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Do@c{mernta - MAGYARSÁGTUDOMÁNYI INTÉZET. Trans. 4. Tisza's policy.pdfEve of World War I GEORC:E BAILEY : ... Hisrory of Hun garians M etallurgy in the Early Middle Ages ... iecua;ap

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Do@c{mernta

rltF_l

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,N IHIS ISSUE

IION collection of rhe province of Csik

GABRIEL ADRI{NTI : Zur Geschtchte des Deutschen Rltterordens in Sieben5"rgen

ldszr,o MAKKAI : Transsylvanian Towns

i.StfLYt - L.PATAKY : Die Belohnung der Finder des Attila-Schatzes vor

N agvszentmiklos

L. }\4AKKAI : Responsabilltd scientifique ou jeu avec les mots ?

F.PoLosKEI:IstvSnf.isza'sPoiicytor,lardt}teRtimanranNationaiiriesonrheEve of World War I

GEORC:E BAILEY : Trouble over Transsylvania

M INC\NTY CITI ZLx* SI{IP iN RUIvIANIA

TESTIN4ONY C)F S()N/t[ tltr]IGARIANS ON 'IllE SIT'LIA'IION Cit' THEIR

Cotvl PATRIOTS IN TRANSSTLVANIA

*t

20lT.6l.l KALL6S : The book of ballads ( Rec' E M' F' )

H ECKEN AST -N OV{KI-VASTA GH- zoLTAI : Hisrory of Hun garians M etallurgy

in the Early Middle Ages (R':lens'A' BARTHA )

E. ANDIcs : Metternich und die Frage Ungams ( Recens. E. ARATo )

NDRE ARATO : L'histoire de I' Eurge orienale dans la premiere moitld

du XIX- slecle. ( Recens' Z'szASz)

GY.LdSzLd : From v€rtessz6l6s to Pusztaszer ( Recens' A' SARTitA )

SHERMAN D. SPECTOR : RLrmania at *re Paris Peace Conference ( Rec" ZS' L' NAGY)

58

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flicts of the Alliance. This conception was furthered by the national independ-ence struggles of the Balkan peoples changing into an all-out agressive im-perialist war in u'hich these peoples became tools in the hands of the greatpo\{:ers. In the Second Balkan War, the forrner al}ies wagcd r+'ar against eachother, or more precisely Serbia, Montenegro and Greece fought against Bul-garia. Rornania also joined forces ryith them. Thus a seat of world war tookshape in the Balkan region in 1912-1913. Preparations for a world war onthe part of the great powers also commenced. The disappointed Monarchymight rvell register the outcome of the Balkan Wars as a failure. The firstBalkan War had demolished the very basis of the Monarchy's former policv:the hope of stotus quo had to be given up; the only thing the Monarchy wasable to achieve

- in exchange - rvas the creation of an independant Albaniaat the London Peace Conference. For the l{onarchy, the Second Balkan warturned out a series of failures in foreign policy. The former conservative andnegotiation-minded diplomacy was replaced by a rvorld rr-ar-oriented policyin concert with Germany. First thcy reckoned only with a local war confinedto Serbia. From the turn of 1913 and l9l4 onward, however, both Tisza andBcrcJrtold had to realize, that Russia would not stand neutral in a possible\4rar.

From among the politicians of the ruling classes, Istv6n Tisza was thefirst to recognize the Monarchy being in rlanger. This recognition gave rise tohi-q extreme obstinacy with rvhich he literally drove his party to carry out thetransformation of the country's domestic politics. He had this end in mindlvhen he undertook to assume the function of Speaker of the House in May,1912, and that of Prime-Minister in June, 1913. For the same reason he sentthe sovereign

- rsith unflagging enthusiasm - his memoranda, containing

hi'q conceptions regarding the main lines of the Balkan policy. Tisza tended toconsider the legislative activities - or rather operation

- of the Parliamentand the Cabinet as the prirnary means - sort of miraculous power - leadingto success. After June, 1912, the national labour party governments, there-fore, first revised, then remodelled the governmental system of domestic pol-itics. l.hich had been built up after the Compromise of 1867, in the belief thatthey rrould thus be able to consolidate their rule in the long range. By extend-ing the scope of authority of the speaker of the House and by setting up theoopquard" of the House of Representatives, they eliminated even the possibilityof obstruction once for all. The reshaping of the conventional forms and rulesof domestic politics started v-ith the destruction of the customary weaponsof the opposition, Then several larvs and government decisions that hadregulated the socio-economic and political life after the Compromise, weresubjected to revision. Before the outbreak of Vorld Var I, the national labourparty government enacted - among others -- a ne\\' law of suffrage and anelv press-lalr, and pushed through an act investing the government with spe-

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to induce them to give up their active part in the national movemints of

their kins within the MonarchY.

Besides checking the Russian influence and establishing co-operation

with the minor countri€s in the Balkanso Tisaa also aimed at ooreconcilingtt

the national minorities in Hungary. flis address in the House on 12 July' 1910

focussed attention on the necessity of settling the nationality problem in a

quite novel fashion. In his opinion, this was made possible bv the great vic-

tory of the National Labour Party on the June elections in 1910' Once the

Party was in power, he opined, there would be more chances to negotiate and

to appreciate the..orightful demandsto of the nationalities, at the same time?

it woUa be possible to keep a strong fist over the inciters ancl trouble'makers'

He though that concessions made from the position of absolute power would

be held in higher esteem by the nationalities since the National Labour Party

did not make them out of fear.z

After its victory on the elections in June, 1910, the National Labour

Party put an end to ihe negotiations started early in 1910 with the bourgeois

parties of, the nationalities, and broke its former promises. To tighten up the

iress administration, cabinet sessions ever more frequently withdrew the right

of postal carriage of nationality publications and foreign newspaPers'3 In the

fielil of tho preiso Tisza had, from the o*tset, sought to inerease the severity

of judicaturi. Besiile police measures, he continued the process of "Magyari-

z*tion'.' partly througl the educational systemr partly through the activities

of nationalist adult Jducational societies. At the same time? on the basis of

the E[ungarian nationalist hegemony, he also sought to come to an agreement

with the -higher

circles of the nationalities, first of all with big landowners and

high priests. Naturallyo his approaeh to the problen 1r'as pregnant with the

"olu"-q.."r."e that the radical democratic elements of the nationalities would

shrinf from any kind of negotiations based on sheer polt'er position'

As against the coalition, in his policy towards nationalities, Tisza pri-

marily concentrated on the Romanian question and paid less attention io the

croatian events. He though that - making best of the frontier debates be'

tween the Romanians ancl Russians _- it vrould be easier to settle the Problem

of Romanians living in Hungary than to come to peaceful terms with the

.southern Slavs, that livecl in the neighbourh-ood of Serbia' and were strongly

exposed to the Panslav agitation. Besidles, the settling of the virtually simpler

RJmur,iao problem was mucl:. more convenient for the Romanophile fcreign

policy ,f trr" Triple Alliance. Not infiequently did Tisza ask the common fnr-"*igrrki*iuter to help him with his actions in this riratter.4 As earlY as 19tr0,

j Pesti NapI6 (hencercrward: P' N')'"" l?ilXli, {}iationcl {rchives, Minutes of ther 61525srs^ Lei6lt6t' M;oi.'terrandcsi jegy

c"bi,,et;'';"Tt""c':';;;;;f*;a' o' t" Mi"'"iu"' jkv-') Novem-be^r 5'. 1910'

a Haus-, Hof-,";"s;;;ir.r"li". wi"" (hencef6rward: IJ H. St. A.) XXXX. 174. P. A.

lnternal. Kcr"esp. mit Zivilbehiiriien (tlngarn)'

104

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Romanian Greek Catholic bishops and with Mihu, a big landowuer and slawyer by profession. On September 12, 1910, Mihu submitted Tisza a list ofdesiderata he had prepared on the basis of his talks o'with Romanian highpriests and leaders representing various shades of the political life". The me-morandum entitled ooProposals concerning those desires of Ronoaniane livingin Hungary which ar€, n€c€ssElry for creating the possibilities of a peacefulrelation and cooperationo' disclosed Romanian grievances and dem.ands ofecclesiastic, linguistico culturalo and political nature. In the first place, the doc-ument demanded that as regards the Rorianian Church and schools the rele-vant provisione of the 1868 Act on the nationalities should be observed, andthat all contrary regulations, decrees, as well as the toenoD.eous practice"should be cancelled. Furthermore, it demanded the govemyrent to permit theorganization and undisturbed activity of an independent Romanian politicalpartli to grant the universal, equal, direct suffrage, secret ballot and eleetionin each, codmunity; as rvell as to set up 50 Romanian election districts. Italso claimed to employ Romanians in public administration and juilicialauthorities. Finally, as a condition of "peace'', iri the fielil of churc! and lan-guage, the document proposed the establishment of uew,Greek Orthbdox dio-ceses, the increased fiaancial support of the Romanian Churches, the fullobeervance of the right of instruction in the mother tongue at elementaryschools, and the setting up of further three Romanian-languagb secondaryschools (gymnasia).e

Howevero the Romanian high priests and big lanowners in Transylvaniadid not have adequate mass support. Nor did the Hungarian governmentaccept Mihu's proposals as basis for negotiations. Excluded from the parlia-ment, representatives of the Romanian nationality party then started an evensharper attack on both the Khuen-Hdderviry government and the bargain-ing Romanian high priests. Under such circumstances, an agreement or corn-promise wa$ "- as it had been from the very beginning

- quite hopeless. TheKing of Romania thus explained the situation to Ugron: it ie not to be expect-ed that the Romanian political party should be completely absorbed by theHungari.m parties.lo Negotiations were often broken off, then started overagain, still the possibility of an agreement faded. awalr owing tc the ev€r morereactionary domeetic politics of Flurigarian governments.

It might seera somewhat curious that the National Labour Party withits activeo anti-democratic and nationalist domestic poiicy, which came intofuli display after Ju4e 4, LgLl, started irargaining with the Romanian Nati.onalParty in Feaennber L912. It is the more surprising because Tisaa took par{: ixthese negotiationso though it was himself who had etrongly demanded tkeindependear Romanian Nationality Pdrty to be dissolvecl in 1910, So far Tisza

o R. E. K. L. Tieza-ir. 14.100. L. M. E. 1912. xXY.226.

106

t0r

lu'r.alord ro crloqlso uernou srunour€ eq1 u€q1 ^repe

&qtJq qcnur B .'ffSi?"tilTfr ,tfttr$tug^lsl palo^ lueruu.reao€ aql .6€ 'oN .A16I (fcuuualneq-pro1 flunoc eqt;o s.reded 1eJlueprJ-no3 'ee^ttlcrv a1"ls pe3ezs eql) .1o1rr1 sFurlBzrq Isgdslg.{ .ryllg^eT rue11y :pe8ezg ,n

8uo1 tou se,t,r nuarl?rfi reSsrur![-3l!r!Jd 's0I5I @q? u! uercrlcel .usruuutrou ?sa-p.{aerqs aqx pue E€reqq eqx Jo rep"el eqJ,'{eq.rn[ dn qcvq or 6c.ro; Iq Butua,r-retur wo.r; errreruog Eugtua.re.rd Jo ErrB eql ql!,+r reproq u"ruBruotl oq! SuoIB

Pezilqou ueae Brssnu 's?lBls uB{Isfl rouilIl aqr Jo slsanbuoc ptrB sstroxcrA aqllB peqsmolss eBA 'oo1 'emernog recu"qly oIdFJ, eqf Jo ,(ge le.rces y

'aruBrtrou qrF[ ecu€rfiB eql tmuodaap 5o ,(u,r,r. eql u-r

elc€xsqo eqt et€unu{e ol po1rl srepeel do1 uerrleny eqr ql]Ar euq ur Icemoldrpusul.rag eqt'ZT6TJo uruntn€ eqt uI .&etung ur su?m?urog Jo ualqo.rd aqr dqolqEuorlsanb epuur ueaq 'lestno oql uorJ pcq 're,re.noq '-z(1ee.r1 sTrll Jo enle^

Ieer eq; 'sruuuoll qlFrr. acu"rlle 5o ,(1eer1 aqr Jo ,(1rpue,r aql papuelxe reqlrnJIeql 'ecuerry eIdFI bqr Eur,*euel ol uorlrppe q .o.roge.reql 'suorlrsod 1so1rleqr Eurupter 5o su€eitr luelrodwr lsoru s sB Bru"urog uodn pe1oo1 daqr'eurt eqx ry 'dcrlod uSreroy u1 etlrse.rd s..r(uew.re3 .t(1rled pue fqc.reuotr{ eqrgo dlr.roqtne eql pemwreprm ,(lqr.repgsuoc e1.rn; erll lsurete po^erqce set"terourur parIIB oql seeseJcns eql pus erBtrfi uB{IEg eql Jo {Berqxno eqI

rr'..Eegl.ul e8entuq uerueruoll eql pus seqcrnqS orrq erp Jo rropeerJ eqlEurpren8egas dq ecrrd due te suameuroll cltsewop 11a go drFqpqoe eqt mBturaur

Itrra xI leql sessa.rdxe pue 'ua.rqla.rq pere8uupuo s1r se8elnocue (tmleeu eqr)tslqErr lelueuspunJ eqr Jo uortelora e qcns lsure8e 8ur1se1o.r6 qr{crnq3 pue,fulunoc eqr Jo s.{aBI eql ,(q palue.rrar* uorteururouep pue uor?qe.r;o uopeerJ eqllsuretB pue 'eruu,rldsu€rI m uorleu u"meurog eql Jo Smaq cruqte eqt lsup9e1[n8ur snorsqrBq lsorrr B ss qcrnqS crloqrBS {eer3 rrBrueruou crlseulop aqtuo {call" eql sreprsuoc turleew aq;,, :eEessed tur,nogo; eqt Sutmetuoc uoll-nlosor e peldope .,(ged eqt ;o Surleaw-ss€u B '?,T6I'SZ trfrf oO .eledocsrde

6Iqf Jo uopezlue3ro eql lnoqe scue,rer.rS apBrtr 'ool tr(lred I€uorlErr uDruBrrrouaql 'seqcrnq3 uern€ruog eql ,seprseg 'ees Eoropgpfeg eqr ;o Iluoqtne aqtrepun pacald ore.^a seqsrred e8en8uel-uemsruog Fre^es 'qcrnq3 uerusrnog eqlJo ecuenl;ur eql uessatr ot ropro ur pezruB8ro ueeq peq eledocsrda urr.retunllorJoqle3 {eer3 " leql pexrets ere.ir suor1€lxo8eu eseql eroJecl 8uo1 tou so^a lr''r(1eme;i 'eull eql tE Bruerrrog Jo uorluntls relncltr€d eqr ,(q se IIe,$ se olueur

?reti pus ,(qc.ruuolq eqr Jo ,(cgod u8reroy eqt 'spuerl pcrlqod leuorleu.relut dqpetdruord reuoos qcnur ssrt r1 ldcgod cpseurop s.ezsrlJo uorlBcrJrpow aql qurltrpetBle.r dpraul.rd forr sB-r',r etueqc eFqJ, alueuu.re,r.ot-sc-eqnT eq1 q8norql laoparuec ueeq per{ uorldacuoc qcTqa osuorssecuoc pu€ sesmrorduoc yo puFI IIB1cofae 01 uorlaurlcur tuo.rls srq yo elrds uI 'tueruel eq ot ezsrl pecnpur p€q se^Ir'-our ro sasnsc leqrra :s1tlt sr (ueql

'enssr uteu oq;'slseFd q31q cqoqre3 {eerCuaruBuroll pue nq5{ raui{dopu€I 8rq eqr qll,* snql odpu6 dlqeuolreg uurueurogeq3 Jo drusrepeel eql eprsxno suelcrlqod qll,ra dle^rsnlcxe s11er uo perrrec psq

to take good notice of the changes taking place in the Balkans. He fully un-derstood the implications of the concentration of Russian troops, and starteda series of hardly visible diplomatic manoeuvres. He ryas quick to realize thatRomania would not be able to strenghten its positions in the Balkans with,out Russia, thus he tried to make up for what he had failed to do for a longtime, i.e. to establish friendly relations with Russia. At the same time, he tookGermanyos advice, as well, and in late November 1912, he visited Prince Fiir-stenbergo the Monarchyos new noinister in Bucharest. With reference to theRussian mobilization he expressed that he deemed it necessary to restore theharmonious relations between l{ungary and ll.omania. To achieve this end,the entire public opinion of the Romanian Kingdom might be won, provided.the Hungarian government would be considerate with the Romaniau popu-lation of Hungary.l2 On the following day, - November 27

-, in his letter to

Tisza, foreign minister Berchtold asked the Hungarian government to eonveneand take over th€ fretitions of the presidium of the club of Romanian repre-sentatives.l3 Being fully aware of Tisza's standpoint, Berchtold found it ap-propriate to motivate his request at length. First of all, he called Tisza's atten-tion to the fact that Russia was to drive in a wedge between the Monarchy andRomania, and that this might have fatal implications in respect of the foreignpolicy of the Double Alliance. t'IJnder such circumstances" - wrote Berchtold

-'6you will certainly understand that I would like to miss no opportunity towithhold our south-eastern neighbour that virtually tends to slip out of ourhand. Now quite unexpectedly, an opportunity presents itself, and. that onthe part of the Romanian liberals rvho mostly feel drawn to the dangerousaetivities of our enemies.o' The same day, Berchtold sent Wickenburg, a de-partment head of the foreign ministry, to Budapest. "With regard to the greatinfluence of your personalityo' - 1v1e1s the foreign minister to Tisza -

6'and

to the compatibility of your views in this particular matter with those of theresponsible quarters of our foreign policy, I lvould like to ask you to express

your opinion to Luk6cs to the effect that we might preserve our relations withRomania from further deterioration lest this valuable base of the Tripie Al-liance should be lost."14

On November 29, L9L2, Wickenburg called on Tisza and Luk6cs. The t'rvo

Hungarian politicians shorved remarkable open-mindedness to Britianu's initia-tive, strongly emphasizing their wish to come to an understanding with theRomanians. However, they refrained from the "nice gestures" for the timebeing. On November 30, Wickenburg prepared a detailed account of his talks.On the same clay, Tisza. too, mentioned the discussions in his letter to Berch-

r2 H. H. Sr. A. Interna. 1912-13. LXIX. Fiirstenberg's letter of Novenber 26, l9I2 toBerchtold.

13 Ibid,r4 Ibid.

l0E

80r

'PIQI ar

ueru'ruou eqx qr{,ir srrorlerlo3au roerrp uo .(.rrec o1 pasn}er d1rc1.r1s ftrrs aq .r#{i{jrt#Hl'luecrgruirs s-l uoll'onb ueruEr''oE eq1 r'ql perl.rurpu ezsi6,, €.rnqunl"ln or auip"-o"ay 'icegla'o1ul 1nd aq .{pleq plnoc 1I 1eql os q.reu aqf paddels.raao qcrq,u. leraqrl oor .reJ sd 1ce a'Een8i-e1asrurorduo3-lsod eql.paqrrasep pu€ osu€ruEurog yo suollu.rrdse 1sr1u5pa.r.r: o{r or suerreEunllpu€ sueru€urou-u3a^r13q uorsuel oql Jo ussaeJ ureur eql ?lnqrrllB 01 p3pual eH .rtrroJo:r a^.rlerl-slururpB ue 3:o .tlrssacau sqg Ja euueld e3uraTtos ox peXu€-^A eq srqa 1(q esnBceq ;(lureur os p;p oq'rel.l lno peu.rnl rr sc 'ra.oa^i-ol{ 'elq€lJlrgnf se uorr'rlsrunupe ,(1unoc xeureEe slulgld.oo;-eqipaspel*lou1ae 6ogrln-l 's!ql 03 SuJp.roaay 'se,ri.rluuorleu upJuuruou eq3 go slaa<Isord pue e1e1slen?ce aqx 01 se su*r31trllod uer,reSnn11 qloq Jo suorurclo 3q1 Jo 1uno3c8 pelrulep a e,ru8 oaroru-raqlrnJ 'srnque{crlfi .plolqcrag ar z16I.0€ reqrue^oN Jo exou s.8.rnque1cr1tr

.Iatj;;

:srot€rpow go suos.rad pefndsrp oql 01 ss uorurdo sonuurlp.rg uo palroder ,(peerpSrequexsrng otrelsrurm u8re.ro; or{1 01 ? roqrrrscafl io emrne.r8alet srq uI's{aena {riL1 lsorrrls pe}sul sJo}erpour ar{1 Jo suos.rad eql lnoqe 6selrlunoc o.ra.1

eql ul scrlrlod cllsemop Jo srels€Ill pu€ sass€Ic 8uqn.r ueru"Illou puB usIJB8unHoql Jo srapeol lBnlc€ aql 6nuEllPrg pue Bzsrl uaenaleq uorssncslp eql

. ar..ilfieqlru'r1J pu€ lueruure,,r.o8 uer.re8unH eql rroo,{,(}aq suortelor lcerrp rlsqq€lse ot elqes-uadsrpur 'uolleluarueldur earrca;ge ue Jo lcadse eql tuo.r.1 .11 meap oq ppona'ro,, 'uorlce uorterlrcuocer slql ur elerperu ol elqelrns nqrtr{ punoJ eq Jeq1eq,t,urrq {se pue rall€E slql w nuertpJg rrrroJiur o} relsrurur eqt patsanbe.r oe.rour

-raqlrnJ oa11 'suerueurog oqt qtlt Surpuslsropun poo9 pue 3ur1se1 B ol euroc olezsrl prre sag{nT reSsrrurur-eurrrd 3o qsra,r. oql pereq}rnJ pu€ rsedepng m s{IBls.t.rnqualcrl[ 01 peneJe.r oq qcrq,^a uI .Z16I .6 .requeceg uo olsa.reqcng urrotsrurru sodqcreuolq aql 'Brequolsrlg 01 euuel8elal B tues plolqcreg

9r..'slueruruoc eslpJ .ro3 ue,tlgeq ,{etu uorsecco ou leq1 os srurq dq uaqel eq o1 lqtno sdals 1er1p-r eq} osseu

-rpeer srr.oqs aq qcrrlna .ro3 .alqe.reprsep eran^ IftEqIH 3o uorldecer eql l.red .rnouo JL, :scgrinT relsrurru-eurrrd preg .dge4 IBuort€N u€ru€mog eq1 Jo dno.r8srqr ,tq ue{B} oq lsnru

- scg{nT paur€lurerrr

- e^rleltrul eqr lng .lueuaqred

uer.re8unll aql q Surledrcrlred dnor8 s.d1.re6 Fuort€N u€ruuluog eq1 EorJur€r;er dlalrur;ep puu dlaleldruoc tou plp scg{nT s.re.,lear.oq osuorlurlo8eu

Jo esrnoc eql uI 'ql1l!,r ule8.req o1 suos.red elqBxrns lsour sa sdoqsrq xopgqlro{eere u€ruertrog eql uodn {ool <r1 pepuel scg{nT epq,ra. 6nqr1q reu,$opuelpue "ral,r,r,e1 oql r{Urttr suorlerlo8eu lrels ol pe}u€rra .u1e8e .easr; .1roda,r so8.rnq-ue:Icu[ ruo.rg s.reedde tr se

- uor]nlos eterrdorddc u€ purJ ()1 perrt deqr leqr

d1re4 lerrorle1,I ueruemog eqt qlr.rt lou serra, ll 6reaenaoq .ewrl eql lysr66.uorlnlos eler.rdordde

rr€ roJ de,r,r e suodo araql s€ uoos sB esnec srql elJe.s dlpero,r.ep lsou IFnd I ptrBoserlqeuorleu sprenaol dcqod rno Jo urelqo.rd IBrcnJc € s€ sepecep JoJ sueruaruoupue suer.reSunH eql ueenaSsq palsrxa a^eq l€ql secuereJJrp Jo uorlBrrrur{e eqlreprsuoc I lBql noI ernss€ 01 tuB,rd dpo 1

.ereq lueql e1e1n1rdece.r ot sselpeeueq plno.,la' lI snqt 'sq1ex .rno uo no^d peuoder :(prugac seq 8.rnque1cll6.o, :FIol

the Romanian prime-minister had uot explicitely rejecteil the Tisza-orientedMihu's involvement in the negotiationso buto from the aspect of the desirableresult, he had considered this solution unfeasible. "Though Brdtianu doeg

npt regard Mr. Mihu unsuitable as mediator" - rrrr61s the ministe" - 6'yet,

in his view, Mr. Mihu could not have much influence on the party since hedoes not belong to the partyos political committee. Mr. Mihatji - who is notso much of an extremist as he otherwise seerns to be for party political rgasons,in fact, there are much rnore radical elements among the Romanians - ismore suitable than Mr. Mihu if only hecause he is the head of the Partyi andthus could be able to conclude agreements, mandatory for all Romanians andaceeptable even for the most extremist elements.o'l8

In his letter of Decenaber 6, Lglz, Fiirstenberg gave the foreign ministerfurther details of his talks with Brdtianu. Frour this it appears that the leaderof the Romanian liberals helil Mihalji the most suitable negotiator even fromthe viewpoint of the interests of the Hungarian ruling classes: "Mr. Mihaljifully adheres to the contemporary political law of Hungary" - wrote theminister -

661foqs he has to be ranked among the moderate members. Still,not to decrease his influence on his men on the extremist flank, he is occasion-ally compelled to touch an implacable tone. A similar proeess can be observedin the parliament, too. Political leaders must - at least formally - makeallowance for the most radical and thus most troublesome members of theirparty."1e

Sirrultaneously, Tisza tried to cdnvince the Romanian minister Alexan-der Constantinescu, staying in Budapest at the time, of'Mihu's suitability.As proved by hie private letter to Berchtoldo during this discussion, Tisza con-vinced himself of Britianu's firmness. Notably, Constantinescu made it clearthat Bucharest looked upon Mihu only ae "a fat too insignificant lawyer in a

small to.wnt'o and wished to involve more weighty personalities in the negotia-tions. At the same time, reassuringTitza, Constantinescu also stated that theleaders of the Romanian Nationality Party had received instructions fromBucharest to the effect that they would conclude agreement on the basis ofoothe present legal statusoo. Under such circumstances Tisza finally acceptedBrltianu's proposal. In concert with Luk6cs, Tisza thus wrote to Berchtoldon December 6, l9L2z ooDespite our misgivings we are ready to contact theirconfidential man, whom they find suitable, we only ask them to instruct theirman to near us in a ProPer way."zo

Tisza, then, - who had formerly demanded the elimination of all partiesand political bodies organized on nationality basis -o in Deeember 1912,

expected tbe central delegates of the Romanian Nationality Party to the con'

lt Ibid.re lbial.20 rbial.

lr0

3II

.?16I '0G qcruill ('N 'X :prB,t roJeoueq - e;noH eq1 Jo IIBIO) gIdBN rz9qgle"".5?.0]::

-op pue ugrerog'€uos?or pclrqod eru€s eql .ro3 1fteq11q1 Polculuoc eq leql o're.aa

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'BI reqrueceo uo 1sql oreaa,l,roq oloe; e 8r lI aalc4c s.IlFqil'itr Jo reJJo uolle;loteu

eqt to.I -

,(lerurol -

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eqf -dn

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,...'.rededs,ta'eu srq ur dqcreuofi eq1 sprsrraol

dpua.rrnc sraoqs sq epnlple oql rno.r; pue 6e,r.11eprur s.nuerlgrg tnorJ PerreJur

"q ,tr* rlcTq,rr. pue ouopgur1 uerlreuroU eql 'e'r "ro1ce;

lsql q Euqle're'rd eq

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penurluoc eq - ..no;l lse qcnu

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ol elou lueuetpal,*ou{cs uB elorrra Plolqcreg 'Z16T 'L requraceg uO'Sururet.req o1

seempser pe.rroqs eq'suotlea'.reser 3uo.r1s qrpn qtnoqlp '1gts :eurt l€cllTlod srq;o

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B s3rtf, qclqlt,| reqlBJ urtao srq puB rorues Issglpuy 3o e3elrreq pcrlrlod eql Pa

-p.rics1p osIB aH'l9BI Jo esnuo.rduo3 eql reUE eseqd ls1,u eqr Jo crlsrrolc"rsqc

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tsrrJ aql Jo {serqlno aql rexJ" uot}enlli eqr uI 'lq8uee1s ur tu.rane8 Brqras

ao51""q" lq ttr^ s.rqt ea?Iqc€ ol r(e,r'r dpo eqr rr ora srq u1 'e'qtcafqo ..(cr1od

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o:lcgod uBrIIBg rarlraa s.;(qore

-uol{ aql Jo ornlpJ eql ss qcns 'suosee'r pcltSod qcns roJ dlureu lrnodpuel*

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Eroqqnls E 8e.ui!f,ou{'Il"Pl/4. 'suorlrPuoo ur€?'roc uo qtnoql -

a[q8] ecuereJ

mestic, as had prompted him to alter his former standpoint concerning theRomanian Nationality Party.

The second phase of his so-called Romanian-negotiations started withhie message to Mihalji. whiie his talks with Mihu in autumn 1910 were going ondue to his personal deeire for an agreement, and thus hail - mostly

- beenrestricted to peripheral issueso the discussion started. in December l9L2 formedpart of the international relations between Romania and the Monarchy, audthe range of subjects under discuseion extended considerably.

Upon Tisza's requesto the Romanian National Party started. elaboratingits demands. On January 12, 1913, the party sent a commission of three

- Mi-halji, Maniu and Braniete - to carry on negotiations.2s On behalf of the Rona-nian National Party, the elected commission handed over a list of demands,containing 1l items, to Tisza on January 21, 1913. Most important among theirdemands were as followe: "fn accordance with the principle of the freedomof teaching, right should be grantedn an institutional possibility should begiven to the Romanian people to have access to vernacular education atall levele of public education both in state- or communal and in eccle-siastical schools.To carry into effect the freedom of religion and the equalityof denominations, to be ackaowledged and warranted is the autonomyof the Greek Orthodox Romanian Church both in the ecclesiastic and edu-cational and in the internal adrninistrative and foundation fields . . . To beplaced at the disposal of the Romanian Church is a support proportionalto amounts allocated to other denominations for both ecclesiastical and edu-cational purposes . . . Romanian eommunities placed under the authority ofthe Hajdridorog see should be placed again under the authority of the Gyula-fehdrvir and Fogaras Greek Catholic Romanian dioceses. The freedom of pressis to be warrantedo and the politicai persecutions of Romanian prints shouldbe stopped." As can be seen, the memorandum included questions affectingthe basic democratic rights in addition to religiouso ecclesiastical and education-al issues. Besides the freedom of press, it also demanded the freedom of apsem-

bly and organization, as well as the organization freedom of the RomanianNational Party. The institutional introduction of the Romanian-language pub-Iic adminiiltration in areas with massive Romanian populationo and the em-ployment of Romanians in public administration were part of the docu-mentb.2a

.On February 6, 1913, Tisza replied to each item of the Romanian NationalParty's list of democratic and national demands. Considerin! the government'santi-democratic and nationalist policy, we are not surprised that the govern-ment rejected most of the demands. How could have Tisza -_ after all - pro-mised the Romanians to obeerve e.g. the democratic suffrage, the right of

x n. E. K. L. Tisza ir. 45.,1 lbid.

r12

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x

of his consorvative-faehioned bargaining with Russia neceesarily involved a

revaluation of the eituation of nationalities living in Hungary and Croatia,i.e. Southern Slava, Romanianeo Slovakianso and Carpathian Ukrainiane.Both Berchtold and Tiszir recognized that the planned active foreign policy'would remain illusory as long as the kin peoples, living withi" the Monarchy5of the said countries were tending out of the Monarchyo and the leaders ofthein political parties were defying the Hungarian governm€nt. As the leadelof, the Monarchy's foreigl polipy, Berchtold, thergforeo wrote a letter to Tisza onSeptember 2, 1913, asking for detailed information on any significant'event ornomentum of domestic politics which might have an effect on the externalsituation.t fn Lis reply of Septennber 6 1913, fisza recognized this request as

justifiable, and gave a detailed aocount of his conception with particular viewto Croatia. The Ilungarian prime-minister wrote as followe: "I lay emphasison my bein$ on intimate torms with your Excellency along the entire line ofpolitical life: ag regards the situation in Croatia, Ireadily place all informationavailable at your fisposal ae requested.."28

Indeedn the leaders of foreign policy and the nationality affaire main-dairr€d a regular exchange of information not only on the southern Slavic butdlso on the Romanian and Ukraiirian questions. Preserved in, archives, docu'qqents, which have not yet been adequately explored anil publishedo ckiarlyshow that thegc two statesmen mutually satisfied each other'e requests.

Naturallyo Tisza did not deem the framework in which the nationalityproblems were manifest, suitable from the arpect of domestic politics either.He felt uneasy about the increasing popularity of the demodratic uatioaalprograms of the bourgeoia partioE of the minorities. Vith his rich politicalexperioncee, he had to realise the decreasing influence of aristocrats, highpriests, and other dualism-syrnpathizen. On the eve of Vorlil War I, he saw

that the terrorigt acts and measlnree of Hungarian goverrments wore no longercapable of aerppressiag the intensfiyAg anti-dualieticn democratic endeavours

of the nationdities, fn accordance with its Balkan-politice the Monarchy,therefore, promised further concegeionto firet of all, to the Romanians livingin Hungary and aleo to Croatia. Commissiont were given to record the griev-ances of Slovakiane,too. fnhis speechof January 1, l9l4rTisza said:"Importantariong the future taskg is to concentrate energies: to develop military force.

But perhaps even more important than that is to concentrate ori that parti€-ular internal work whieh aime at a possible elimination of points of disagree-

ment in our fatherland,'20 With hie policy of concessionso he sought to recruita new and broader.than-ever Btratum of politiciane that would have been

devotedly attached to the cause of dualiem. But owing precisely to his con-

,? R. E. K. L Balogh Jen.6-iz, 2.,t rbid.n Az Ajeig, JanuarY 2, 19L4.

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I

camouflage a program in Tisza's 'oGreat Hungarian" conception which' in

facto had aimed at a forcible assinilation of the nationalities, their aspirations

for independence, "od *"ot"d to impetle tbis objective historical process by

means of a certain virtual liberalism. The National Labour Part/r along with

Tiszars policy towards nationalities was, in fact, to serve the purposes of war

p""p"""'aioos aad the coneolidation of a unified Elungarian state"

On the 2?th and 28th October 1913,Tisza continued his negotiations, with

the RomanianNationalParty, or more preciselywithBraniste,Mihalji and Maniu'

three leading members of til" party. With th" nationality politicians' requests

increasedo the range of probl'ens to be digcuesed extended correspondingly.

'While in the autumn of t'9tOtis"a and Romanian big lantlowner Mihu had dis'

cuseed only some conceegions concerning Romanian schools and the Romanian

churcho throwing the dissolution of the Romanian National Party into the

otherscale,tturingtheLuk6cs-regime,Tiezahadhistalkedirectlywiththeleadere of the Romanian National PafiJt and the bargaining was focussed

oneducational,cultural,anilpoliticalquestionewhichnecessarilylerlthentofiscuss the policy of o'Magyarizatiou" pursued by t'he {":g-tt-t"" governments'

By the autimn or tgta, f,Lth siiles had already recorded their respective con'

ditions for agreement in the form of lengthly memoranda' -

It .ppJt". from Tiszaos confidential notes' as well as from his speeches

he delivered in parliament, or from his statements he made in the press, that

he was desirous to come to a compromiseo and also that there emerged immesse

obstacles in the way of uoy "o*f"omise.

what were originally but ecclesiastic'

al, educational and cultural grievances grew into important debates concerning

domestic policy measures "Jd r"golutions. The Romanian National Party de'

manded, among others, that the Romanians should be permittetl to use their

mothertongueincourtsoffirstinstancesandalsointhefie]clofpublicad.ministration. As a condition for agreenent they lequeste'd 50 election districte

to be organized in areas. of Romanian majority' To modify the given system

of executive power, aad to appoint Romanians as country'olord-Lieutenantso'

and under-s"-cr"t"rir. of ,t.Jin ministries y*-" rlr: listed among the request.

However, Tisza promised them to remedy their grievances in the ecclesiastic'

alandeducationalfieltlsonly.Inhisnotesonthediscussionsheldonthe2Tthand 28th october lgl3,Tieza wrote the following: ..we wish to refrain from any

;;;;;;-."iruo,., good reason - would dissolve Romanian ecclesiastical

schobls or would binder tlh"m io their development'"32 He also held out the

prospect of u "".ririon

of the lg0? public education acto and of a more liberal use

of the vernacular language in sqho-ols of Romanian maiority' Nor cliil he reject

;;;;;;;;oo or inJ R;-uni* language and literature in regions where- the

maiority of populalion wae Romanian. ..In eecondary schools of regions where

3r R. E. K. L' Tisza-ir' l8'

116

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cessions \r-ould have been "grantedo' only if the Romanian Natiooal Fartyhad made an obligatory promise to regard the compromise as a final settlingof the nationality problem. Tisza thus concluded his note to Vienna: "Allthese far-reaching measures woultl be subject to the condition that theyshould really attain their object, v'bich is to fully reassure the so far dissatis-

fied Romanians and to induce them to put an end to their nationalist move-

ment. Therefore, in case of coming to an agreement' the Romanian NationalParty ought to declare that they would accept the offered solutions as beingfully satisfactory and a final settling of the nationality problem; that theywould take a firm stand on it, omitting all further points of their program andconcentrating activities on the fullest possible implementation of the articlesof the agreement, so as to obtain the fruits of reconciliation for the domestic

Romaniaus,"36However, the memorandum the Romanians prepared and handed over

to Tisza in December 1913, contained further demands as compared to theprevious ones. Although this memorandum started out from the RomanianNational Party's willingness to bring the vital national interests of the Roma-

nian people into harmony w-ith the integrity, territorial and political, of thestate, the scope of actual demands included in it was considerably extendedThis memorandum demanded that the instruction of Romanian students shouldgo on in Romanian; the government should modify Article XXVII, 190?,

and acknowledge the right of the tr*'o Romanian denominations to maintainschools even where ecclesiastical schools had already been shut. Moreover,the Romanian Churches sbould be invested with the right of inspecting eccle-

siastical elementary schools, and the state-school inspectors should be select-

ed from those cherishing kindly feelings toward Romanian-language instruc-tion. State school-inspectors should control schools in common with the

Churches and act uniformly in disciplinary procedures. It was also deroanded

that priests might also be employed temporarily as teachers, and their Churches

might also establish Romanian-language secondary and vocational schools.

To achieve this, the government \yas exPected to give financial aid to theChurches. The mandatory instruction of the Romanian language and literatureand the right of denominations and societies to set up boarding schools inRomanian-inhabited regions were also stipulated in the m.emorandum. Theinstruction of Romanian pupils in religion should uniformly by performed byRomanians. Due respect must be paiil to the traditions of the Romanianpeople, and this must be given proper emphasis in the plans of tuition as well.The document repeated aleo the necessity. of taking out Romanian parishes

of the Hajdriilorog diocese, and drvelt upon the grievances of the R.omarrian

Churches. Their further demands included freedom of press, unhindered import

36 Ibial.

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- tururet.req Jo lros euros olu,l ralua o1 uorl

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I laql esruo.rd eql qt:rta weql eltluq lourrec I lncloo -

ezsr;. elorn -

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penurluoc -

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_ '?T6I'91 ,(runuef uo "zsr;

ol ururoz3 Parume.r8elal - .sesriareqlo alqrssod 1ou

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seIlIJoIIlnB I€coI ro e1e1s 'ledlcrunul uI ecllou uBIu€IuoU Jo uolssrulled eqf pue

srrollelsu€rt ,fuofe8gqo lnoqt1,4{ suorlecqdde e8entuel-uelusulog Smurecuoc

pueruep reurroJ eq; 'q1.roJ os pue 'suorlcele .{leluemeqred ;o uopeal;'uo1l-Elcoss€ pue Eultaeur yo fqt1.r eql Jo eslcrecxe aer; 'slcnpo.rd sseld uBIIIBIUoU Jo

call your attention to the fact that on the initiative of the l{ungarian Cultural

Association of Transylvania, the countryts cultural associations are discussi:ng

the question of negotiations now in progress with the Romanians, a1fl - 1a1q'

rally - it w-ould be of primary importance that the stand. these associations are

to t;ke in favour of the Hungarian national idea should not involve any hostile

feeling towarde the countryos non'Hungarian speaking citizen or towards the

goveriment,s endeavours to pay due attention to these citizenso justifiable

i"ro"od. . . . I strongly recommend this cause to your attention because it is

an important public interest to counterbalance the campaign of the opposition

"i*"i at misleading and agitating the Hungarian public opinion.'oao

Romanian high priestso howevet, especially in this period - when the

governmentos general anti-democratic policy particularly seriously affected

ihe nationalities - did not have any considerable influence on the party

decision. At the same timeo as a consequence of the Bucharest peace favouring

Monarchic revisionist tendencies after the Seeond Balkan War, the anti-

agreement movement w'as strengthening in Romania, while the Hungarian

oiposition found even Tisza's concession in the ecclesiastical and cultural

"if"l. far too much advanced. His letter to the county "Lord-Lieutenants"remained ineffective. Uniler such circumstances, by the time of the Party's

February session the possibility of an agreement had become even more ir'realistic. In his letter

-of February 12, lgl4, Tisza wrote to Mihalji: "Consider^

ing your latest statem€nts, regrettably enougho there is not too much hope

oi."hi"o.i,,g our objective riow; but I was glad to see that you, too' admit

there is a cooside"able progress and approach, and that you would like to

preserve the results .o i", achieved for the future. I also make every effort

to this effect. It is in this way that I should like to handle this question and

the relations to the Romanians in general, and I ask you to act so that your

conduct will not throw obstacles on the way of this.effort."al

Then Francis Joseph II _- through the mediation of Istv6n BuriSn '-

asked Tisza to take into account the interests of the Mouarchyo in spitc of the

failure of the negotiations, and to make further efforts to win over the' Roma'

nians living iI1 th" Monarchy. According to Buri6nos letter, Francis Joseph IIexplessed hi, hop" o.that the Romanians will not be deprived of the benefits

primiseil to them,if forlack of understandin$ on the part of their leaders, the'n"gotiations carried on with them do not lead to the desirable agreement for

the time being.o'42

Thus the resolution of February 17, L9L4 of the .executive committee

of the Romanian National Party of Hungary and Transylvan'ia, reiectin.:

ao Sz6kesfeh6rviri dilami Leveltrir. F6isp6ni bizalmas iratok' (The sz6kesfeh6rv6r

State Archives. Confidenti'afi;;;'ui th" "onoty

l-ord-Lieutenancy') 1914' No' I'11 R. E. K. L. Ti-*za^ji. 19.42 .fi. E. K" t. Tisza-i;' ?'i"

120

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.,T;f',rf ffJ;{"T .N.};

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yoocuolsrxe aql uo aprcop 1r,r,|, duoueteq plrorr^ .ro3l e13tn.r1s llerssnu eql leqr IeeJxsnru ueru€ruog d.re,rg .re.reeu slnos tur.rq IIIA,, _ VI6T,Vy.raqurerdeg uo'q3o1eg 9ue1 oecrlsnf

3o .relsrurq eql 01 €zsfr elorrra - ..retuep oof-o,

eql Jo 3u11ee; eqt opaepulo, .u.ro;te1d uarssng-Ilue u€ Jo slseq aqt-uo r(1ureulueuae.rte elqrssod e .ro3 pedoq 'eErl rpql ie 'ezsr; .slBrrl .r(lqeuorreu Jo slcr-uoc eql .roy dlseuure pesrwo.rd osIB pue .e3e.ry;ns yo suorlelnteJ ureuec Jo uorlec-rJrpotll eql osear#o elBls ur uerueurou esn aql go ,(lqrqrssod .reqle.r .ro lcedso.rdeql tno pleq eq 'pI6I pue g16I Jo urnt eqt 1e pleq uorurdo srq o1 d.re.rluo3 .lcBuorlecnpe c11qnd eql Jo wroJe.r eqr ,(pee.qe pesrmo.rd eq ,rroN er.pl6l

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. er...sueruerrrog dq perlqequr suortel urslooqcs ArEluertrelo elEls ur rrEruBrrrou Jo uorxcn"rsu' aql peqr.rcserd !s100qcs,{.re1uame1e leunruuroc puu elsls ur uerueruog ur uorlcn.rlsur stror8qe.r perrinr.rea:s8urppnq looqcs Suru.reaog suorleln€er eql pele8rlru islooqcs lecrls'rsalccee3en8uel-uer.re8un11-uou ur'rrrrBru or rers'e lI epeu eH .lc' uorrscnpe eql Jo suorluln8e'r eql Jo erros perJrporu Bzsrr (lueueqred Er opsur eq sasnuo.rd slqo1 turprocca 'VI6T 3o Sur.rds eql q esnuorduoc eql Jo ernII€J aqt regy

nu.etentuel ueruurrrogaqr qll- { pelceuuoc secue,rer.rt eql Jo ged r(peuer 01 puB (unrseuudt) looqcs d.repuoces u€ruerrrog n.eu e rlsg{erse o1 od.reles

.r""q"r"1 uerueuog eqt esrer01 PasFuo.rd pue 6slueuu.re,rot-uorlrlBoc eql 0l Jo 13.q1 llurew .slueruureaogrerruoJ aql Jo dcqod dlqeuorleu aql pazlcltFc aH .pewnser eq pFo,l , tced eroJ suorlerFde.rd leqr pecunouuB osle eq 'qsraa. s.qdesof srcuerd go ecuuns.rndu1 'ern1l ernes eql ly .sueruemog eql qll,rra suorlerlo8eu srq Jo ernIrBJ eqt Eo pe-1roda.r ezsr; 6xueruellrBd oql Jo rrorsses eql Fur.rnp ,VI6T,0Z [rcnrqed uO

s s peurJep eI o..^ q c rq^' s eL#enb e s u o " "ql JI'j r:::T;:Hff illt"llt, r* :H:: 'eq ,(po 1ou 'sueru€uou aql pue elels uer.re8unll

"qr go z(cr1od lueuu.reaog

eql ueealeq secuereJJrp eql ourel lroqs "

roJ ueao o.re,l,o e8pr.rq o1 elq€lrnsunsr uorlnlos lpulJ, eqr Surp.ru8e.r lesodo.rd s.rolsrurur-erur.rd uer.retunll eql .uo1}'nloser srql 01 Surproccy 'dltursr.rd.rns eruoc lou plp .slesodo.rd s6€zsrr

time,'however, the Romanian diplomacy had already unambiguously oriented

towards the Entente. This fact in itself was sufficient to thwart Tisza's plans'

Up to this date, Tiszaos ncgotiations have been subject of a most contro'

versial -chapter

in the history of that period. Political struggles and debates

of the "oIrt"*po"uries

survived the generation of the turn of the century'

Resumed again and again betrveen l9l0 and 1914, the negotiations of tl?is

established representative of social conservativism with the Romanian feudal

ecclesiastical cireles and with the leaders of the Romanian National Party gave

much food for thinking not only to the politicians and historians of the counter-

revolutionary period, but have raised several problems for the historians'

Hungarian and for"igo, in our days as well. The difference does not always lie

in the respective viewpoints of the Marxist and bourgeois historians: the real

divergence of views arises rather from an incomplete knowledge of facts as

well as from a deficient elaboration of the history of this period. Under such

circumstances much guesswork and subjective judgement of open questions

have been disclosed. A satisfactory settling of the problems is aggravated by the

defective co-operation of Marxist historians in the countries concerned and also

by the lack of complex investigations. What remains a primary aild common

,"u"*r"h task for soviet, Romanian, Austrian, German, and Hungarian histo-

rians is a painstaking inquiry into the eircumstances rvhich largely influenced'

Tisza's negotiations with the Romanian National Party, such as the pre-war

foreign poiioy of Romanian liberals, relations between the Romanian National

Putty uod BrXai"nu, Francis Ferdinand's policy towards nationalities, Ger-

many's Romanian policy etc. Relying upon factual material in documents

avaiiable in Hungary and in archives in Yienna, I have made an attempt to

reconstruct the course of negotiations, their motivations, the role they played

in and the reception they were given by the Hungarian domestic politics.

Tisza kept all the time quiet about the motivation of his policy towards nation-

alities, and denied that foreign policy considerationso and, by implication, the

foreign poliey leadership of the Monarchy and Germany would have ever urged

him ln -co,,"i.,iliog

alr agreement with the Romanian National Party. Without

having been asked, he always asserted that he was not acting under Germany's

pr"r..rl"". His political followers tendetl to declare him a man of genious, mainly

oo th" pretence that it was he who came to recognize the inevitable necessity

of .gr"""ro*ot in order to maintain the dualism and to preserve the integrity of

IIrrJg"rV. Tf,e above-mentioned soutces? howevero bear witness against these

statements. In this context we have already quoted the Vienna and Berlin

appraisal of the Balkan wars, Francis Joseph's message sent through Istv6ngo"iall in February 1913, as well as Czernin's telegramme. Czernin gave dailv

r€ports to Tisza on his talks with Britianu, and the prime'ministero too, in'

formed the Monarchy's minister in Bucharest about the progress of the nego-

tiations. Gersan emperor William trI' visiting Francis Ferdinand too, od March

r22

877

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leuorleurelur ssaladoi{ req}er pue Sururoc aql 01 pre8a.r qr17a'uorlsenb usru€uroU oqx pollles seq ,{.re8un11 lrlun sraAod lprlue3 oqt Jo ?}prg

aql uo Bruculog ezrlrqour ol eIqE eq lou plnoA eq t€ql Itarxue i{t1*r 1} ,nesaroJ:oeruemog go turq oseireq3 ecurs oluelrodur elom aq1 senr. uollsanb ueru€urogeql tuaqt tuorne pue 'a311 atels strr un uado apra aro,r " spunona lere^eg 'd"re8ung

-€rrlsny lsure8e era^t sppo ar[],, -

nru€tr{l penur}uoc -

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'acu€rlle aql <>1 .{r1edo1 s.eruuuroll per.renb ssru{t lera-tes p€q oq -

al:q.lruealxoql q -

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- IIE e^oqe -

pue ecueqly eldg; aqr Jo suorldecuoc aq1 qlr.{a aurtr ursnqt ara,r scr111od cllsouop Jo rrorlBzrlrq€ts eql .rog suuld s.Bzsr; 'dreEun11 ursueru€urog Jo uorlerlrcuocs.r aql -- ecu€qly e1dr.r; eqr Jo srepecl eql 01 Surp.roc-cB

- s€ni EruBEog Surzrlerlneu reqler ro reao Euruur,r,r. roJ uorlrpcoc y 'ilo,ra, sB

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sB -

ezsrJ lBqt snor^qo l.11ern1eu sr 1I 6r('pu€urpreg sIcuErS. -euorql eqt olrreq eqt yo pao.rdde pue luesuoc eql q1l/a prre 'I salr€q3 Sury *erueuog eqtpue II qdesol' srcuerd Sury-.roradruf, Jo e^rlelllq pEB tsenbal eqt te petrelsere,$ ealtrruruoS lerrorSeN rrerueuroll eq1 3o sere3alap eqt qlptr suorlelloteus6ezsrl ugAlsl luno0r, :aaoclB pelels rr9eq a^€q lBqr[ perurfJrroc osl€ nFrBHlurn'; Jaszgf 'rO rossaJord uece.rqeg eql oX '?,E61og1r(etrg 5o reue{ s}q uI

Bl*'oo1 'e.rn1ng: eql uI 1I elpueq p,rl 6s1ueruels1s srq o1 tugp.roccepup 'lI pepupq seq ezsrl se r(e,r,r. eruas eqt w palpueq eq p1noqs I"ru8un11 qsu€ru€uroll go uorlsanb ?q1 x"qx,, -_ ples eq

- ..Iresseceu sr rI gB aaoqy ,,'f'l,e?

-ung ur susrueruog eql Jio uorlentls eql Jo rror?ueur plaeds opeur 'VI6I 316

Tisna, then, prior to 'World War I, recognized the importance of thenationality question from the aspect of politics, foreign and domestic. Hesought to find ways to ease up the accumulated tensions. Howevet, he, tooo

suspected there were unsurmountable obstacles in the way of solution. Withhis concessions Tisza was always in a phase lag behind the actual demands ofthe Romanian National Party. Referring to his latest coneessionso Tisza bitter-ly wrote to Romanian BishopYazul Hosszri on October 11, 1914: ooHad I grantedthem all this during the winter, the agreement would have certainly been

concluded. At the time I could not go further with a view to the general atmos-

phere, now I dare to run this risk, but they must be aware that it is only nowthat I can do ito and if they will not give a warm reception to this initiativeothey will thwart the possibility of my policy towards the Romanians forgood.tt51

With Romaniaos entry into war, all the remaining illusions of an agree'

ment soon faded away.

.r [dd.

I?A