1002 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [75,1973]

Aridity, and until recently the sparse population, in the west have helped to pre- serve sites. And, indubitably, due credit must be given to the vigilance of federal, state, and local preservationists in the Park Service, the Army, the Veteran’s Administra- tion, the Bureau of Indian Affairs, and his- torical societies maintained by many western states, all of whom have saved many sites from destruction.

In sum of the book: I enjoyed it. It is fundamentally a reference, useful as a guide to what is to be seen when touring or on a field trip. But while it is a reference book, it is more than that. I t is a clue to the orienta- tion of historical societies when they turn their thoughts to preservation, and to the Park Service and to professional archaeolo- gists within the Park Service. Recently the park archaeologist of the State of Kansas talked about the Pawnee Indian Village Museum in north central Kansas, agem of a small museum created over the site of a Pawnee lodge, utilizing the original post holes and interior features. There is another site in western Kansas of a pueblo. All that is left is the site; the pueblo itself is gone, but the site is to be reconstructed and stabilized. In what is chosen there is an indication of what is valued. The choice of a site for presentation, what is preserved, and how it is presented to the public view are all philo- sophical acts, are all statements of the value of that which is saved.

Blue Ridge: An Appalachian Community in Transition. BERTON H. KAPLAN. West Virginia University Bulletin, Series 71, No. 7-2. Morgantown: Office of Research and Development, Appalachian Center, West Virginia University, 1971. x + 171 pp., figure, tables, 2 appendices, selected bibliography. n.p. (paper).

Reviewed b y WILLIAM H. FRIEDLAND University of California, Santa Cruz

Another Appalachian study: this one with an explicit theoretical concern (applica- tion of the concept “stressor”), the applica- tion of Smelser’s structural differentiation model, and promising hope for “our under- st and i n g of developmental problems.” Unfortunately, the book does not develop the conceptual apparatus, enlighten by the

structural differentiation application, nor shed light on “development.”

Kaplan makes much, in the book’s begin- ning, of the concept “stressor,” the sociolog- ical counterpart of the psychological con- cept of “press.” “Stressors . . . are seen as being the major problems of adaptation faced by the people of a given society” (p. 1). Not only is the concept not made clear, but there is little empirical reference to it in the body of the book. The concept resur- faces in the concluding chapter where its value is asserted for locating socially defined problems (p. 140). The failure of the author to provide concrete indicators as to what constitutes the class of things called “stres- sors” illustrates, for this reader at least, the limited value of the concept.

Similar problems are indicated in the application of the structural differentiation model developed by Smelser in Social Change in the Industrial Revolution. Many were impressed at this elegant theoretical model applied to historical data. There were problems even in that volume, as we learned that not all differentiating elements acted as neatly as the theoretical model indicated. Reality is messy and it seemed reasonable that stages of differentiation would be skipped or that reversion to earlier steps would occur.

This volume applies the seven step dif- ferentiation model to the three social classes delineated by the author. The three social classes are the “better,” “get by,” and “sorry” classes. The trouble with the ap- plication of the model is that it operates only for the “better” class. Thus, applying the model to seven differentiating areas (solidarity, role of the aged, sex roles, jobs, education, family name, and religion), dif- ferentiation occurs mainly with the “better” class and that, all too often, the “get by” and “sorry” classes manifest differentiation capabilities for only the first three steps of the process. Even the “better” class manages to combine some steps since the author never specifies the specific use of all seven steps.

How shall we interpret this fact? That lower social classes do not differentiate at all? Is lhe Smelserian model inadequate? Or is it most adequate to the social class (or classes) that differentiate (modernize?) best? Despite an argument (pp. 137-138) concern-

DEVELOPMENT A N D CHANGE 1003

ing the value of this approach, this reader saw little new light on the characteristics of the community discussed as a result of the application of the structural differentiation model.

Nor is the author’s hope for new light on “development” illuminated. One logical question-how to ease the process for “get by” and “sorry” c l a s s e s i s hardly addressed by the author. Instead, the argument is made that innovative leaders with traditional, ra- tional, and charismatic qualities will be most successful and that developmental organiza- tions should have a theory of change and optional strategies t o facilitate change. To the extent that the author deals with the lower two classes, he orients us to utilizing the schools to develop independence as a value and other-directedness beyond the family. Experience with the schools, in other circumstances, indicates that they are least able to deal with lower classes-being unable to utilize the values of lower-class life to move children into the “main-stream middle class’’ American society.

This study develops neither the theoreti- cal and conceptual rigor of other studies (which have, in turn, their own problems) nor the richness of some of the excellent ethnographies on Appalachia.

Reference Ciled Smelser, Neil J.

1959 Social Change in the Industrial R e v o l u t i o n : An Application of Theory to the British Cotton In- d u s t r y . C h i c a g o : University of Chicago Press.

Chicanos: Social and Psychological Perspec- tives. NATHANIEL N. WAGNER and MARSHA J. HAUG, eds. Foreword by Armando Morales and Julian Nava. Photographs by Irwin Nash. St. Louis: C. V. Mosby, 1971. xxvii + 303 pp., figures, i Ilu s t r a t ions, tables, chapter notes, chapter references, index. $5.75 (paper).

Reviewed by RENATO I. ROSALDO, JR. SIan ford University

In the late 1950s at Tucson High School, we Chicanos (for even then, that is what we called ourselves) sometimes jokingly said we

were French Canadians. Probably we were thinking about our language and distant but distinctive cultural heritage; or perhaps we had in mind the fact that though we had come here second, and not first like the Native Americans, we had collided almost equally disastrously with the on-rushing manifest destiny of capitalism and the Protestant Ethic. Since that time there have been Viva Kennedy clubs and Cesar Chavez, Reies Tijerina and the East Los Angeles Riots, Chicano Studies and a bull market on Chicano themes in the social sciences. While the collection under review seems relatively impervious to developments from Chavez to East Los Angeles, the very fact of its pub- lication clearly is a consequence of those developments, and it is an accurate repre- sentation of articles printed over the past decade in professional journals of the social sciences, especially in psychology, sociology, and education.

The collection moves from some general considerations on ethnic stereotypes and prejudices (nine articles), to studies on Chicano personality traits and family life (seven articles), and on t o the relation of Chicanos t o institutions of the larger society, particularly the law, the schools, and mental health facilities (sixteen articles). Judging from the focus of these articles it would seem that the editors thought of their audience as being in part comprised of judges and policemen, teachers and truant o f f i c e r s , and psychiatrists and social workers-in short, those Anglos most likely to have professional contact with Chicanos. For this audience the central message is that more often than not Chicanos are poor and suffer from the common maladies of those with low incomes: they are highly prone t o develop mental illness, score badly on intel- ligence tests, and become criminals or at any rate find themselves imprisoned. I imagine this is old hat t o most social scientists, as are the following causal factors: (1) psychiatrists tend to find members of their own upper middle class more insightful and worthy of individual therapy than those with low in- comes (Yamamoto, James, Pallye); (2) poor people d o badly in schools because teachers expect them to get low grades, and achieve- ment tests seem to measure probability of attaining a high income (Anderson and Safar); and (3) the density of policemen in