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1
Digital Activism: For better or for worse?
Alice Gina Mary Crowley
9th Conference of the Australasian Institute of Computer Ethics (AiCE
2020)
1. Introduction
In 2012, Seth Meyer joked on Saturday Night Live, “Look, if you make a Facebook page, we
will ‘like’ it—it’s the least we can do. But it’s also the most we can do”. Myer alludes to a
number of academics and pundits concerned about the effectiveness of digital activist
campaigns. With the inception of Web 2.0, many hoped the Internet would enhance civic
engagement and make the political class more accessible [2, 3]. However, a number of
studies [4-6] have concluded that the Internet only reinforces existing socioeconomic
inequalities and the current political order [7]. This paper examines the factors which limit
the effectiveness of digital activism, including ‘slacktivism’, a lack of control over the
narrative, socioeconomic barriers, and ‘woke washing’. The aim is not to undermine the
usefulness of digital activism, but promote a critical mindset towards online campaigns by
offering directions for improving their effectiveness.
2. Defining Digital Activism
Digital activism is defined as using online media to partake in activist activities, with the goal
of accomplishing agendas along socioeconomic, environmental or political lines [8-11].
George and Leidner [12] claim that digital activism consists of clicktivism, metavoicing,
assertion, e-funding, political consumerism, digital petitions, botivism, data activism,
exposure, and hacktivism. The literature provides a number of examples of online activist
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efforts, including the EZLN Zapatista movement [13-17]; the use of Indymedia to provide
non-corporate accounts of the 1999 World Trade Organisation protests [18]; the
operationalisation of citizen blogs in the aftermath of the US September 11 attacks [19]; the
Arab Springs [20-22]; and Kony 2012 [23].
3. Factors which limit the effectiveness of digital activism
Despite the initial optimism of the Internet enhancing political participation, a number of
scholars are sceptical of this perspective. Habermas [6] warned of the Internet’s propensity to
decrease the quality of public discourse, arguing the public sphere would separate into groups
united by special interests. From this perspective, the Internet may threaten existing modes of
political participation [24]. This section examines the ineffective aspects of digital activism.
3.1 Slacktivism
The increased presence of social-political organisations on social media has made it easier for
citizens to support these causes. However, a criticism of this increased presence is that it
enables people to become ‘slacktivists’ [25, 26]. Slacktivism, sometimes referred as
‘clicktivism’, is the “willingness to perform a relatively costless, token display of support for
a social cause with an accompanying lack of willingness to devote significant effort to enact
meaningful change” [26] (p.1148). Examples of slacktivist activities include Facebook or
Instagram frames and filters; liking, sharing or retweeting posts; online petitions; and hashtag
campaigns [27].
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Slacktivism is a contested concept. Some argue that slacktivist activities increase awareness
for social-political causes [30-32]. Vie [32] examines the Human Rights Campaign that
encouraged users to change their Facebook profile picture to a red logo in support of same-
sex marriage. She argues the mass support of the campaign helped the issue gain prominence
An example of Facebook frame activism featuring the French Flag, to allow users to show their support after the November 2015 Paris attacks. Image source: Brown, 2015
#BringBackOurGirls, an example of a hashtag campaign which trended globally on Twitter after 276 girls were kidnapped from a secondary school in Nigeria. Source: Clinton, 2014
4
in public discourse. Štětka and Mazák [33] investigate political engagement concerning the
2013 Czech Parliamentary elections, finding that individuals who engaged in slacktivism
were more likely to also participate in traditional forms of social activism. Similarly, Obar
[34] argues that slacktivist activities are central to the operations of larger charities and
advocacy groups.
Others have alternatively claimed that slacktivism satisfies individuals’ moral and
psychological needs, thus excusing them from participating in offline forms of socio-political
engagement [35]. Breuer and Farooq [36] studied a Brazilian anticorruption campaign and
found that low-effort online activities did little to increase individuals’ participation in the
offline elements of the campaign. Morozov [37] discusses now deactivated Facebook group
‘Saving the Children of Africa’, who despite having 1.2 million members, only raised
US$6,000. The concern that slacktivism hinders
tangible support has led, for example, to UNICEF
Sweden’s “Likes Don’t Save Lives” campaign
(Figure A) [38]. From a different perspective,
Cornelissen, Karelaia and Soyer [39] explore the
relationship between slacktivism, moral licensing
and impression management. They argue that
creating a favourable impression on social media
is a major reason why individuals engage in
slacktivist activities. Moreover, individuals who
‘liked’ a cause on Facebook were more likely to
engage in immoral behaviour afterwards.
Kristofferson, White and Peloza [26] contend that
Figure A: example of UNICEF Sweden’s ‘Likes Don’t Save Lives’ campaign. Image source: Elsen, 2016
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the more private the slacktivism (e.g. signing an online petition), the greater the likelihood of
subsequent and deeper engagement with the cause. In turn, public displays of slacktivism
(e.g. sharing a post on social media) had the opposite effect. Therefore, slacktivism becomes
counterproductive when the focus moves from the cause to the individual [40].
Overall, the effectiveness of slacktivism as form of political engagement remains hotly
contested. It is important to recognise that whilst social media should be a part of any social-
political movement, is not a means to an end. Technology may enhance the effectiveness of
such campaigns, but physical commitment is central to its success [41].
3.2 Lack of narrative control
Digital activism typically relies on individuals on social media sharing content with their
friends and adding to existing content. A downside to this collective action is the potential
loss of control over the message, and the dilution of common frames and identities [42].
According to [43], the organisers of #SafeStampede had to constantly monitor the online
discourse surrounding the hashtag, as the Twitter community frequently used the term to
express other concerns such as preventing impaired driving and protecting animals. Darius
and Stephany [44] discuss ‘hashjacking’ as a strategy in German politics (whereby a group
steals the hashtag associated with a particular movement) and suggest that right-wing
politicians and their supporters actively polarise discourse by stealing the hashtags of other
established political parties. A recent and well-known example of hashjacking is when
LGBTQ Twitter users stole the hashtag belonging to far-right group Proud boys, by filling it
with photos and messages of love and pride [45]. Whilst this instance illustrates how
hashjacking can be used for positive purposes, it also highlights how the message fidelity of
digital activist campaigns can be difficult to control.
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3.3 Socio-economic barriers
Another potential weakness of digital activism is the socioeconomic barriers which restrict
the access of online campaigns from those who need it. A number of studies [46-49] indicate
that individuals with higher incomes and education levels are more likely to participate in
online civic engagement activities. This relates to the ‘Digital Divide’ which is broadly
defined as the gap between those individuals who have access to information and
communication technologies, and those who do not [50-54]. Low-income communities
generally have limited access to digital technologies due to financial constraints and a lack of
infrastructure [55]. Moreover, the increased access to information reaped by the Internet
benefits the middle- and upper-income groups, at the detriment of lower income earners.
A number of scholars have also identified consumption gaps relating to digital inequality. For
example, the production of online content requires time and labour costs, and in the digital
economy this is often unpaid [56, 57]. Thus, the production of online content is more costly
than its distribution [58]. Lower income communities therefore may not have the disposable
labour required to be involved in digital activism [59]. This unequal content creation between
socioeconomic groups is a continuing problem. From a global perspective, third world
countries are unable to match the technological and ideological capacities of advanced
nations, making them unable to be both equal receivers and contributors to the global media
ecosystem [60]. For instance, despite being the second largest continent, in June 2020 Africa
had an Internet penetration rate of 39.3% compared to 94.6% in North America [61]. The
one-way flow of information from powerful societies to less powerful societies subjects these
poorer societies to the influence of the former. This situation directly impacts which activism
7
campaigns are heard and which have limited outlets, thereby further perpetuating the existing
cycle of poverty and disenfranchisement [46, 47, 59, 62].
3.4 Brand activism & ‘woke washing’
Social media is now a central tool for marketing and communications [63]. Moreover,
companies are increasingly using online platforms for promoting their corporate social
responsibility efforts [64, 65], and embracing ‘brand activism’. This term refers to when a
brand attempts to encourage social-political change, whilst also seeking “reputational and
economic benefit via consumer appreciation of association with cause” [66] (p.446). A 2018
survey revealed that 64% of consumers would reward firms that engage in some kind of
activism [67]. With these economic incentives, also comes the potential for brands to act
inauthentically to obtain greater profits.
Sobande [68] and Vredenburg et al. [69] discuss ‘woke washing’ which refers to inauthentic
brand activism whereby a brand’s practices do not align with their messaging. Consider Nike,
who made Colin Kaepernick the face of their 30th anniversary advertising campaign [70]. At
face value this was a meaningful move, but public records indicate that in 2019 less than 10%
of Nike’s 300-plus vice-presidents worldwide were black [71]. Nike thus marketed
themselves as being concerned with racial inequality, but there was a misalignment between
their messaging and their practices [68]. Similarly, after George Floyd’s death in Minneapolis
in 2020 [72], a number of companies posted on social media calling for change. Three of
these companies include Procter and Gamble, Adobe, and Hersheys – all of which did not
8
have a single black board member in 2019 [73] (see Figure B below to see these social media
posts).
The growing use of social media to promote corporate social responsibility initiatives makes
it easier for brands to capitalise off current social issues with the sole goal of creating profits.
Companies cannot create the social change they are promoting if they are unwilling to change
their own practices. Therefore, ‘woke washing’ is a negative consequence of digital activism
– not only in the sense that it lacks tangible efforts to address causes, but also because it
constitutes a risk to the ability of brands who are engaging in authentic activism to translate
to social change [66]. Companies need to go beyond saying they ‘stand with black people’ or
they ‘want to empower all women’ by creating long-term plans for social inclusion – and that
begins internally [70].
Figure B: Racial equality posts made by Hersheys (2020), Adobe (2020), and Procter & Gamble (2020)
9
4. Discussion & Conclusion
This paper has highlighted some of the negative factors associated with digital activism, and
in doing so, offers some directions in terms of how online activist campaigns can be
improved. An important step to improving this effectiveness is for governments to address
the growing digital divide, not only to enhance the civic engagement of low-income
communities, but to enable the concerns of these individuals to materialise as meaningful
activist campaigns. The current literature makes several suggestions on how this could be
achieved, including increasing broadband access in areas lacking infrastructure, providing
community centres for individuals to access technology, offering financing to low income
earners, and changing citizen attitudes [77, 78].
Another pertinent point is that digital activism is not a means to an end but reinforces the
offline components of social-political movements. Where possible, advocacy groups should
see online and offline activism as intertwined, rather than solely perceiving digital activism as
a replacement for traditional methods [79]. Campaigns should create online content which
seeks to mobilise offline participation, rather than content which solely promotes other forms
of online activism in order to avoid encouraging slacktivism. It is worth noting that, like
digital activism, there are weakness to offline activism – but discussing these are beyond the
scope of this paper. In a Covid-19 world, however, where physical activism is not always
possible, advocacy groups will need to work to make meaningful relationships with their
supporters, without being able to have person-to-person contact. Future research couple
explore how this could be achieved.
Finally, digital activists should make it part of their campaigns to call out woke washing, and
hold companies and institutions to account for inconsistencies in their messaging and
10
practices. Overall, this paper hopes to reignite the discussion on the effectiveness of digital
activism, and to encourage both advocacy groups and citizens to be critical of their activist
activities and how these can be improved to achieve greater social change.
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