Diaspora Politics of Colombians Migrants

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The Diaspora Politics of

Colombian Migrants in the UKand Spain

Anastasia Bermudez*

ABSTRACT

Within the broader theme of Latin American migration to Europe, thisarticle looks at the less explored case of Colombian migrants in the United

Kingdom and Spain. More specifically, it focuses on the transnationalpolitical activities of these migrants in connection with the armed conflict

and search for peace in Colombia, a case of diaspora politics that has

not received much attention. It is based on research into the wider transna-tional political linkages of Colombians in these two countries conductedduring 20042007. This research involved nearly 100 semi-structured inter-

views with Colombian men and women who had migrated for political,security, labour and other reasons, as well as interviews with experts, par-

ticipant observation and analysis of online community forums and othermaterials. As such, this study went beyond the dominant focus on eco-

nomic migration. This approach helped to shed light on an aspect ofColombian migrant transnational politics hardly taken into accountbefore, that is, the individual and collective activities that deal with the

violence, human rights situation, and search for peace in Colombia. Thefirst part of the article offers a summary of the conceptual and methodo-

logical issues underpinning this research and a description of the most rele-vant characteristics of the two migrant communities studied. In the second

part, the article analyses the evidence gathered on Colombian migranttransnational activism in relation to the armed conflict and search for

peace in Colombia and the potential and limitations of this work. The aimof the article is two-fold: to enrich the pool of knowledge on Latin Ameri-

can migration to Europe and to engage with recent literature on the rolethat diasporas and transnational communities play in relation to conflict in

their home countries as part of diasporic or transnational civil society.

* Instituto de Estudios Sociales Avanzados (IESA-CSIC), Co rdoba, Spain, and Department of

Geography, Queen Mary, University of London, United Kingdom.

2011 The Author

Published by Blackwell Publishing Ltd., International Migration 2011 IOM

9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK, International MigrationVol. 49 (3) 2011

and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. ISSN 0020-7985

doi:10.1111/j.1468-2435.2011.00689.x

MIGRATIONEdited by Elzbieta Gozdziak, Georgetown University


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BACKGROUND

Conceptually, the research behind this article draws from several fieldsof study, including investigations of transnational migration and dias-

pora politics as well as scholarship on armed conflict and peace. These

areas of study have recently received increased attention as part of the

academic and policymaking focus on international migration flows, their

potential contribution to development, and the capacity of diasporas to

act as peace-makers or peace-seekers in homeland conflicts (see

Smith and Stares, 2007). In this article, my interest in the armed conflict

in Colombia and recent migration flows from this country ties these sub-

jects together. The main aim of the article is to contribute a betterunderstanding of Latin American migration to Europe by focusing on

how, and to what extent, Colombian transnational communities engage

with the conflict in the home country.

The development of new transnational approaches to the study of inter-

national migration has allowed scholars to move away from the previ-

ous emphasis on incorporation and acculturation and move towards a

recognition that migrants often keep and nourish their linkages to theirplace of origin (Itzigsohn et al., 1999: 317). On the other hand, dias-

pora studies have long since dealt with the political links maintained

with the homeland, but only in very specific contexts (i.e., governments

in exile, nations without a state) or with a particular focus on identity.

The transnational approach has broadened this focus to include differ-

ent aspects of migrant politics (directed towards the home and host

countries) and other dimensions of transnational politics.1 As a result,

new concepts have emerged, such as that of transnational and diasporic

civil society, which help illuminate the political mobilisation of migrants(see McIlwaine, 2007a). This has coincided with growing interest in the

role of civil society in conflict and peace building and analyses of inter-

nal conflicts from a transnational perspective (see Salehyan, 2009).

Nevertheless, we still know little about the capacity of transnational or

diasporic civil society to influence conflict in the home country.

As Smith (2007) points out, the research available has tended to

approach the subject within a conflict resolution analytical framework

and from a politics or international relations perspective. Such work

analyses whether diasporas help perpetuate or resolve international con-

flicts, such as the Israeli-Palestinian struggle or the recent war in the for-

mer Yugoslavia, and their role in post-conflict reconstruction (see Shain,

2002).2 Very few authors have looked at this subject while incorporating

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a transnational perspective or considering the role of new transnational

migrant communities. Exceptions include the work by Al-Ali et al.

(2001) comparing the experiences of Bosnian and Eritrean refugees inEurope and Zunzers (2004) wider comparison of four diaspora commu-

nities in Europe (from Sri Lanka, Cyprus, Somalia and Afghanistan)

and their positive contributions to conflict transformation in their

respective homelands. According to Zunzer, diaspora communities have

a key role to play in such contexts, based on their more neutral position

gained by being removed from the conflict, the expertise and experience

acquired while abroad, and their potential for lobbying the international

community and offering support to civil society efforts towards peace at

home. However, these new strands of research have ignored the Colom-bian case and almost any other Latin American conflict (for an excep-

tion see Smith and Stares, 2007). This is despite the fact that Latin

America, and within it Colombia, is currently one of the main sources

of migrants to the Global North. According to official data, based on

the 2005 census, there are some 3.4 million Colombians living abroad

(Conpes, 2009). The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

(UNHCR) data also show that there were more than 400,000 Colom-

bian refugees and asylum seekers as of January 2009.3 These figures are

largely the result of more than 50 years of internal armed conflict among

the armed forces, the left-wing guerrillas and the right-wing paramili-

taries in Colombia, combined with the violence and corruption caused

by the illegal drugs trade and the deteriorating economic and social con-

ditions.4 In addition, the Colombian conflict can be described as trans-

national, using Salehyans (2009) conceptualisation, and thus it is

important to understand the role that different transnational actors play

in it.

The phenomenon of the incipient Colombian diaspora,5 and its politi-

cal potential vis-a` -vis the armed conflict at home, has received little

attention. The few studies available have focused mostly on the larger

and older communities established in the United States, mainly New

York and Los Angeles, and, in some cases, within wider research on

Latinos (Guarnizo and Daz, 1999; Guarnizo et al., 1999, 2003;

Jones-Correa, 1998; Portes et al., 2008). This research suggests that

Colombians are not overtly involved in homeland politics despite the

generous political rights that Colombian nationals abroad enjoy in rela-tion to the home country (see Serrano Carrasco, 2003). Guarnizos

(2006a) work on Colombian migration to the United Kingdom also

found that the transnational engagement of migrants tended to be indi-

vidual and private, rather than collective or public. This is blamed

The diaspora politics of Colombians 127

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mostly on the divisions affecting migrant communities, as well as the

mistrust and polarisation caused by the problems of the armed conflict

and the illegal drugs trade. Still, the research available has highlightedsome cases of Colombian migrant participation in broader civic and

informal politics in the United States (Jones-Correa, 1998; Portes et al.,

2007). Finally, Bouviers chapter in Smith and Stares (2007: 129) is one

of the few exceptions in that she specifically considers the role of

Colombians in the United States in relation to the conflict, arguing that

there is a general reluctance to engage, albeit with incipient signs of a

move towards greater involvement.

In this article, I explore the diaspora politics a type of homelandpolitics generally related to political disputes over sensitive issues such

as national sovereignty and security (stergaard-Nielsen, 2003: 763)

of Colombian migrants in Spain and the United Kingdom. The aim is

not so much to consider the full impact of the Colombian diaspora in

perpetuating the conflict or contributing to its resolution, but to analyse

the political engagement of these two communities in relation to the

conflict in the homeland. This is based on qualitative research conducted

in 20042007 involving almost 100 semi-structured interviews with refu-

gees, asylum seekers, economic migrants and others (most first-genera-

tion), and non-Colombian experts as well as participant observation and

analysis of online community forums and other materials.6 I looked at

individual and collective forms of political participation and used a wide

definition of transnational politics, from above and below, includ-

ing formal (electoral, party) and informal (civic) politics.7 Here, I will

only be referring to the informal political engagement of Colombians

most directly related to the conflict (for more on formal politics, such as

voting in elections, see Bermudez, 2010).

COLOMBIANS ABROAD AND THE CONFLICT

Colombia has a long history of internal and external migrations, forced

and voluntary. However, the phenomenon of substantial Colombian

migration abroad is recent. Emigration rates started to climb in the

1960s and rapidly accelerated from the 1990s in response to push and

pull factors as well as the establishment of migratory chains. Colombianemigration was traditionally directed to Venezuela and the United

States. However, in recent years, countries like Canada and Japan, and

others within Western Europe, have become main destinations. Spain

and the United Kingdom are home to the first and second largest

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Colombian communities in Europe respectively, with significant numbers

present also in Italy, France, Germany and Belgium (Guarnizo, 2006b).

The British Colombian community

Latin Americans are currently one of the fastest growing migrant groups

in the United Kingdom, with Colombians constituting the second largest

Latin American population in the United Kingdom, but these migration

flows are still relatively new and marginal (see McIlwaine, 2007b).

England, and London in particular, have always occupied a special place

for the Colombian upper classes, attracting political leaders, professionals

and students (Guarnizo, 2006a). These linkages were later widened toinclude all sectors of the Colombian population, especially in the 1970s,

when many migrants came under the work permit system. During the

1980s and 1990s, the community grew rapidly in size as migration net-

works were established, asylum seekers came in significant numbers, and

students and other smaller groups, such as professionals, continued to

arrive (Open Channels, 2000). Today, estimates of the size of the commu-

nity range from 50,000150,000, with most Colombians settling in or

around London (Guarnizo, 2006a). According to the studies mentioned

above (see also McIlwaine, 2005) the majority of these migrants have an

urban, working or middle-class background, coming from Bogota and

other large and medium-sized cities. Most have relatively high levels of

formal education, but work in low-skilled activities, such as domestic and

industrial cleaning, catering or retail. Evidence suggests that there are

more women than men in these communities, and most migrants lie in the

productive age bracket. This migration is mostly economically driven,

with only a small minority being displaced by the armed conflict. How-

ever, some studies have highlighted the interrelationships between the dif-ferent types of migration in the Colombian case (McIlwaine, 2005).

Colombian migration to Spain

In the last two decades, Spain has gone from being a country of emigra-

tion to one of immigration. The composition of migration flows has also

changed, with a majority of migrants now coming from Africa, Latin

America and Eastern Europe. Traditionally, Colombian migration to

Spain was mostly by refugees, intellectuals and students. However,throughout the 1980s, and especially since the late 1990s, the community

has grown exponentially in size. Official data estimate that there were

around 355,000 Colombians living in Spain at the beginning of 2009.8

Available research suggests that they are mostly labour migrants,


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although violence and security were also important reasons for migrat-

ing (Cruz Zun iga et al., 2008; IOMUN, 2003). In addition, a significant

number of Colombian students and professionals reside in Spain.Colombian migration to Spain originates from the same regions as the

UK flows and is also feminised and concentrated in the economically

active age bracket (IOMUN, 2003). Also as in the United Kingdom,

migrants have relatively high levels of education, but tend to work in

domestic service, catering, construction and retail (ibid.). However, in

contrast, the Colombian population in Spain is geographically more

extended, with the largest numbers residing in Madrid, Catalonia and

Valencia. Furthermore, Colombians in Spain enjoy certain advantages

over their co-nationals in the United Kingdom because of historical andcultural links, including easier access to Spanish nationality.

Migrants and the current situation of conflict

My research shows that there are many connections between the two

communities studied and the conflict at home. Out of the total 69 in-

depth interviews with Colombian migrants, 34 (26 in Spain and eight in

Britain) were with people who had been forced to migrate for reasons

directly related to the conflict, whether they were recognised refugees or

not. Although they formed a heterogeneous group, the majority had

been involved in left-wing politics (through a party, trade union, guer-

rilla group, or student movement), human rights work (as lawyers, aca-

demics, activists) or community activities, either personally or through

their families. This led to persecution from right-wing paramilitary

forces, the security services or unknown actors, finally forcing them into

exile. Elena, for instance, was a left-wing militant and social worker

working in community development for the town hall in a small munici-pality near Cali. The local team she worked with started to receive

threats and four members were killed. After a failed kidnapping attempt,

she left the country for Spain, where she had contacts, and applied for

asylum. Refugees such as Elena were generally the most active in

transnational collective politics directly related to the conflict.

Among most other migrants interviewed, references to the violence and

insecurity affecting Colombia were common, whether they had migrated

for economic or other reasons. Some had family stories relating to theperiod known as La Violencia,9 to which the origins of the current

armed conflict can be traced. But personal narratives also stretched into

more contemporary events, like in the case of Floralba, a woman

from Medelln who had migrated to London with her British husband

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for economic reasons. Although she had not been politically involved in

Colombia, Floralba explained how violence had affected her life:

I lived in a neighbourhood where every day lots of people were killed,and they would tell us that it was because of gang wars ... And we gotused to it, to run away every time we heard shots, and not to sleep,since many times the bullets would go through the walls.

She later heard that these gangs were linked with paramilitary groups.

Although Floralba did not migrate to escape the violence, while in

London, she grew more interested in the situation in Colombia and

started to participate in political activities organised by a Colombiansolidarity group. She had a pessimistic view of the conflict and prospects

for peace, but still believed that Colombians abroad could do more than

people inside the country by mobilising international opinion and soli-

darity. Other respondents shared this view. A majority were open to dis-

cuss the situation of armed conflict in Colombia and prospects for

peace, reflecting a wide array of opinions that mirror the ideological and

political divisions in the home country. This suggests that migrants are

not as uninterested in homeland politics as previously thought, since, as

some authors argue, political discussion can be a predictor of widerpolitical engagement (Garca Bedolla, 2005). Other ways in which indi-

vidual members of the diaspora contribute to the conflict, or could

potentially do so, is through voting in home elections and remittances

(see Bouvier, 2007).

ORGANISED TRANSNATIONAL POLITICAL EFFORTS FOR

PEACE AND HUMAN RIGHTS

There is a long history of organised involvement by Colombian exiles in

diaspora politics going back as far as the Independence era. London, for

instance, played a key role as a place where independence leaders came

for safety and to look for arms and money. Later, the peace agreements

that ended with La Violencia were signed in Spain, where the political

elite had been exiled. More recently, the diaspora has also organised

and participated in new efforts to support peace or improve the human

rights situation in the country. Serrano Carrasco (2003) points out thatapart from participating in regular home country elections, Colombians

abroad also voted in the 1990 plebiscite on constitutional reform, which

was partly called to create the conditions necessary for an end to the

conflict, and the 1997 consulta por la paz (peace referendum). Other


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work has also mentioned instances of Colombians in different parts of

the world organising in favour of peace and human rights in their coun-

try, but these efforts have been ascribed to a minority and have not beenexplored in detail (see Pe rez-Brennan, 2003 on Colombians in New

York; Gonza lez et al., 2008 on the Spanish context; Pero, 2007 on

Colombians in London).

This involvement became particularly significant in the 1990s, coinciding

not only with the deterioration of the conflict and security in Colombia

and the beginnings of large-scale migration abroad, but also with the

emergence of new civil society efforts in favour of peace. Some of the

Colombian migrant organisations researched in Spain, like AESCO(America, Espana, Solidaridad y Cooperacion (America, Spain, Solidarity

and Cooperation)), emerged in this context:

The idea to create it came about in the summer of 1990, or in 1991 ...but the founders were people like me who arrived here in the 1980s ...Colombians mainly, most of them people who came in search of asy-lum, as refugees, because of the violation of human rights. Theywanted to become involved from here, to support the human rights

struggle, and the incipient civil society movement for peace that startedto emerge then (AESCO director, Madrid).

Many of their initial projects aimed to attract international attention to

the situation in Colombia and support for peace efforts, as well as to find

a way in which exiles could contribute to a negotiated solution to the

armed conflict. However, events in the home country and in the host

society contributed to a change in orientation, with the organisation

becoming a main point of reference and support for Latin American

migrants in Spain. First, with the failure of the peace negotiations inColombia, there was a decline in civil society efforts for peace as general

pessimism about the end of the conflict spread. Second, as Colombian and

Latin American migration to Spain grew massively, the focus of attention

shifted towards the local conditions and the needs of migrants. However,

despite this turn towards immigrant politics, defined by stergaard-

Nielsen (2003: 762) as the political activities that migrants or refugees

undertake to better their situation in the receiving country, there was still

a commitment towards peace in Colombia. As the director of ACULCO

(Asociacion Sociocultural y de Cooperacion al Desarrollo por Colombia e

Iberoamerica (Sociocultural and Development Cooperation Association

for Colombia and Latin America)), another migrant organisation in

Madrid, explained: People have left the country fed up with the violence,

and we want them to return to a peaceful country.

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Something similar had happened in London where the origins of some

migrant organisations serving the community, such as IRMO (Indo-

american Refugee Migrant Organisation) and Carila Latin AmericanWelfare Group, also can be traced to the fight for human rights in Latin

America. These groups were now focused on immigrant politics, even

more than in the case of Spain where some of the major organisations

had become involved in other transnational activities. Another factor

that contributed to the change of orientation in London was that these

organisations were older, and the migrants running them had lived in

England for longer. As Nelly, a Colombian refugee working for

IRMO, explained, as a result of this their priorities had changed.

Respondents in London also said that transnational political work wascomplicated by the divisions, personal conflicts and power struggles

affecting all, especially left-wing refugees (see below). Both Nelly and

Ruth, another Colombian woman who helped found the Latin

Front, a new, politically oriented organisation created by Latin Ameri-

can migrants in London (Pero, 2007), expressed the same sentiment in

different terms:

One of the reasons why I started to focus on the community here, onthe problems we face, is because the impact [of those activities aimed atchanging the situation in Colombia] is minimal. (Nelly)

The conflict [in Colombia] is a domestic problem ... it is not a problemthat we, Colombians abroad, can solve. (Ruth)

However, apart from these mainstream organisations, in the two

communities studied, there were other groups still focused on diaspora

politics. These were the cases, for instance, of the Colectivo Maloka

of Barcelona, the Colectivo de Colombianos Refugiados en Espana

(Colombian Refugee Collective in Spain (Colrefe)) and the Comite

Madrileno por los Derechos Humanos en Colombia (Madrid Committee

for Human Rights in Colombia (Comadheco)) in Spain, and the Colom-

bian Refugee Association (Coras), the Colombian Solidarity Campaign

(CSC) and Justice for Colombia (JFC) in London. The origin of most

of these groups also dates back to the 1990s or early years of the

twenty-first century. Colombian refugees, but also Spanish, British and

other people interested in human rights issues, founded most of them.10

Their work was centered on the conflict in Colombia as well as improv-

ing the situation of migrants and facilitating integration into the host

society, with an emphasis on politics here (in the host society) or

there(in the home country) varying depending on the organisation


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and over time. Thus, groups like Coras became more involved with the

living conditions of refugees and migrants in the host society over time11

while JFC worked almost exclusively on the situation in Colombia. Oth-ers, like Comadheco, combined a double approach:12

[This] is an organisation based on solidarity work with Colombia,formed to denounce the violation of human rights in that country, butwe have both Colombian and Spanish members. Our work mainly con-sists of sensibilizar [sensitizing] public opinion in everything related tothe internal conflict in Colombia. But we also have our own center tooffer support to Colombian asylum seekers, those who arrive here and

have no other resources or possibilities. (Refugee woman member ofComadheco)

As Sarah, a Colombian woman who originally migrated to Barcelona

to study and was workings for Maloka, explained, the diaspora work of

these organisations consisted mainly of informing public opinion, includ-

ing institutions, in the host country and internationally, about what was

happening in Colombia through presentations, debates and other events.

Often, they brought over leaders of peace initiatives or groups heavily

affected by the conflict to speak to audiences in Europe and to expandtheir international networks. Maloka also supported peace projects in

Colombia with resources obtained through their work in Spain. As

Zunzer (2004) argues, in the case of other diaspora communities

involved in conflict, the support of diasporic and transnational civil

society for homeland-based initiatives can be crucial (see also Keck and

Sikkink, 1998, on transnational human rights networks). This view was

echoed by Esther, a woman leader of a peace movement in Colombia

interviewed in Madrid. She argued that this support helped make the

work of organisations in Colombia more visible, and as such promotedtheir aims and offered international protection to the activists involved.

As well as providing material support, diaspora activities also served to

create and strengthen transnational and trans-organisational networks.

Maloka, for instance, was part of the Taula Catalana (Catalan Table),

a network of government institutions, NGOs, academic centers and other

institutions created to support human rights and peace in Colombia.13

Another example of this is JFC, a British organisation working in sup-

port of human rights and peace in Colombia, which had strong connec-

tions with British trade unions and worked closely with London-based

Colombians. They were one of the most active organisations of this

type in the United Kingdom, especially in lobbying British and EU

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politicians as well as the public. However, in general, diaspora organisa-

tions in London seemed to have less institutional support or connections

in the host society than those in Spain. Although some Colombianrefugees who had migrated to London had done so with institutional

support, from human rights organisations like Amnesty International

for instance, formal links stopped more or less there. The main excep-

tions were JFC, the Latin American Workers Association, which was

formally linked to British trade unions but did not participate exten-

sively in diaspora politics, and the Latin Front, which had established

connections with a British political party but maintained a focus on inte-

gration. By contrast, in Spain, several refugees involved in diaspora

work talked about the support and connections they had with Spanishpolitical parties, trade unions, NGOs or other institutions. Another

organisation researched in London was the CSC, a mixed Colombian-

British group working for similar aims as JFC. Informal networks of

Colombians, mostly refugees, also worked on these issues on a less insti-

tutionalised basis, for instance, through the convocation of meetings and

talks organised on a word of mouth basis or using modern telecommu-

nications through e-mail lists. Two largely cultural organisations were

also researched, Nueva Generacion (New Generation) in London, and

Casa Amarilla-Imago in Barcelona, both of which worked on issues

related to the violence in Colombia and in support of peace.

In general, the work done from London in connection with the armed

conflict in Colombia was either more dominated by British organizations

or less institutionalised than that done in Spain. This could be because

the size and organization level of the Latin American population in

Spain is higher than in the United Kingdom, mainly owing to the fact

that the community is much larger in the former. Also, there are higherlevels of division and polarisation within the politically committed

Colombian community in London.

POTENTIAL AND LIMITATIONS OF DIASPORIC CIVIL SOCIETY

For Aristizabal (2005: 1), a political exile living in Spain, Colombians

abroad have a role to play in homeland politics and, more specifically,

in achieving peace:

This includes the political refugees and exiles, political leaders andactivists, social leaders and human rights defenders, all of whom haveplayed a significant role in the struggles for the transformation of our


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country and represent a very valuable cumulus of experience andknowledge that cannot be wasted ... also the large number of profes-

sionals, technicians and qualified workers, whose knowledge and quali-fications acquired abroad represent a social capital that our country islosing. This diaspora has a political role to play in the Colombian situ-ation. Both because of personal interests, if people aim to return toColombia with dignity and security, and due to the crisis in the coun-try. This diaspora can and must assume a compromise with peace andreconstruction.

However, two main limitations were identified in this research. First,

most respondents thought that the large majority of Colombians abroad

were not interested in playing such a role with only a minority getting

involved. The latter tended to be refugees with a history of political

activism in Colombia. This is not surprising, since for many of these

activists, continuing political work was a matter of personal fulfilment.

A majority of the refugees interviewed were politically active, although

the level of direct participation depended on personal circumstances. In

Spain, some complained that despite their commitment to continue

working for Colombia, their legal and economic circumstances made

this difficult. In a few instances, their experiences had been so traumaticthat almost all ties with Colombia had been broken Other types of

migrants, such as students, like Sarah in Barcelona, had also become

involved in diaspora politics. However, in general, among those who

had migrated for non-political reasons, levels of participation were low.

In some cases, migrants were even highly critical of this work.

In recent years, public and private interests in Colombia have launched

a series of initiatives aimed directly at the diaspora, or involving Colom-

bians abroad whose main aims include reinforcing ties between migrantsand Colombia, promoting diaspora philanthropy and improving the

image of the country abroad.14 This promotion of nationalist or patri-

otic feelings among the diaspora led some respondents to criticise the

work of those groups that drew attention to the conflict in Colombia.

For instance, Gabriel, who was involved in I Believe in Colombia,

complained that those who were most active in the diaspora tended to

be refugees or people who were against the current government, and

their views damaged the image of the country:

I find it sad, by being against the government, sometimes that affectsthe whole country, they give a negative image of the country ... and Idont agree with this.

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A second problem was the divisions, fear and distrust affecting migrant

communities, as highlighted by other studies. These divisions occurred

along class, regional or ethnic lines, as with other groups, but were alsoshaped by the mistrust and fragmentation caused by the armed conflict

and the drugs trade (Guarnizo and Daz, 1999; Guarnizo et al., 1999).

This was reflected in some respondents comments. Blanca, an eco-

nomic migrant living in Madrid, said that she did not like going to

Colombian events because it was just an excuse for people to get drunk

and misbehave. Others mentioned that they only mixed with a small

group of close friends and relatives and avoided other Colombians

because they did not know what they could be involved in. Levels of

mistrust and fear tended to be greater among refugees, given their expe-riences. As Ruth explained in the case of London:

We are not as close to each other as we used to be, we are moredivided now, some people have had problems, and people do not wantto mix up with others just in case. Before, when we were less people,we were more united.

Nevertheless, these limitations do not eliminate the potential of the

Colombian diaspora for conflict transformation. Although only a minor-ity get involved, most respondents agreed that migrants could play a posi-

tive role in the home country. For that to happen, however, their basic

needs had to be met and they had to become more organised and united.

In some cases, they also argued for more support from the Colombian

state and the people in Colombia. Also, as Zunzer (2004) argues in his

study of diaspora communities in Europe, differences and divisions within

communities in conflict can become more diluted abroad, allowing for

cooperative work. This seemed to be the case within the Colombian com-

munities studied. Interviewees like Cristina in Barcelona and Carmen

in London, both of upper or middle class backgrounds, said that living

abroad had allowed them to come into contact with Colombians from all

classes, something that would have been impossible in Colombia. This, as

well as living at a distance from the conflict and learning from their experi-

ences in the host country, were all seen as beneficial. For some migrants,

living in a more democratic and less conflictive society based on greater

respect for human rights had a great impact on their views about the con-

flict. This was best expressed by Rosa, a Colombian political activistinterviewed in Madrid:

Some people, when they leave the country, start taking some distance thatallows them to see things in a clearer way ... taking into account more


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elements, and in a calmer manner ... At that stage, you stop dividing thecountry between the good ones and the bad ones ... With time you can see

both countries, the one there and the one here ... you can even start tounderstand that even if what is here is not perfect, it might be the best foryour country right now ... and when you travel there you start comparing,and wondering, why cant Colombia have what Spain has?

CONCLUSIONS

This article has focused on the relationship between migration and

armed conflict, by analysing the little explored case of Colombians flee-ing abroad and their transnational political activities. Based on qualita-

tive research conducted with Colombian migrants in the United

Kingdom and Spain, this article has looked at their transnational politi-

cal attitudes and activities related to the situation of armed conflict and

search for peace in Colombia, both at the individual and collective lev-

els. As well as raising the profile of a migration flow about which little

is known, this paper seeks to contribute to recent academic and policy-

making interest in diaspora and transnational migrant communities and

their role vis-a` -vis conflict in their home countries, highlighting both itspotential and limitations in the context of Colombian diaspora politics.

It is clear that the transnational ramifications of the Colombian conflict

are many, and that the diaspora, given its politics of in-between

(Jones-Correa, 1998), has a role to play. This is beginning to be recogni-

sed, as the following quote, taken from a seminar on migration and the

formation of transnational communities organised by the Colombian

government, shows:

[These could have profound effects on] the economic development of thecountry, the relationship between the State and civil society, and perhapsmore importantly, in the search, and possible success of a solution to theprolonged conflict affecting the country. (Guarnizo, 2003: 26)

This was also acknowledged during the celebration of the II Plenaria

Internacional por la Paz de Colombia (Second International Plenary for

Peace in Colombia), celebrated in 2007 in Madrid, when participants

highlighted the need to work from a transnational civil society

approach:

Today, more than ever, the active presence of civil society in the demo-cratic building of peace [in Colombia] is needed ... There are in the

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country many expressions of civil resistance. Society and the victims ofall types of violence are now key actors in bringing the nation in favour

of Peace. But the Colombian civil society needs the decisive support ofLatin America, North America and the European Union and theirinstitutions, as well as their governments and civil society, with the pur-pose of revitalising and prioritising a negotiated political solution.15

The work done by Colombians, mostly refugees, and others in Europe,

although not very significant in quantitative terms, is enhanced by the

role that Europe has assumed in relation to the conflict and search for

peace in Colombia.16 As one respondent argued, although their activities

could be seen as small steps, they were important, on the one hand,because they helped sustain civil society work for peace in Colombia,

and on the other, because the conflict in Colombia is not only a

Colombian problem, but a global one. Nevertheless, there are also

some limitations, which relate to the divisions and fragmentation of the

diaspora, as well as the nature and evolution of the conflict in Colombia

and at the international level. Zunzer (2004) argues that to make full

use of the positive impacts that diaspora communities can have on civil

conflict transformation in the homeland, conditions in both the origin

and host countries must be right, and also at the international level.However, Colombian activists do not face the same favourable interna-

tional context as other Latin American exiles did in the 1970s and 1980s

(see Keck and Sikkink, 1998). Also, hopes for a negotiated end to the

conflict in Colombia have diminished after the collapse of the last peace

process. According to an academic expert interviewed in the United

Kingdom, the most likely positive scenario for the country would be a

gradual decline in the intensity of the conflict together with greater polit-

ical and social stability. He believed that, in this context, the diaspora

could play a key role by strengthening international support for the

country. Finally, since the research undertaken dealt mostly with

first-generation migrants, it will be interesting to observe how the

transnational politics of the two communities studied change or do not

as they become more established through subsequent generations.

NOTES

1. See, for instance, Keck and Sikkink (1998) on the role of transnational

advocacy networks working on environmental politics, human rights and

womens rights.


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2. The role that Croatians abroad played in the conflict in the Balkans has

been used to illustrate how diasporas can help perpetuate a conflict (see

Carter, 2005), while the Sri Lankan diaspora is seen as having played a key

role in peace negotiations, although they also contributed to the conflict

(Fair, 2007). The Eritrean diaspora, on the other hand, has been considered

a key actor in post-conflict reconstruction (see Koser, 2007).

3. http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/page?page=49e492ad6# (31052010).

In addition, Colombia has one of the worlds largest internally displaced

populations, amounting to more than 3 million people (ibid).

4. For a recent analysis of the conflict, see Rojas and Meltzer (2005).

5. For a debate and definition of old and new diasporas, see Van Hear (1998).

6. Research conducted at Queen Mary, University of London, and financed

by the ESRC (PTA-030-2002-01565).7. Since the aim of the research was not to find a representative sample, the

people interviewed were selected to reflect the wide array of migrant trans-

national politics, as well as the opinion of non-active migrants. They were

contacted using previous connections, known groups and organisations,

and snowball techniques. Despite the sensitivity of the themes explored,

people were generally open and generous with their answers. In some cases,

they found it liberating to talk about their experiences; in others, the fact

that I was an outsider (non-Colombian) helped to dispel mistrust.

Although the research used a comparative approach, I will only draw

briefly on this here. I also used a gendered approach, looking at the

political engagement of both men and women, but I do no explore such

implications here.

8. These are municipal registry figures from the national statistics agency

(INE): http://www.ine.es/jaxi/tabla.do (121109).

9. The period from the mid-1940s to the mid-1960s, when inter-party warfare

and conflicts over land left thousands of people dead.

10. See Keck and Sikkink (1998) for more on international involvement in the

human rights movement in Latin America.

11. An ex-worker of Coras explained that one of the things that had contributedto the almost closure of the organisation was internal disagreements about

whether the focus of work should be on the community or on Colombia.

12. See Bermudez (2010), for more on the connections between politics here

and there.

13. See http://www.taulacolombia.org/indexcas.html.

14. Examples of these initiatives are Colombia Nos Une (Colombia Unites Us),

Conexion Colombia (Colombian Connection), Colombia es Pasion (Colombia

is Passion) andYo Creo en Colombia(I Believe in Colombia).

15. See http://www.nodo50.org/asipazcol/CONVOCATORIA_II_PLENARIA_

INTERNACIONAL_POR_LA_PAZ_FINAL%5B1%5D.pdf (021107).16. The EU has supported peace efforts in Colombia through offers for media-

tion, funding for peace and social projects, defending human rights. For

more on this see the web sites of the EU and the Spanish research group

CIP-FUHEM and its ColombiaEurope project.

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Diaspora Politics of Colombians Migrants