Diverging discourses: Understandings of travel and tourism

in the Western and Islamic Worlds

Amelia H. Ley

4079: Geography of Religion

Dr. William Rowe

December 5, 2011

Amelia Ley

4079: Geography of Religion

Louisiana State University

Title: Diverging discourses: Understandings of travel and tourism in the Western and Islamic

worlds

Abstract: Stereotypes and cultural definitions are factors in the Western perception of an

“undersized” global tourism industry in Muslim countries. Compared to the Western World,

Muslim countries have a much different concept of traveling. Because of diverging discourses,

stereotypes and cultural definitions of tourism have been formed. Western cultural definitions

lead to the inference that there is an overall lack of global tourism in Muslim countries by failing

to completely understand the most common types of tourism in that region. An example of this

type of tourism is the pilgrimage to the Hajj. The Hajj accounts for the mass movement of

millions of people every year from every part of the Islamic world, so not recognizing this form

of tourism creates distortion in the Western analysis of Muslim tourism. In addition, the lack of

Western tourism to Muslim countries adds to the misconception of travel in this region.

Keywords: tourism, pilgrimage, religion, Islam

Diverging Discourses

Ever since I can remember, my family has loaded the car with five suitcases (one for each

family member) at the beginning of each August, and driven to Lake Okoboji in Iowa. We

would go to the local amusement park, shop at the emporium, take the boat out on the lake, and

relax in the summer sun. At the end of the week, we would make the long, monotonous drive

back to our farm in rural Missouri. These are the experiences that I have associated with

vacation travel for most of my life. In college, my connotation of travel shifted from family

vacations to that of spring break. Every year, my Facebook newsfeed is bombarded with

pictures of friends on white, sandy beaches with orange sunsets, big sunglasses, and red cups

filled to the brim with fizzy alcoholic concoctions. All of these white sandy beaches look

strikingly similar. It is difficult to tell whether the picture is in Cancun or Florida unless I look at

the album description. It never occurred to me, until taking this course that travel does not spark

similar ideas for everyone. We tend to assume that words and phrases “have the same meaning

among all users. When they do not, or when they imply underlying premises we do not actually

share, communication can get seriously distorted” (Burton 2002, 18). Travel and tourism are

perfect examples of how this distorted communication has created misunderstandings between

the Muslim countries and the West. Our Western perception of tourism is defined by Random

House as “the activity or practice of touring, especially for pleasure” (tourism, 1). Exploring

this western definition with cultural sensitivity is important due to the significance of language.

…language is a culture’s operating system. It functions mostly in the background and at a barely conscious level; it is so much a part of how we construct reality that we seldom realize how profoundly what we know is conditioned by how we hear and how we speak (Burton 2002, 17).

Our language has presented us with an important issue when analyzing the tourism industry

across the cultural boundaries of the West and Muslim countries, because the very heart of

tourism--travel-- has different concepts and motivations in each. In the Muslim countries, these

are seen through the lens of Islam for the majority. Looking at travel through this lens reveals an

attitude that puts emphasis on place. In the West, concepts and motivations of travel are

typically seen through the lens of the media. Unlike the lens of Islam, the lens of the media

portrays an attitude of placelessness, which is essentially “no sense of place” (Relph 1980, 80).

For an example, refer to the Facebook photos I described that gave no hint as to where they were

taken. By viewing the world with an attitude of placelessness, the media has contributed greatly

to the creation of stereotypical and generalized images of place that leave much to be revealed.

Nevertheless, attitudes of placelessness are spreading outside of the West. When this attitude is

coupled with an “us-them” dynamic, it appears to be especially devastating to the prospect of

experiencing a sense of place. Not only are places stereotyped, but places associated with

“them” carry a negative connotation. Consequently, “this one big division, as between the West

and the Orient, leads to other smaller ones, especially as the normal enterprises of civilization

provoke such outgoing activities as travel, conquest, new experiences” (Said 1978, 57). Perhaps

this is the reason that the West does not fully understand the forms of travel most prevalent in

Muslim countries, and that our connotations of tourism are limited to our own discourse.

Motivations and Concepts of Travel

Compared to the West, Muslim countries have a much different concept of traveling.

“Although travel and tourism involves very large flows of people both within and between

countries, not all tourists share the same motivations for travel” (Gladstone 2005, 4). Before

describing these different motivations, the terms “the West” and “Muslim countries” need to be

operationalized. Throughout this paper, “the West” will refer “mainly to Europe and lands of

significant European settlement, primarily North America, but also Australia and New Zealand”

(DeGioia 2008, 10). This is a geographical-historical definition that captures the commonly held

view of the West in many Muslim countries. “Muslim countries” refers to “countries where the

majority of the population are Muslims” (Din 1989, 544).

Most Muslims reside in the 57 member countries of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), where it is the dominant or formal state religion. These are located mainly in the Middle East, the birthplace of the religion, which subsequently spread to parts of Africa and South and Southeast Asia” (Zamani-Farahani and Henderson 2010, 80).

However, it must be realized that these terms are not mutually exclusive and exhaustive: there

are non-Muslims living in Muslim countries, as well as Muslims living in Western countries

(DeGioia 2008, 10). It is important to remember, of course, that “labels purporting to name very

large and complex realities are notoriously vague and at the same time unavoidable” (Said 1981,

8).

In Muslim countries, religion provides motivation to travel for the majority. “The drama of

movement, travel, and transformation, even sacralizing metamorphosis, is at the very core of

Islam itself” (Kessler 1992, 148). Not all travel is encouraged; however, Muslims are supposed

to travel for a purpose. “Travel is meant to be spiritually ‘purposeful,’ to make Muslims aware

of the greatness of God, through observing the ‘signs’ of history and natural and manmade

wonders, all of which are gifts of God” (Din 1989, 559). Purposeful travel is by no means the

same as a vacation, which is defined as “freedom or release from duty, business, or activity”

(vacation, 1). In fact, work or trade is encouraged.

Perhaps the reason that trade is encouraged is because it helps to bring together the Ummah

(the Islamic community). Indeed, encouraging a sense of community among the Ummah is a

purpose of traveling.

By its very nature, trade transgresses borders and bridges separateness. It occurs because one people can see usefulness and virtue in the products of another.

Trade introduces a new kind of human contact and exchange that can be called friendship (Tuan 2009, 31).

Analyzing the origin of monotheistic religion helps to shed light on the importance of this.

Monotheistic religions emerged in the patriarchal tribes and clans of desert nomads in

southwestern Asia; therefore, loyalties lay with the clan. Islam acted to expand those loyalties

by broadening them over the entire Islamic community. In a culture where tribal bonds have

been ingrained for many years, such a broad expansion was assisted by building bridges via trade

(Din 1989, 552; Jordan 2003, 94).

Besides encouraging work or trade, the Muslim concept of travel also differs from that of a

vacation because Muslims are still responsible for most of their religious duties: day-to-day

responsibilities and values are not to be ignored. While traveling, Muslims are supposed to

adhere “to stipulations about conduct, dress, food, and prayer” (Zamani-Farahani and Henderson

2010, 80). These stipulations all include a few aspects of Islamic host-guest values, which are

especially important during times of travel. For instance, stipulations about dress forbid

Muslims “from excessive displays of wealth through dress and material possessions” (Sonmez

2001, 128). Keeping religious duties and values in mind during times of travel, particularly host-

guest values, further reinforce the bridges that connect the Ummah from all different tribes,

clans, and corners of the globe.

Even though religious responsibilities and values are not to be forgotten during travel, certain

duties are relaxed to make it easier. For example, Muslims are allowed to combine prayers and

postpone fasting if traveling during Ramadan. Furthermore, one becomes a guest in the host-

guest dynamic by way of travel. Being a guest affords travelers with certain hospitalities. “They

are to be treated compassionately and granted religious endowments, and must be welcomed

personally and offered superior food for at least three days” (Aziz 2001, 153). Once again, this

reinforces the community of the Ummah. Whether guests are from the same tribe or continent

should not matter in the eyes of Islamic brethren because all travelers carry a special status (Din

1989, 552).

The attainment of this special status while traveling is, of course, an attribute of the religious

motivations for Muslims to do it. This status manifests itself in the belief that “travelers are

considered closer to their Creator while traveling” and that “their prayers are responded to more

readily than when at home” (Aziz 2001, 153). As shown in the previous paragraph, this status is

also denoted by the relaxation of several particular duties that help take pressure off the

traveler’s journey, which is “considered to be a difficult endeavor as well as a test of one’s

patience and perseverance” (Sonmez 2001, 127). Examining specific subject matter in the Quran

casts more light on the special status of travelers. There are no less than fourteen chapters that

“endorse travelling with a view of achieving, spiritual, physical, and social goals” (Zamani-

Farahani and Henderson 2010, 80). Thus, trying to achieve these goals exhibits an act of piety

that has significance within the context of the Muslim community, and that gives the goal-seeker

an elevated status. For example, a Muslim that has traveled to complete the Hajj receives a

change in their religious status that is acknowledged in certain cultures by “wearing a ‘hajji’ cap

by men or decorating house exteriors with paintings representing pilgrimage” (Stump 2008,

343). In the ways that a traveler’s special status reveals itself, it can be seen that the Islamic faith

encourages and acknowledges the importance of travel; therefore, motivating adherents to

partake.

As demonstrated above, the concept and motivations of travel in Muslim countries are

centered on faith for the majority. What is the reason for traveling if not to appreciate God’s

creation through trading, visiting relatives and friends, or seeking knowledge? In the Muslim

discourse, there is no other reason, since travel needs to serve a purpose, as described in Islamic

doctrine. Because purpose is necessary for travel, however, does not mean that it is a rare

occurrence in Islamic culture. For instance, the Hajj alone attracts one million visitors annually.

Coordination of such large amounts of people requires a lot of management and planning;

furthermore, special care has to be taken to ensure that only Muslims are entering the Hajj

precinct, which is known as Hejaz. This is achieved by requiring a Hajj visa “or, in the case of

Saudi citizens, permission” (Yamin and Ades 2009, 1). The Hajj, of course, attracts such large

numbers of visitors because it is a central tenant of Islam. “When Muslims know that travel is

enjoined by Islam, which in some respects is similar to the Hajj, there is no need for expensive

promotional programs in foreign markets” (Din 1989, 554). To point out, travel enjoined by

Islam is similar to the Hajj because it emphasizes the journey (Aziz 1995, 92; 2001, 158). From

flying on a jet to visit relatives to walking the sacred path of the Hajj, every part of the journey is

supposed to make the traveler “more aware and appreciative of His greatness” (Din 1989, 554).

In any event, Muslims engage in “genuine, humane, equitable, and reciprocal cross-cultural

communication” when they are brought together through purposeful travel (Aziz 2001, 153).

They have the chance to experience one another, and to see that they “share a common sense of

sacred identity” (Stump 2008, 329).

While the above discusses the Islamic doctrine of traveling, it is important to note that this

doctrine does not govern the behavior of the entire population in Muslim countries regarding

travel. Many Muslims partake in leisure travel and visit the same locations as non-Muslim

travelers. For instance, “opulent trips” are “frequently undertaken by the rich Muslims from the

Middle East to Europe or Bangkok” (Din 1989, 559). Furthermore, there are many Muslims

who partake in travel that does not have a purpose in the sense that has been noted because “such

doctrine is often subject to cultural or political interpretations and different societies adhere to

religious doctrine at various degrees…” (Sonmez 2001, 128). Interpretations affect the view of

every person in a unique way, so attempting to categorize the core ideals that underlie one’s

worldview is essentially creating almost seven billion categories. How unattainable! Therefore,

classifying people into groups is a common occurrence. Nevertheless, it cannot be emphasized

enough that these classifications do not accurately reflect the real world. There is always more

than meets the eye in any attempt to generalize the concepts and motivations of a group,

regardless of its size (Sonmez 2001, 128).

With this in mind, the concept and motivations of travel in the West do not mirror the

concept and motivations of travel in the Muslim countries. Typical travel in the Western world

is “much akin to watching television or going to the theater” (Gladstone 2005, 5). Indeed, the

most popular tourist destination in America, Disney World, is owned by an entertainment

company. “Walt Disney recognized early on that, particularly in American and Japanese culture,

people do not get any time off of work. When they do, it has to be perfect. Slightly different,

but exactly what they expect” (Rowe 2011, 1). As can be seen, motivations for this type of

travel are primarily leisure and pleasure. Therefore, places that can assure this, such as Disney

theme parks, are very popular for Westerners. “We want guarantees of beauty, or we don’t want

to pay for it” (Rowe 2011, 1). After all, Westerners only have a limited amount of time off of

work. They want to cram as much leisure and pleasure as feasibly possible into that time period

since that is the purpose of their time away from the daily routine. Given these points, it

becomes apparent that the definition of vacation as noted earlier can be used to describe the

Western concept of travel.

Like vacation, the Western concept of travel emphasizes that it is essentially time away from

the typical duties and responsibilities associated with one’s everyday routine: certain day-to-day

responsibilities and values can be ignored. For this reason, a common phrase to describe

vacation in the West is “getting away from it all.” This phrase captures the notion that a vacation

gives rise to movement from the “’life-center,’ or orientation toward the values of Western

industrial society” (Gladstone 2005, 5). Moving away from these values in effect strengthens

them. Perhaps this is the reason that Psychology Today prescribes a vacation for episodes of

burnout. To demonstrate, an “investment banker returning from a two-week vacation in the

Caribbean may very well exclaim that she feels like a new person, ready to rededicate herself to

her career and her family with a renewed sense of vigor and purpose” (Gladstone 2005, 5).

Becoming re-oriented with the values of Western industrial society by taking a vacation

reinforces ties with other members of that society (Gladstone 2005, 5; Lovett 2004, 1).

Although many responsibilities, duties, and values that are associated with one’s everyday

routine can be ignored on vacation, certain conduct is expected. This is reflected in guest

conduct policies, which serve to remind vacation-goers that time away from the “life-center”

does not merit a total loss of inhibitions (Gladstone 2005, 5). Ideas of guest behavior in these

policies are not to be confused with the religious duties and values inherent in Islamic doctrine,

which affects all aspects of Muslim life. Rather, guest conduct policies are a temporary set of

guidelines likely created by a corporation such as Royal Caribbean. As an illustration, several

components of the Western-based, Royal Caribbean’s Guest Conduct Policy are examined

below. Guests are supposed to adhere to standards that address subjects including—but not

limited to—guest and crew interactions, verbally abusive or offensive language, and

discourteous or disruptive behavior. Standards that address guest and crew interaction

emphasize more than any other point, that physical relations are prohibited. “Our crew members

are friendly, outgoing and helpful, and they will do their very best to make your vacation as

enjoyable as possible. Please do not misinterpret their friendliness” (Guest Conduct Policy

2011, 2). Like in Muslim countries, friendly interaction between host and guest is expected;

however, on a cruise ship the guest is paying for that friendly interaction . The dynamic that this

creates is not one meant to forge bonds between brethren; conversely, it is meant to increase

profits for Royal Caribbean. Nevertheless, the prospect of vacationing in this friendly

environment provides Westerners motivation to travel.

Another motivation that comes into view as a result of the conventional Westerner’s

purposes for traveling is the social aspect. Taking an annual vacation is representative of status

and social norms in the community. Simply look at the common Western Christmas card to

view a demonstration. The card is likely a cookie cutter print of a smiling family on their yearly

vacation, which is usually in the same place as the card that was sent the previous year. Why do

so many Westerners persist in taking this trip year-after-year? “The principal reason for

Continental travel is, it’s a status symbol. The people next door do it, so you do it too” (Relph

1980, 85). It is important to realize that the media affects the sense of reality of these people

“next door.” “These media include mass communications, mass culture, big business, powerful

central authority, and the economic system which embraces all these” (Relph 1980, 90). Social

norms and statuses associated with vacations are inherently influenced by the media; thus, the

underlying social motivations of travel in the Western world are heavily influenced by it as well.

Of course, the media provides Westerners with more than just social motivation to travel,

because it guides and communicates the very concepts and interpretations of travel within the

culture. This point is important to emphasize since “we tend to disregard or minimize the extent

to which we depend for our sense of reality not just on the interpretations and meanings we form

individually for ourselves but also on those we receive” (Said 1981, 42). Westerners are

constantly receiving interpretations and meanings from the media. To emphasize, “the average

American spends more time using media devices—television, radio, iPods, and cell phones—

than any other activity while awake…” (Ransford 2005, 1). Furthermore, the average American

is skilled at using two or more types of media at the same time. Being exposed to this powerful

concentration of media has an effect on one’s sense of reality; thus, the meanings and

interpretations of travel (and of everything else, for that matter) that Westerners identify as their

own are likely influenced by the meanings and interpretations of the media (Ransford 2005, 1;

Said 1981, 43).

To summarize, the concept and motivations of travel in the West generally reflect those of

the media, which emphasizes the notion of a vacation centered on leisure and pleasure. The idea

of vacation provides weary Westerners with exciting thoughts of leaving it all behind for a

refreshing, colorful two week vacation at the perfect destination. It is important to note that the

emphasis of travel in this discourse is the perfect destination. Because this discourse puts such

an emphasis on the destination, it actually overlooks the journey to travel there. “There [the

destination] is the point, not the travelling to get there” (Rowe 2011, 1). A perfect destination is

composed of certain ingredients that come together in a recipe that probably appears a lot like

Disney World. In any case, Westerners are able to identify with their culture by contributing to

the social norm of taking an annual vacation. Their sense of Western industrial society values

becomes renewed, and their vacation memories are able to carry them “through the drabbest

hours of the 24/7 grind” (Lovett 2004, 1). A striking image of the power of vacation memories

has been clearly put by Richard Lovett:

One of my prized possessions is a key-chain pendant with a heart superimposed on a map of Greenland. It's a cheesy trinket, but it has real power. Each time I unlock a door, the memories come in staccato bursts. A clutch of brightly painted buildings thrown onto a snarl of rocky hillocks. Evening sun reflecting off slate-blue sea. Greenland can surprise even jaded travelers, and it still holds a piece of my soul (Lovett 2004, 1).

Perceptions of Tourism

Because of these diverging discourses about traveling, the attitudes surrounding tourism are

not the same in Muslim countries and the West. Keep in mind the different concepts and

motivations of travel that were discussed in the previous section while analyzing the following

definition of tourism: “the activity or practice of touring, especially for pleasure” (tourism, 1).

Is this definition of tourism more likely to encourage traveling among Muslims or Westerners?

Since the emphasis is on pleasure, it would be more likely to encourage a Westerner based on the

motivations that were discussed above. This pleasure-seeking, destination-oriented attitude that

manifests itself in Western tourism is an inauthentic attitude of placelessness, which is

“essentially no sense of place” (Relph 1980, 82). If the emphasis was on faith, however, it

would be more likely to encourage a Muslim. Because Muslims are to travel for the purpose of

witnessing the greatness of God in the world, the faith-seeking, journey-oriented attitude appears

to be a more authentic attitude towards place, which “consists of an openness to the world and an

awareness of the human condition” (Relph 1980, 80). Perhaps this is because religion is “a

powerful force in place making” (Tuan 2009, 34). Given these points, it appears that tourism

meshes better with the Western discourse of travel than the Muslim discourse from the basic

analysis of this definition of tourism. Of course, this definition of tourism is coming from a

dictionary that was written by Western authors (Din 1989, 559).

Undoubtedly, the “stereotype of the camera-toting American, European, or Japanese tourist

in Bermuda shorts and a loud shirt” comes to mind when thinking of tourism (Gladstone 2005,

4). Muslims associate this mental image with the “typical hedonistic behavior of Western

tourists” (Aziz 2001, 155). This typical hedonistic behavior often violates “Islamic cultural

values and traditions: for example, the consumption of alcohol and pork, gambling, prostitution,

disrespect towards dress and codes of behavior” (Aziz 1995, 93). Furthermore, this hedonistic

behavior does not emphasize the significance of place. “In short, where someone goes is less

important than the act and style of going, and the tourist travels with no real sense of either place,

or past, or future…” (Relph 1980, 87). Such a notion of placelessness relates uneasily to sacred

spaces, which are extraordinarily important and have rich, storied pasts. For instance, the

penchant of American culture for mobility and placelessness has created a problem in

articulating a sense of sacred space in the United States. These factors contribute to the reasons

that a number of Muslims do not consider the notions of tourism and travel to be linked. For

instance, “Saudi authorities refuse to consider the Hajj even as a type of religious tourism” (Aziz

2001, 155). Saudi authorities do not identify with or promote such notions of tourism (Din 1989,

547; Lane 2001, 15, 19, 218) .

Likewise, a number of Westerners do not acknowledge the Muslim notion of travel as

tourism.

The phenomenon of the Hajj provides a spectacular example of a type of tourism not yet fully recognized in Western studies of tourism…despite the arrival of at least 1 million pilgrims a year to Saudi Arabia, the country is still criticized in the West for not opening its doors to international tourism (Aziz 2001, 158).

As was demonstrated in the analysis of the definition of tourism in a Western dictionary,

the word has become embedded in Western discourse. Therefore, in order to more

accurately understand tourism in its many forms in different cultures, westerners need to

understand that their definition does not encompass many other perceptions of travel and

attitudes surrounding tourism. Indeed, having a culturally sensitive awareness of the

term when comparing across borders is vital to any analysis in a world that is becoming

more and more globalized.

Besides the different attitudes surrounding tourism and the different perceptions of travel in

the Muslim countries and the West, another reason for misunderstandings regarding tourism has

to do with the lack of Westerners traveling to Muslim countries. By not traveling to Muslim

countries to experience their many dynamic cultures and relying on the media to transmit their

accurate depiction, westerners receive a much distorted image of the reality. Stereotypes that the

Western and Islamic worlds have about one another that are perpetuated by the media contribute

greatly to this paucity of travel. These stereotypes have been growing roots since long ago.

Not since the time of the Crusade, in fact, have Westerners been at once so aware of and unaware about Islam and its political dimension as they are today. And today’s perceptions and misperceptions of Islam are descended from those of the Middle Ages. Thus, whenever Islam manifests itself politically in the contemporary world, popular Western perceptions of these developments are doubly distorted: by fears inspired by recent events, notably in Iran, and also by a whole legacy of adverse European and Christian attitudes towards Islam, the religion and culture of the infidels of Araby (Kessler 1980, 2).

Instead of trying to sever these roots, Western media nurture them. “…if the Arab occupies

space enough for attention, it is as a negative value. He is seen as the disrupter of Israel’s and

the West’s existence…” (Said 1978, 286). Turn on any news channel to view a demonstration.

Images of men with long straggly beards, women covered in burqas, camels, deserts, the War on

Terror, and weapons of mass destruction are just a few of the examples that flash across the

screen. If you are tired of the news and flip to the BBC’s popular show, Top Gear , similar

images persist. During their “Middle East Special,” the hosts were dropped in northern Iraq and

had to drive to Israel. Each time they approached a city or village they would put on armor in

fear of being bombed. Because of the media’s portrayal of Islam, members of the media feared

for their lives while traveling. This is a vicious circle, which illustrates that the media “cover a

great deal of what the reporter knows nothing about. Not knowing the language is only part of a

much greater ignorance, for often enough the reporter is sent to a strange country with no

preparation or experience…” (Said 1981, xi). Clearly, this circle needs to end before stereotypes

can be halted. In order for this to occur, however, the media’s fundamental attitudes, which

stand behind placelessness and perpetuate “an inauthentic mode of existence in which both

individuals and societies fail to recognize the realities and responsibilities of existence, and do

not experience the world and its places for what they are” would need to change (Relph 1980,

121). The media’s attitudes would not only have to change, however, the stereotypes that they

have maintained would need to be addressed. “…if one considers the influence that a negative

image of Muslim countries holds in Western media, then the absence of counter promotional

efforts may actually perpetuate the stereotypes about Muslims and their countries” (Din 1989,

548). With this in mind, observe recent media coverage of Islam.

The bombings of the Madrid commuter trains, killing 191 and injuring more than 2,000 in 2004; the 4 bombs that exploded on 3 London subway trains and a bus, killing 56 people in July 2005; the riots that swept immigrant-heavy, working-class suburbs of Paris for 9 consecutive nights and spread to 24 other urban areas in France, destroying more than a thousand vehicles and burning numerous public buildings and apartment blocks in October and November 2005; the British terrorism of 4 ‘militant’ Muslims after the discovery of their ‘bomb factory’ in 2006; and the intercepted/aborted attacks on the railroad stations in Glasgow and London in 2007 have all tarnished the image of Islam as a religion, solidified the public’s linkage of Islam and violence, and led to suspicions of a connection to Al-Qaida’s worldwide terrorist network (Antoun 2008, 134-135).

The linkages that have been solidified by media coverage of these events would continue to

frame Islam even if the media stopped forging them. In order to replace Islam’s frame in the

West, it would first have to be recognized there was something amiss about the current frame

(Klein 2011, 1; Relph 1980, 120).

The lack of tourists on the Islamic scene is further reduced by stereotypes that Muslims

have about Westerners. As has been previously noted, Muslims have a mental image of the

typical Western tourist. Yet, stereotypes of the Western world reach beyond the realm of

tourism. Similar to coverage of the “other” in the Western media, “media from Muslim majority

countries were more likely to provide negative coverage of individuals and groups associated

with Christianity and Judaism and with non-Muslim majority countries” (DeGioia 2008, 106).

Like media in the West, media in Muslim countries are influenced by the inauthentic attitude of

place because this attitude is “becoming increasingly dominant;” therefore, it is becoming “less

and less possible to have a deeply felt sense of place or to create places authentically” in their

culture as well due to the media’s transmission of this attitude (Relph 1980, 80). As shown

above, this attitude of place does not explore the complex, intricate realities that a place may

possess. “It is merely an attitude which is socially convenient and acceptable—an uncritically

accepted stereotype, an intellectual or aesthetic fashion that can be adopted without real

involvement” (Relph 1980, 82). Undeniably, this stereotypical image of place can only capture a

one-dimensional shot of a multi-dimensional, shifting sight.

Altogether, it can be seen that the media’s inauthentic attitude of place has transmitted

stereotypes. Be that as it may, why are the stereotypes of the “other” place usually negative?

Edward Said can help to provide insight into this phenomenon of the “other.”

A group of people living on a few acres of land will set up boundaries between their land and its immediate surroundings and the territory beyond, which they call ‘the land of the barbarians.’ In other words, this universal practice of designating in one’s mind a familiar space which is ‘ours’ and an unfamiliar space beyond ‘ours’ which is ‘theirs’ is a way of making geographical distinctions that can be entirely arbitrary. I use the word ‘arbitrary’ because imaginative geography of the ‘our land-barbarian land’ variety does not require that the barbarians acknowledge the distinction. It is enough for ‘us’ to set up these boundaries in our own minds; ‘they’ become ‘they’ accordingly, and both their

territory and their mentality are designated as different from ‘ours’ (Said 1978, 54).

Clearly, the media have been influenced by this “ours-theirs” dynamic. Beyond “our”

boundaries always lies the threat of “their” culture infringing upon “our” own. Because we are

cut off by boundaries with the “other,” the dynamic and complex world outside of our own

becomes a set of ideas, which have been proven to be oversimplified and stereotypical.

Conclusion

The concepts surrounding travel and tourism in the West and the Muslim countries are

the result of different discourses. Islam touches all aspects of life for the majority in Muslim

countries, so the concepts of travel and tourism reflect Islam. Travel needs to serve a purpose to

spark the motivation for a journey. Purposeful travel has many benefits, and Islam encourages it.

Whether Muslims consider this as a form of tourism is questionable, because the connotation of

tourism reflects a different form of travel, the Western vacation. On vacation, Westerners do not

work. When Muslims travel, they are encouraged to work, trade, and adhere to most of the same

values and responsibilities that they would adhere to at home. This engages people in

communication that might not occur otherwise. Work and trade give Muslims a reason not only

to learn about people outside of their culture, but also within it. Islam is not a single, monolithic

culture. There are many rich dynamic cultures that fall within it. This statement holds true for

the West, as well. Instead of the Quran touching every aspect of life, however, it is the media

that is omnipresent in the West. The typical Westerner’s sphere of influence is infiltrated

constantly with media throughout each day. This powerful concentration of media strongly

perpetuates attitudes of placelessness, which do not recognize or appreciate all of the qualities

that places possess. Instead, places are reduced to a certain stereotypical formula that probably

looks a lot like the images of Muslim countries portrayed on television programming ranging

from the nightly news to popular reality television shows. Muslims are the “other” compared to

Western culture. Characterizing a culture as the “other” has been demonstrated to promote

negative stereotyping. Such stereotyping has contributed to a paucity of Westerners traveling to

Muslim countries, and this further distorts our understanding of their ideas about travel. An

effort to attempt to view the “other” with authentic attitude of place, however, would certainly

help bridge the gap in the discourses. As can be seen, the perception of an undersized tourism

industry is a multi-dimensional and complex issue. Many factors come into play when analyzing

anything across cultural boundaries, and when there appears to be a simple answer, it almost

certainly means that over-generalizations have been made.

Bibliography

Antoun, Richard T. 2008. Understanding Fundamentalism: Christian, Islamic, and Jewish

Movements. Second ed. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.

Aziz, Heba. 1995. "Understanding attacks on tourists in Egypt." Tourism Management no. 16

(2):91-95.

———. 2001. "The journey: An overview of tourism and travel in the Arab/Islamic context." In

Tourism and the less developed world: Issues and case studies, edited by D. Harrison,

151-160. New York: CABI Publishing.

Burton, Lloyd. 2002. Worship and Wilderness: Culture, Religion, and Law in Public Lands

Management. Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press.

Cohen, E. 1979. "A Phenomenology of Tourist Experiences." Sociology no. 13 (2):179-201.

DeGioia, John J. 2008. Islam and the West: Annual Report on the State of Dialogue edited by

Nancy Tranchet and Dianna Rienstra. Geneva, Switzerland: World Economic Forum.

Din, Kadir H. 1989. "Islam and Tourism: Patterns, Issues, and Options." Annals of Tourism

Research no. 16:542-563.

Gladstone, David L. 2005. From pilgrimage to package tour: travel and tourism in the Third

World. New York: Routledge.

Guest Conduct Policy. 2011. Royal Caribbean 2011 [cited October 25 2011]. Available from

http://www.royalcaribbean.com/content/en_US/pdf/Guest_Conduct_Policy.pdf.

Jordan, Terry G. 2003. "The Human Mosaic." In. New York: W.H. Freeman & Co.

Kessler, C. 1980. "Back to the Crusades? ." Southeast Asia Chronicle no. 75:2-11.

Kessler, Clive S. 1992. "Pilgrims' Progress: The Travelers of Islam." Annals of Tourism

Research no. 19:147-153.

Klein, Brian. 2011. Middle East Special. In Top Gear. Surrey: BBC Worldwide.

Lane, Beldon. 2001. Landscapes of the Sacred: Geography and Narrative in American

Spirituality. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press.

Lovett, Richard. 2004. Getting Away From It All. Psychology Today,

http://www.psychologytoday.com/articles/200407/getting-away-it-all?page=2.

The Oxford History of Islam. 1999. Edited by J. Esposito. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

Ransford, Marc. 2005. Average person spends more time using media than anything else.

Newscenter, http://www.bsu.edu/news/article/0,1370,--36658,00.html.

Relph, E. 1980. Place and Placelessness. London: Dion Limited.

Rowe, William. 2011. Place and Placelessness lecture, October 10, 2011.

Said, E. 1981. Covering Islam: How the Media and the Experts Determine How we see the Rest

of the World. New York: Pantheon.

Said, Edward W. 1978. Orientalism. New York: Pantheon.

Sonmez, Sevil. 2001. "Tourism Behind the Veil of Islam: Women and Development in the

Middle East." In Women as Producers and Consumers of Tourism in Developing

Regions, edited by Yorghos Apostolopoulos, Sevil Sonmez and Dallen J. Timothy, 113-

142. Connecticut: Praeger.

Stump, Roger W. 2008. The Geography of Religion: Faith, Place, and Space. Lanham: Rowman

& Littlefield Publishers, Inc.

tourism. Dictionary.com. In Dictionary.com Unabridged: Random House, Inc.

Tuan, Yi-Fu. 2009. Religion: From Place to Placelessness. Chicago: Center for American

Places

vacation. Dictionary.com. In Dictionary.com Unabridged: Random House, Inc.

Yamin, Mohammad, and Yasser Ades. 2009. Crowd Management with RFID and Wireless

Technologies. In First International Conference on Networks and Communications.

Chennai.

Zamani-Farahani, Hamira, and Joan C. Henderson. 2010. "Islamic Tourism and Managing

Tourism Development in Islamic Societies: The Cases of Iran and Saudi Arabia."

International Journal of Tourism Research no. 12:79-89.