthe Drafting of a General History of Africa;the Association of African Universities and itsExecutive Committee; the Council of theUnited Nations University; the internationalCouncil for Educational Development; andBoard of Visitors for the School of Education,University of Pittsburgh; and Board memberof the Educational Development Centre. Heis a Distinguished Fellow of the Academy forEducational Development.

Mr Aklilu has published several articles,monographs and reports on education anddevelopment.

Ruben Klein (Brazil) is researcher at theLaborat6rio Nacional de ComputacioCientffica (LNCC), Rio de Janeiro, where hedeals with statistics, educational indicators,school repetition problems, large-scale assess-ment of basic education and item responsetheory. He holds a Ph.D. in mathematics(1974) from the Massachussetts Institute ofTechnology (MIT), Cambridge, United Statesof America. Among his recent publicationsare: R. Klein & S.Costa Ribeiro, 0 fluxo dosalunos do 1° grau no estado do Parana nadecada de 1980 [The flow of pupils in the firstgrade in the state of Parana during theI 980s], Relcrtario de pesauisa e desenvolvimento(LNCCICNPq), 1993, n° 29; R. Klein, (1994).O fluxo dos alunos do 1° grau no estado doRio de Janeiro na decada de 80: necessidadede melhorar a qualidade do ensino [The flowof pupils in the grade in the state of Rio deJaneiro during the 1980s: the need to improvethe quality of education]. Revista Rio deJaneiro, (UERJ), ano II, n° 3, p. 9-20. R. Klein,Producao a utilizacoo de indicadores educa-cionais [Production and use of educationalindicators], 1995, 2' versa° (mimeo) pre-sented at the Workshop on Repetition,Geneva, February 1995.

Abel Koulaninga (Central African Republic) isat present Secretary-General of the Com-mission of the Central African Republic forUNESCO. In 1987 he obtained a Ph.D. in edu-cational sciences from the Rene DescartesUniversity, Paris. After his studies, from 1987he was Director-General of Teaching andTraining in the Central African Ministry ofEducation, before entering his present postin 1990. Mr Koulaninga is a member, amongother functions, of the Office of FutureResearch, Studies and Training in the CentralAfrican Republic and World President of theInternational Commission on Measures toEncourage the Promotion, Development andProtection of the Cultural heritage.Amonghis recent publications are: La Situation de'Integration socio-educative des Pygmees enAfrique Centrale [The situation of social andeducational integration of Pygmies in CentralAfrica] (1995); Etude sur la problematique de'Introduction du Sango (longue nationale) donsle systeme educatif centrafricain [Study on thequestion of introducing Sango (the nationallanguage) in the Central African educationsystem] (1992); Etude en vue d'identifier lesfacteurs influencont recces des fines d l'ecoleet l'amelioration de leur performance enRepublique Centrafricalne [Study to identifyfactors affecting the access of girls to schooland improving their performance in theCentral African Republic] (1992); Suivi de('Education pour Tous : analyse de la situation

31REST COPY AVAILABLE

et strategies en Republique Centrafricaine[Follow-up to Education for All: analysis ofthe situation and strategies in the CentralAfrican Republic] 1991; Ecole fondomentalerurale [The basic rural school] (1991).

Luis E. Lopez (Peru) is a Peruvian linguist, spe-cialized in socio-linguistics applied to thedevelopment of intercultural bilingual edu-cation programmes. He has recently joinedthe German Agency for Technical Co-opera-tion (GTZ) as Principal Adviser for theAndean Regional Intercultural BilingualEducation Human Resource DevelopmentProgramme, based in Bolivia at the Universityof San Simon. Before that, he had been work-ing for three years as General Advisor to theBolivian Educational Reform. For the pastdecade, Mr Lopez has been involved in vari-ous educational innovations carried out inBolivia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Nicaragua andPeru, as well as in educational evaluation andresearch carried out in some of these coun-tries, and has also worked as a consultant forUNESCO, UNICEF, GTZ, SIDA,Terra Nuovaand the World Bank. Apart from numerousarticles published in specialized journals andin collective works, both in Latin America andin the United States and Europe, Mr Lopezhas produced various books on bilingual edu-cation in indigenous America, amongst whichare: Las lenguas en la educacien bilingile: el casode Puno [Languages in bilingual education:the case of the Puno], La educacien indigeneen America Latino [Indigenous education inLatin America] and Aprendizaje y enseilanzade Castellano como segunda lengua [Learningand teaching in Spanish as a second language]published in Guatemala. He has recently con-tributed to a volume on indigenous literaciesin the Americas to be published by Moutonin 1996 with a detailed article on the educa-tional experience of the Bolivian Guaranis,and is now working on a contribution for theEncyclopaedia of language and education to bepublished by Kluwer in the Netherlands andon a chapter on bilingualism in South Americafor a book about a global perspective on bilin-gualism being prepared in Canada.

Victor M. Ordon ez (Philippines) is the Directorof the UNESCO Bangkok Office. As such, heis responsible for co-ordinating this office'sefforts in the areas of education, culture, com-munications and social science throughoutthe forty-one countries of the Asia and Pacificregion, as well as serving as the official rep-resentative of UNESCO and its Director-General in Thailand, Viet Nam, Laos,Cambodia, Myanmar, Japan and the Republicof Korea.

Mr. Ordofiez comes directly from

UNESCO Headquarters in Paris, where heserved since 1990 as the Principal Directorof the Basic Education Division and the Co-ordinator of programmes and inter-agencyefforts in the 'Education forAll' initiatives fol-lowing the Jomtien Conference (1990).

Prior to joining UNESCO, Mr Ordofiezserved as Deputy Minister and Under-secre-tary in the Ministry of Education, Culture andSports of the Philippines, and had served inother key government positions in theMinistries ofTrade and of Governmental Re-organization in that country. He has servedas academic dean, planning director, gradu-ate school dean, college president and boardchairman of various academic institutions inthe Philippines. He was also a professorial lec-turer at the University of California, LosAngeles, and a research fellow at the East-West Center, Hawaii. Mr Ordofiez holds sevenacademic degrees, with honours, including aPh.D. in oriental philosophy, and pursued post-doctoral studies in management at theUniversity of Wisconsin, Harvard Universityand the Asian Institute of Management.

Ernesto Schiefelbein (Chile) is the Director ofthe UNESCO Regional Office of Educationfor Latin America and the Caribbean. Hereceived an Ed.D.from Harvard University in1970 and in 1960 completed degrees in teach-ing from the Universidad Tecnica, and in eco-nomics from the University of Chile. Aformer Minister of Education in Chile, hehas been a visiting professor at HarvardUniversity and Director of the First SpanishCourse in Preparation of Education Projectsorganized by the Economic DevelopmentInstitute (EDI) of the World Bank. Dr.Schiefelbein has obtained several national andinternational awards and is a member of foureditorial boards of professional journals.Among the books which he has published(alone or as co-author) are: Eight years of theirlives (1982); Repetition: the key issue in LatinAmerica (1989); The state of education in LAC,1980-1989 (1992); Improving the quality of pri-mary education in Latin Americo and theCaribbean (1994); and Una nueva oportunidad:el ml de la education en el desamollo de AmericaLatina [A new opportunity: the role of edu-cation in developing Latin America] (1995).

Juan Carlos Tedesco (Argentina) graduatedin Educational Sciences (Faculty of Philo-sophy and Arts of the University of BuenosAires, 1968). He was Professor of History ofEducation at the Universities of La Plata,Comahue and La Pampa, where he also heldthe post of academic secretary. In 1976, hejoined UNESCO as specialist in educationalpolicy for the UNESCO/CEPAL Project

Who contributed to this document?

'Development and Education in LatinAmerica and the Caribbean', where he wasin charge of research on education andemployment. From 1982 to 1986, he wasDirector of CRESALC (Centro Regional deEducation Superior para America Latina y elCaribe). In 1986, he was appointed Directorof the Regional Office for Education for LatinAmerica and the Caribbean (UNESCO-OREALC) and is currently Director ofUNESCO's International Bureau forEducation in Geneva.

He has published many articles and bookson relations between education and society.These include: EducatiOn, sociedad enArgentina: 1800-1945 [Education and societyin Argentina, 1800-1945] (1972); El ProyectoEducativo Autoritario:Argentina 1976-82 [TheImposed Educational Project: 1976-82](1983); Una nueva oportunidad. El rol de la edu-cation en el desarrollo de America Latina [Anew opportunity: the role of education indeveloping Latin America] (1995) (with E.Schiefelbein); El nuevo pacto educativo [Thenew educational pact] (1995).

Luis Tiburcio (Portugal) has been a UNESCOProgramme Specialist in the field of educa-tional policies and planning since 1982.Specializing in policy analysis and the eco-nomics of education, he has been involved ina wide range of technical co-operation activ-ities in African and Latin American countries.At present, he is Representative and Head ofthe UNESCO Office in Maputo, Mozambique.He has written numerous articles and hasparticipated in various publications dealingwith educational development issues. He isco-author, with F. Reimers, of the UNESCOpublication Education, adjustment and recon-struction: options for change (1993) (also pub-lished in French and Spanish).

Rosa Maria Torres del Castillo (Ecuador).Educationalist, linguist and educational jour-nalist. Her research, technical consultancyand headquarters communication work hasspecialized in several areas related to thebasic education of children and adults. Shewas professor of languages and linguistics atthe Universidad Catalica and the UniversidadCentral in Quito (1971-78). From 1981 to1986, she worked in Nicaragua, basically inthe area of adult education promoted duringthe Sandinist period. She was EducationalDirector of the 'Monsenor Leonidas Proano'Literacy Campaign in Ecuador (1988-91). Shehas acted as consultant for various interna-tional organizations. Since 1992, she hasworked as Educational Advisor at UNICEFheadquarters in NewYork, at the same timeediting the UNICEF bulletin Education

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news. Since 1 990 she has produced a weeklypage on Education in the Quito daily Elcomercio. Her experience in the area of infor-mation/communication has included news-letters, journals, video productions and radioprogrammes on the subject of education. Shehas written many publications on educationand communication, several of which havebeen translated into other languages.

Areerat Wattanasin (Thailand), is the Directorof the Curriculum Development Centre,Bangkok. Her main interests are in researchand development on appropriate instructionalinnovation for teaching/learning in localsituations. The Curriculum DevelopmentCentre is responsible for: (i) developing cur-riculum and educational innovations, whichincludes developing programmes for learn-ers at the elementary, secondary and voca-tional training level, and also short coursesprogrammes; (ii) promoting the implemen-tation of the curriculum. This function dealswith creating instructional materials forteacher and educators that are relevant tothe conditions and needs of the communitiesand also providing documents for reinforcingknowledge on the learning process. TheCentre also provides instructional innovationmanuscripts for communities in order toapply the knowledge and disseminate themto the local schools; (iii) providing trainingprogrammes, holding seminars or meetingsfor concerned personnel. This type of activ-ity can be a seminar for administrators tostimulate their awareness of curriculumdevelopment and to be responsive to theneeds of the community, or it can be a train-ing programme for local staff enabling themto make the best use of local resources forcurriculum development; (iv) monitoring andevaluating the curriculum implementation.Mrs Wattanasin holds a B.Ed. (Math.) anda M.Ed. (Research) from ChulalongkornUniversity. Among her publications are:Elementary curriculum (1978); Elementary cur-riculum (revised) (1990); Secondary curriculum( I 978); Secondary curriculum (revised) ( I 990);English subject curriculum (1996); Teachers'guide in career education; and Teachers' guidein career education management.

32TABLE 3:Primary education: total number and percentage of repeaters(countries with more than 100,000 repeaters)

TotalCountry Year Sex Total

numberpercentageof repeaters

Total

Country Year Sex Totalnumber

percentageof repeaters

AFRICA AMERICA, NORTH

Algeria 1992 MF 403 987 9 Dominican

F 136 324 7 Republic 1987 MF 176 562 17

Angola 1990 MF 331 183 33 Guatemala 1985 MF 133 088 13

Benin 1991 MF 123 654 23 Honduras 1993 MF 116 159 12

F 42 853 24 F 52 018 11

Burundi 1992 MF 154 244 24 Mexico 1993 MF 1 046 363 7

F 68 124 23 Nicaragua 1993 MF 125 313 17

Cameroon 1990 MF 573 163 29 F 58 069 16

Central African 1989

F

MF

252 562101 030

28

31AMERICA, SOUTH

Republic F 40 224 32 Brazil 1992 MF 5 244 249 17

Chad 1990 MF 169 600 32 Colombia 1993 MF 336 103 7

F 54 800 34 F 156 537 7

Congo 1993 MF 180 397 36 Ecuador 1987 MF 112 415 6

F 84 196 35 F 50 848 6

Cote d'Ivoire 1993 MF 394 756 25 Peru 1985 MF 524 270 14

F 162 219 25 Venezuela 1992 MF 478 835 I I

Egypt 1993 MF 400 000 5 F 194 095 9

Ethiopia 1988

F

MF

151 000

260 2864

9ASIA

MF 770 376 7F 119 709 11 Bangladesh 1989

Guinea 1993 MF 103 099 22 China 1993 MF 4 645 000 4

F 37 548 24 India 1987 MF 3 682 988 4

Madagascar 1993 MF 487 162 32 F 1 461 275 4

F 229 948 31 Indonesia 1992 MF 2 659 501 9

Malawi 1992 MF 329 872 18 Iran, Islamic

F 154 557 18 Republic of 1993 MF 708 504 7

Mali 1993 MF 126 140 25 F 266 386 6

F 48 093 25 Iraq 1992 MF 470 687 16

Morocco 1992 MF 338 732 12 F 172 110 13

F 115 985 10 Lao People's Demo-

Mozambique 1993 MF 316 075 26 cratic Repub. 1993 MF 178 524 26

F 137 806 26 F 73 197 25

Rwanda 1991 MF 156 105 4 Nepal 1992 MF 807 056 8

F 74 635 4 F 280 175 7

Senegal 1991 MF 116 730 6 Philippines 1989 MF 206 178 2

F 49 286 6 Saudi Arabia 1992 MF 222 130 11

South Africa 1991 MF 889 693 2 F 77 067 8

F 382 950 Sri Lanka 1992 MF 145 305 7

Togo 1993 MF 304 742 46 F 57 238 6

F 122 630 46 Syrian Arab Repub. 1993 MF 184 584 7

Tunisia 1993 MF 263 052 18 F 73 560 6

F 1 1 1 010 16 Thailand 1988 MF 227 085 3

Uganda 1986 MF 310 196 14 Turkey 1992 MF 383 961 6

F 138 545 14 F 188 289 6

United Republic 1993 MF 115 189 3 EUROPEof Tanzania F 58 692 3

Zaire 1993 MF 1 035 303 21 Belgium 1990 MF 113 985 17

F 438 792 21 F 50 492 15

France 1991 MF 168 968 4

Portugal 1990 MF 145 908 14

F 50 848 12

Russian Federation 1994 MF 147 000 2

F 73 000 2

Spain 1989 MF 112 598 5

Source: UNESCO. Statistiscal yearbook '95. Paris; Lanham, MD, UNESCO: Bernam. (Table 3.6)F 46 733 4

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