Dependency on natural resources: post-conflict challenges for livelihoods security and environmental sustainability in Goma, The Democratic Republic of Congo

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Dependency on natural resources:post-conflict challenges for livelihoodssecurity and environmentalsustainability in Goma, The DemocraticRepublic of CongoTata Precillia Ijang & Cleto NdikumagengePublished online: 07 May 2013.

To cite this article: Tata Precillia Ijang & Cleto Ndikumagenge (2013) Dependency on naturalresources: post-conflict challenges for livelihoods security and environmental sustainabilityin Goma, The Democratic Republic of Congo, Development in Practice, 23:3, 372-388, DOI:10.1080/09614524.2013.781126

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Dependency on natural resources:post-conflict challenges for livelihoodssecurity and environmentalsustainability in Goma, The DemocraticRepublic of Congo

Tata Precillia Ijang and Ndikumagenge Cleto

High dependency on natural resources in post-conflict Goma caused severe damages to

Virunga National Park (VNP) and Kivu Lake. Understanding the impacts of conflict on liveli-

hoods and conservation activities is paramount in Goma. The main reasons for resource degra-

dation here are heightened insecurity, theft, and uncertainty, which limit the use of far off land

for agriculture. Consequently, most people depended on forest products and fish from protected

areas, thereby causing higher risks of depletion of fish and park resources. High population

density, few livelihoods alternatives, unpredictability, and weak state apparatus remain

serious issues to be considered in resource conservation.

La dependance aux ressources naturelles : les defis d’apres-conflit pour la securite desmoyens d’existence et pour la durabilite environnementale a Goma, Republique Democra-tique du CongoLa haute dependance aux ressources naturelles a Goma pendant la periode apres-conflit a provo-

que des degats severes au Parc National de Virunga (VNP) et au Lac Kivu. Il est de la plus haute

importance que l’on comprenne les effets du conflit sur les moyens d’existence et sur les activites

ecologiques a Goma. Les causes principales de la diminution des ressources dans cette region sont

une augmentation de l’insecurite, des vols, et l’incertitude ; ces facteurs reduisent l’exploitation de

terres lointaines pour l’agriculture. Par consequent, la plupart des gens comptaient sur ce qu’ils

trouvaient dans les forets et sur les poissons peches dans les zones protegees, ce qui a mene un

risque eleve de diminution des ressources aquatiques et territoriales au parc national. La

densite de la population, le manque d’autres moyens d’existence, l’imprevisibilite et la faiblesse

de l’appareil de l’Etat restent des questions primordiales pour la protection des ressources.

Dependencia en los recursos naturales: retos del post-conflicto para la seguridad de los mediosde vida y la sostenibilidad ambiental en Goma, Republica Democratica del CongoEn el escenario post-conflicto de Goma, se creo una fuerte dependencia de los recursos naturales,

la cual provoco danos severos al Parque Nacional de Virunga y al Lago Kivu. Resulta de funda-

mental importancia comprender los impactos que los conflictos producen en los medios de sustento

372 # 2013 Taylor & Francis

Development in Practice, 2013

Vol. 23, No. 3, 372–388, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09614524.2013.781126

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y en las actividades de conservacion en Goma. La creciente inseguridad, el robo y la incertidumbre

constituyen las razones principales de la degradacion de los recursos debido a que inhiben el uso de

tierras lejanas para la agricultura. En consecuencia, la mayorıa de las personas depende de pro-

ductos forestales y de la pesca en areas protegidas, situacion que provoca el aumento del riesgo

tanto del agotamiento de peces como de los recursos del parque. Las polıticas orientadas a la con-

servacion de los recursos tendran que considerar, ademas, otros temas graves, como lo son la alta

densidad poblacional, las pocas alternativas para generar ingresos, la incertidumbre y la debil

presencia del Estado.

Dependencia de recursos naturais: desafios pos-conflito para a seguranca dos meios de subsis-tencia e sustentabilidade ambiental em Goma, Republica Democratica do CongoA alta dependencia de recursos naturais em Goma, no pos-conflito, causou graves prejuızos para o

Virunga National Park (VNP) e Kivu Lake. Compreender os impactos do conflito sobre os meios de

subsistencia e atividades de conservacao e algo crucial em Goma. As principais razoes para a

degradacao dos recursos aqui sao o aumento da inseguranca, roubo e incerteza, o que limita o

uso de terras distantes para a agricultura. Consequentemente, a maioria das pessoas dependia

de produtos florestais e de peixe de areas protegidas, causando assim maior risco de escassez

de peixes e de recursos do parque. A alta densidade populacional, as poucas alternativas de

meios de subsistencia, a imprevisibilidade e o fraco aparato do estado permanecem sendo questoes

serias que devem ser consideradas para a conservacao de recursos.

KEY WORDS: Conflict and reconstruction – Forced displacement; Environment (built and natural);Labour and livelihoods; Sub-Saharan Africa

Introduction

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has a history of intense and complex tensions over

land, natural resources, ethnicity, and citizenship (Gasana 2002). This led to a complex war situ-

ation described as the widest intra-state war in modern Africa history, which destroyed even

governmental buildings and records. The war left over five million people dead, and many

others displaced and homeless (Tedesco et al. 2007). DRC’s two most devastating wars were

between 1996–97 and 1998–2003. In the Kivu North Province (KNP), the impacts of the

conflict were intensified in part by competing claims for natural resources from multinational

companies, neighbouring Rwanda, Burundi, and Uganda (Marysse and Andre 2001).

With the limited livelihoods opportunities available to the numerous displaced and homeless

people in Goma, most of the region’s natural resources face the risk of degradation, depletion, dis-

ruption, and extinction. People’s high reliance on land, water, and forest resources is causing severe

damage to Virunga National Park (VNP) and Kivu Lake, which are both high-value

conservation areas (De Wasseige et al. 2009). This paper analyses how access to and use of

natural resources in the Goma area were modified by war, resulting in multiple effects on livelihood

security and environmental sustainability. It suggests that in post-war Goma, increased dependency

of the population on water, land, and forest resources has damaging effects on people’s wellbeing

and subsequently on environmental sustainability. It focuses on understanding the impacts of con-

flict on livelihoods and conservation activities, not measuring these impacts.

Specific arrangements of resources enable or constrain livelihoods outcomes for the poor.

Livelihood refers to the means of gaining a living, including livelihood capabilities, tangible

Development in Practice, Volume 23, Number 3, May 2013 373

Dependency on natural resources

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and intangible assets (stocks of capital) as described by Ellis (2000). Livelihood security could

be described in terms of the asset status of households, which enables them to deal with shocks

and be less vulnerable to adverse events. Because poor and war-affected people lack access to

services and/or adequate income to sustain a living, their ability to adapt or respond to changing

circumstances (livelihoods strategies) is weak. They therefore depend on forest and other

natural resources as livelihoods sources. This has an impact on the environment. Environmental

sustainability refers to changes in the resilience and stability of resources such as soils, water,

rangeland, forest, and biodiversity (Ellis 2000). This means that the environment may improve,

stabilise, or degrade when changed or manipulated.

Dependency on natural resources in developing countries has been widely discussed in terms

of poor and unsustainable governance patterns wherein states, communities, or elites rely on

unearned income. In conflict situations, natural resource dependency provides income and

other benefits to warring groups, leads to both greed and grievance, which in turn perpetuate

the reasons for fighting (Collier 2000; Le Billon 2005). In this sense, grievance often results

from unequal ownership of assets. In poor communities, these assets are natural resources,

such as protected areas and public goods, which are subject to problems of free-riding.

Greed, in this case, results from the economic advantages of controlling territory – which

are often natural resource-rich territories.

Another aspect of natural resource dependency often studied in poor countries is people’s

reliance on water, land, and forest resources for daily survival activities like fishing, farming,

hunting, and so on (Ellis 2000; De Wasseige et al. 2009). This paper refers to natural resources

in this sense, and examines peoples’ use of and reliance on these resources for livelihoods in the

unpredictable post-conflict environment.

Description of the study area

The KNP is made up of six territories: Beni, Lubero, Rutshuru, Nyirangogo, Masisi, and Wali-

kale (Figure 1). Goma, the capital city of this province, is found in the Nyirangogo territory and

is generally surrounded by Kivu Lake (South), the VNP (North East), and Rwanda (West).

In addition to being a capital city, Goma has many transboundary issues to manage. The Kivu

Lake is shared between Rwanda, DRC, and Burundi, while the Virunga landscape stretches

along the borders of Uganda, Rwanda, and DRC. As a border town, Goma observes a lot of

in and out movements. Among the people that entered Goma within the past two decades

were refugees from other parts of DRC, Rwanda, Burundi, and Uganda (Tedesco et al. 2007;

PNUD /UNOPS 2005). This has contributed to the high population boom in Goma, increased

crime, insecurity, and a scramble for existing resources (Table 1). The population structure

in 2006 was quite young: 56 per cent of people were aged 21 or under, 28 per cent were

aged 22–40, and only 16 per cent were aged over 40 (DSCRP 2006).

During the war, Goma was protected for political, social, and humanitarian reasons.1 This

attracted many international organisations, most of them humanitarian, which in turn pulled

in many refugees, expanding Goma’s population from 2,434,275 to 3,177,296 between 1996

and 1997 (PNUD /UNOPS 2005). By 2002, Goma’s population density was estimated at

178 persons per square kilometre. In 2007, the UNHCR reported that aid agencies estimated

over 370,000 internally displaced people (IDPs) who had lost their homes and property in KNP.

As of 2005, PNUD/UNOPs reported a total of 3,000 street children and 1,000 child soldiers.

On their part, De Wasseige et al. (2009) registered a total of 29,542 families living in Goma

camps next to VNP in 2008. All these people needed food, water, energy, and shelter for

survival. With limited livelihoods options, they exploited all the resources found around

them especially those from Kivu Lake and VNP (De Wasseige et al. 2009; PFBC 2006).

374 Development in Practice, Volume 23, Number 3, May 2013


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VNP hosts a number of forest products for diverse livelihood sources including food and

medicines. It is rich in fertile soils, water, biodiversity, mineral deposits, and tourist attractions

(De Wasseige et al 2009; Tedesco et al. 2007; PFBC 2006). Water from the Kivu Lake is used

for transportation, fishing, irrigation, construction work, and for all household water require-

ments (De Wasseige et al 2009; Tedesco et al. 2007; PFBC 2006).

Unfortunately, the park also provides hideouts for militia factions, making the area

susceptible to tensions and military violence. In 2008, the presences of armed groups like

Congres National de Defense du Peuple (CNDP), Forces Democratique de Liberation de

Rwanda (FDLR), Mai Mai rebels, and others were recorded in the park area (De Wasseige

et al. 2009; Marysse and Andre 2001). In addition, the city was wrecked by a serious volcanic

eruption in 2002 which destroyed a good number of administrative buildings and the files and

records stored therein.

We have chosen to define the situation in Goma as post-conflict. Some peace agreements

have been signed – notably the Great Lakes peace pact of 2006, signed in Nairobi. Other

peace building milestones have built on the work in this peace pact, with many protocols

and action plans being developed. Demobilisation, disarmament, and reintegration projects

are underway. Programmes for the return of refugees and IDPs have been designed and some

are being implemented. In 2007, the Kivu North priority action plan was designed, which out-

lined projects in all domains to rebuild a foundation for the effective functioning of the state and

Figure 1: Map of the study area (including origin of camp populations at Mugunga, Kibati, and

Buhimba)

Source: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – Republique Democratique du Congo. 5

May 2009. Accessed 25 February 2013. http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/publisher,OCHA,MAP,COD,

4a13f4602,0.html



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http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/publisher,OCHA,MAP,COD,4a13f4602,0.html

http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/publisher,OCHA,MAP,COD,4a13f4602,0.html

many other activities on reconciliation and societal integration. During field work activities in

2008, at every junction of the Kibumba area, at least ten signposts of organisations were found

with different messages all focused on post-conflict scenarios. All such endeavours are thought

to start economic recovery, although at the time of this study it was not yet visible. Hostile

violence had ceased, eventhough periodically some clashes between different warring groups

were still reported in different parts of the KNP. This is not unusual, as post-conflict is a

stage in peacebuilding that is characterised by some instability, uncertainty, and complexity

of actors and actions in all spheres. This study proposes some safeguards to consider for liveli-

hoods and conservation intervention in post-war programmes.

The analytical framework

The analytical framework will help us to understand first how local survival strategies are

organised around natural resources such as land, water, and forest in post-war situations.

Table 1: Parameters and statistics in the Kivu North Province

Parameter Statistics Year

Total surface area1 59,631 ha 2005

Population1 4,270,001 2004

Chronic malnutrition

prevalence rate1 45.40% 2005

Street children1 3,000∗ 2005

Child soldiers1 1,000∗ 2005

Forest cover1 4.15 million (70% of the surface area) 2005

Displaced population1 590,476∗ 2005

GDP/habitant1 US$74 (US$120national) 2006

Agricultural land1 5870 ha 2005

Life expectancy2 43 female; 45 years male 2006

Percentage of total DRC

population2 7.98% 2005

Incidence of poverty (P0)2 72.88% (71.34% national) 2005

Intensity of poverty (P1)2 32.33% (2.23% national) 2005

Severity of poverty (P2)2 18.37% (8.0% national) 2005

Distance to water source2,3 Up to 22km 2008

Main sources of household

water2,3

Periodic rain water, stagnant water in wetlands, and swamps and

Kivu Lake water 2008

Poverty perceptions2,3Lack of initiatives and long-term visions on productive activities

due to war and instability 2008

Area of Lake Kivu4

17,00km2, i.e. 0.03% of total surface area of the lake belongs to

KNP 2008

∗ From field discussion and unpublished data, these figures are higher in 2008.1 Source: PNUD/UNOPS 20052 Source: DSCROP 20063 Source: Authors’ field observations4 Source: PFB 2006



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Second, it explores the concept of unequal interdependence of connected livelihoods in the

context of different user groups who collect and use natural resources to ensure personal survi-

val. Third, it uncovers how competing livelihoods requirements can endanger the environment

and the future’s resources.

According to Franks and Cleaver (2007), resources are material and non-material properties of

social systems which could be allocative (raw materials, means of production, produced goods) or

authoritative (organisation of social time/space, chances for self-development, relationships

between people). Livelihoods strategies for most poor communities include a combination of agri-

culture, forest product harvesting, petty trading, and government and private sector employment

(De Wasseige et al. 2009). In times of conflict, villages, households, and individuals are shattered

and/or displaced. Most government and private sector businesses close down or operate at limited

scales. Farms and trades are either abandoned or destroyed. In all this, assets owned, controlled, or

accessed by households to generate means of living or sustain their material well-being are lost.

Although some people die, others continue to survive by employing new livelihood strategies,

which include intensive exploitation of environmental resources.

This analytical framework is generated through expert knowledge with guidance from Ellis’

livelihoods framework (Ellis 2000) and inputs from the Franks-Cleaver framework for water

governance (Franks and Cleaver 2007). Ellis’ framework discusses various assets and how

they are transformed to influence the environment and human well-being. The Franks-

Cleaver framework provides a range of categories that determine access to and use of assets

and the subsequent outcomes for the poor and the ecosystem.

From Ellis’s framework, livelihood platforms (assets) are made up of natural, produced,

social, financial, and human capitals.2 Capitals refer to the resources that people use in building

their livelihoods, and the assets that give people the capability to be and to act. They are things

that allow survival, adaptation, and poverty alleviation. As Ellis illustrates, access to

these resources is often guided by peoples’ livelihoods strategies. Complementing this,

Franks-Cleaver’s framework shows how different livelihoods strategies lead to various

mechanisms of access, which in turn determine the outcomes for people and ecosystems.

Research method

This work was inspired by discussions during three planning meetings (held between March and

October 2007) to identify activities and partners on a livelihoods and landscape strategy project in

the Great Lakes region of Africa. In the course of working on this project and through many dis-

cussions with resource management authorities, we realised that understanding the impact of war

on livelihoods and conservation activities needed more attention. Therefore, a complementary data

collection exercise was organised between June and September 2008 so as to appreciate the view-

points of resource users. The sites selected for the research are presented in the next sections.

Site selection

Two communities around Goma were selected for the study: one found along the Virunga

Mountains (Kibumba), and the other along the borders of Kivu Lake (Kituku). These sites

are noteworthy for (1) their importance in conservation activities; (2) the presence of a multi-

plicity of resource user groups; (3) high population flow and diffusion from Rwanda, Uganda,

and other parts of DRC including two Kivu provinces; (4) intensive effects of war and natural

disaster; and (5) high presence of contesting parties. Four localities were carved out for data

collection according to the willingness of actors to participate in the survey (Tables 2 and 3).

In each locality, all resource user groups were identified, classified, and interviewed.



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Data collection and analysis

In conducting research under budget, time, and data constraints, and collecting data on sensitive

issues like ethnic minority and political issues, qualitative methods such as participant obser-

vation, group discussions, and key informant interviews are more effective (Bamberger et al.

Table 2: Resource user group in the Kituku site

User groupcategory

Number oforganised

groupsUnorgan-

ised groupsNumber

interviewed Striking characteristics

Fishermen 7 4 5 Good number of registered groups

and paid taxes for their activity

Water

transporters

2 6 3 Paid taxes but groups were still

under formation

Car washers 0 6 4 Purely informal activity, prohibited

by law

Vendors 0 8 6 Not organised and came around

spontaneously for activities

Small canoe

owners and off-

loaders

0 6 4 Groups were under formation but

were somehow organised

Household users 0 8 7 Not organised and users walked in

and out at will

Water sellers 0 5 2 Two categories: 1) those who

carried water in small containers on

bicycles and push trucks and sold as

hawkers; 2) those who carried

water in tanks of 200L or more and

sold in communities

Table 3: Resource user groups in the Kibumba site

User groupcategory

Number oforganised

groupsUnorgan-

ised groupsNumber

interviewed Striking characteristics

Gatherers 0 7 5 Almost everybody was in this

category

Landlords 0 6 3 No groups nor clear structure

Tenants 0 3 4 Purely man to man arrangement

Firewood

sellers

0 4 4 Not organised and came around

spontaneously for activity

Charcoal

sellers

0 3 4 Groups were under formation but

somehow knew each other and

known by community members

Household

users

0 10 7 Not organised; included every

member of the community

Water sellers 0 4 1 Had big tanks for storing and selling

water



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2004). The strength of qualitative approaches would be best suited to Goma since, with the

effects of war, it is suffering from severe insecurity, uncertainty, and instability.

The main approach used in this study is facilitated and focus group discussions. In the facili-

tated discussions, information collected from interviews with authorities was synthesised into

discussion guides and used to direct debates during community meetings. The same guide

was further used to facilitate focus group discussions with resource user groups. The facilitated

discussions helped to contextualise and verify the perspectives of officials with those of com-

munities and resource user groups. In all discussions, participants were encouraged to think

together and provide responses that were largely unanimous. In some cases voting was used

to select the most global response. In each case, discussions lasted a maximum of two hours.

This is because some time was included to create confidence amongst participants in order to

encourage participation.

Discussion guides contained open-ended questions which focused on daily lifestyles, local

arenas (relationships, institutions, power, sanctioning, etc.), assets, and livelihoods strategies.

This was designed following the method of triangulation as discussed by Chambers (1994).

In this work triangulating means crosschecking, progressive learning, and approximation

through plural investigation. This means that certain questions were repeated in other words

to double check the responses obtained.

In each community meeting, we had an average of ten people. After the community meetings,

the persons present were separated into different resource user groups for more in-depth

exposure of their specific state of affairs. Division into resource user groups was done by

finding out the type of livelihoods activities they carried out and asking them to split up accord-

ing to the activities they thought were most important for them. A total of 70 such groups,

referred to here as resource user groups, were interviewed with a participation of between

three and ten people in each case. All collected information was registered, transcribed, and

analysed. Word verbatim testimonies and tables were used to present results.

The following sections present the findings and discussion. To show the strengths and weak-

nesses of administrative processes in post-conflict settings, we analysed the natural resource

management administration in post-conflict Goma. Then, the studied sites and interviewed

groups are examined, to contextualise the events reported. Five forms of capital were analysed

to show livelihood strategies, people’s dependency on natural resources, and environmental

security. The conclusion presents main challenges for livelihood security and environmental

sustainability, while noting the complexities observed and important breakthrough strategies

that may be adopted by development actors in post-war settings.

Findings and discussion

Natural resource management administration in post-conflict Goma

In DRC, natural resources were managed by the Ministry of Environment, Nature Conservation,

and Tourism (Ministere de L’Environnnement, Conservation de la Nature et Tourisme,

MECNT). Each province had a provincial ministry headed by a provincial minister as the

highest authority. Alongside this were countless NGOs, development organisations, and

national institutions operating at different levels. Most important was the Congolese Institute

for Conservation of Nature (Institut Congolaise pour la Conservation de la Nature, ICCN), in

charge of conservation areas.

Generally, laws were not enforced and respected and administrative structures were deregu-

lated, unevenly distributed, and lacked human and material resources for effective functioning.

The Goma volcanic eruption of 2002 made this worse by destroying many administrative



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documents and offices. During field visit, a senior State authority working on the environment

with over 27 years of experience in Goma lamented:

“It is true I have been appointed in this position, it is true I have worked in this province for

a long time – but the war has destroyed a majority of official documents we used before.

As if this is not enough, the volcanic eruption of 2002 completely wrecked off the few files

that were left. Therefore, reconstruction is a difficult process for us because we have no

documents to base our implementation on. I have to send text messages to Kinshasa for

some administrative information or act on imagination or on my personal discretion.

The danger is that there are lots of inconsistencies in what we do which leads to ineffi-

ciency. If you really want to help us push environmental agendas forward, then reconsti-

tuting old working files will be paramount. But I must assure you that some of the working

document I knew of in the past cannot be found again anywhere. . .”

To demonstrate this, park managers acknowledged that control over certain areas/products of

the park was uncertain. These managers often had to collaborate with community authorities to

define when and how and whether or not to sanction illegal actions within the park, such as

illegal hunting and killing of red list species. Even though the park managers were unable to

punish all offenders, from time to time some culprits were trapped and punished, mainly by

seizing and destroying their products and/or putting them in jail to set an example.

Since the administrative structures were weak and degraded with limited enforcement

capacity, access to most resources had restricted to no control. This is similar to what is

often described in natural resource literature as open access systems or anarchic systems.

The degree of control separates traditional livelihoods assets and strategies in poor communities

from those adopted in war-affected regions or post-conflict areas. In poor communities, even if

the government structures are absent, the traditional system is enforced, whereas in post-conflict

regions, law enforcement in weak, the traditional system is destroyed, and the “survival of the

fittest” principle prevails. Against this background of weak institutional presence, the next sec-

tions discuss the livelihoods systems in post-conflict Goma in more detail.

Analysis of study sites and groups interviewed

Water resource user groups were predominant in the Kituku site because of the presence of Kivu

Lake (Table 2). The resource user groups interviewed here were fishermen, water transporters,

car washers, vendors, small canoe owners and off-loaders, household users, and water sellers.

The Kituku community had nine registered groups, meaning that there was a certain level of

organisation of water resource users and thus control might be easier. However, household

users, vendors, and car washers were not organised, though they constituted the highest

numbers of users and thus a bigger strain on the lake’s resources. This is because this site

was located closer to the heart of the Goma city.

Resource user groups of the Kibumba site were gatherers, landlords, tenants, firewood sellers,

charcoal sellers, household users, and water sellers (Table 3). A good number of camps for dis-

placed people were constructed in this site. User groups were not organised as there was fre-

quent in and out movements of displaced people. Forest and land resources were exploited

chaotically for farming, non-timber forest product (NTFP) collection, wood exploitation, and

fuelwood. To demonstrate the intensity of anarchism, PFBC (2006) reported that more than

15km2 of VNP was lost between 19 May and 3 July 2004 (a period of six weeks), with

about 7km2 of tree land logged and 8km2 degraded. Most of the trees were cut down for farm-

land, artisanal wood, and construction of shelters by displaced people. Other activities that led

to the degradation of the park resources included intensive harvesting of NTFPs by displaced



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people, establishment of new farms, fuelwood gathering, commercial charcoal burning, water

fetching, and hunting.

The livelihood platforms inventoried

Livelihoods platforms include the five forms of capital, as discussed below.

Natural capital included land, forest, and water. These were the most dependable sources of

livelihoods and were perceived as degrading.

Land for agricultural production was problematic. Most far off farms were abandoned

because of the risk of confronting militias during farming activities. Land around homesteads

was intensively cultivated, leading to loss of soil fertility and land degradation. Because people

had very little choice, they continued to cultivate nearby land and sometimes encroached into

the park land around the peripheries for more fertile land.

Forest and wildlife resources were degrading as a result of uncontrolled exploitation, weak

enforcement of law, and the inability of park managers to act due to too many factors that

were difficult to control. With militia factions hiding in the forest, it was risky going there.

However, because they had very little choice, displaced people took the risk. Older settlers

who knew the forest chose areas they estimated were safe to go to. Simply by being around

the park and using resources in different (non-war) circumstances, older settlers were more

likely to know the rules governing the park resources and thus design strategies to ensure

their survival.

Water resources are discussed in terms of household water users, water merchants, fisher-

men, and water transporters. Households adjusted their water use to match their ability to

collect or buy it. For example, some household members were reported to bath once in two

weeks; others hardly washed their dresses, pots, and dishes to reduce water consumption.

Water access was determined by individual physical ability to collect the water and the type

of water collection equipment available (cars, tanks, drums, buckets, etc.). Whereas newcomers

and the poor depended on their physical ability, older settlers had over time been able to secure

better water collection equipment such as big drums and tanks.

Water merchants needed to build special ties with community members to enable them to sell

their water. From field discussions, people preferred to buy water from those they were familiar

with, as sometimes they could pay at a future date. Such arrangements of trust needed time to be

constructed.

Predominantly, old settlers were in the fishermen and water transporters user groups since

this required certain modalities of entry, a level of regulation, and the acquisition of equipment.

These involved obtaining a permit, belonging to a fishermen’s association with all that it entails,

and, importantly, convincing the others to see you as a partner, not a competitor or spy.

Produced capital

Produced capital was made up of agricultural products, timber, livestock, and forage. Because it

mostly relied on natural capital, produced capital was degrading and this reduced the diversity

of foods found in the area. Mainly short cycle crops were cultivated. Timber was sawn using

local techniques and done according to each person’s ability.

Cattle rearing was reportedly dangerous as it required long-distance travelling across isolated

pasture lands for grazing. Herders occasionally met with armed groups who seized their animals

and sometimes even killed them. This situation was better described by a 43-year-old man who

happened to be a landlord and had settled in Kibumba for the past 20 years:



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“we have people in this community who used to own thousands of animals and large fields.

Today, their children are on the streets like us. This is because all their wealth was

destroyed during war and some of them were killed because of the wealth. Also those

whose farms were destroyed during the 2002 volcanic eruption have never been compen-

sated. Today we are all equal once again. Some of us who did not own these assets in the

past are better because we don’t have much to regret. . .”

Social capital

Social capital resulted from people’s ability to build resounding relationships with others. The

types of social relationships observed were with (1) family members leaving to go abroad or to

other bigger cities; (2) political links; and (3) project workers. Other forms of social capital were

ties between old settlers and newcomers, solidarity among old settlers, solidarity among new-

comers, membership in associations, and trust. Overall social capital was unstable and non-

durable since people were always changing locations. It was also often fraught with moral

hazards and opportunistic behaviours. Consequently, although a good number of people

relied on social capital, it was difficult to say what direction it may take. Most forms of

social capital did not generate direct financial outcomes but other forms of benefits that

sustained livelihoods. Social relationships and organisations are further explored below to

show this.

Various forms of relationship prevailed in Goma depending on the interest of resource users.

In Kibumba, some people were reported to receive special ties with some members of the armed

groups through whom they were able to receive information on when to go into the far off fields

for farming or hunting. These relationships worked because some of these community members

served as informants to the armed groups on local happenings. In addition, community members

often helped contesting parties in spreading/providing information on what they wanted, and in

return benefited from financial and other compensation. Likewise, between the old settlers and

newcomers, old settlers hired the newcomers as workers or tenants on their farms, and the new-

comers benefited from shelter, food, and security.

Other relationships were between project workers and community members. Project workers

used such relationships as entry points into the communities and in the execution of project

activities. Community members often aligned with such activities because they foresaw

some short-term benefits which included cash payment, medication, favour, and security.

Elsewhere, merchants often established special relationships with some government officials

and project workers. Through this, they benefited from favours such as reduced tax payment,

cheaper or free transportation of their goods like water from Kivu Lake, and other security-

related information that could affect their businesses. For instance, through such relationships,

in case there was prediction of some uprising, informed merchants organised to secure their

goods and installations.

Human capital

Human capital was observed in the form of education and training, skills and capacity to work,

accumulation of knowledge, personality and social attributes, as well as creativity that improves

the economic outcome of human labour. Education and lack of skills is an evident problem in

the Goma area because of the war. Accumulated knowledge was weak. However, those who

have had experience with the war situation had special knowledge on how to carry out tra-

ditional livelihoods activities like farming, fishing, water selling, and water transportation in

times of war, and this knowledge was very important. Farming knowledge accumulated



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related to the type of crops to plant and where to cultivate. Fishing, water selling, and water

transportation included knowledge on the equipment. Personality and social attributes included

knowledge of how to impose oneself to command confidence, trust, and respect within short

notice and in times of uprising.

In the field of paid jobs, human resources were poor, they lacked professionalism and exper-

tise in a number of fields. It was generally difficult to assess people’s skills and their capacity to

work. Some of them were traumatised by the events of the war and others were unwilling to do

anything tangible as they were not sure of what was to happen in the future.

Financial capital

Financial capital was limited. During the interviews nobody acknowledged owning a bank account.

A few people noted that they saved money through local associations. In the 70 groups interviewed,

it was common to find people within the gatherers, household users, and tenants groups who had not

had a dollar during the past two weeks, and others who had not spent any money for a month.

Livelihood strategies, people’s dependency on natural resources, andenvironmental security

Since the state was unable to enforce its laws, control of resources was left in the hands of many

other parties who instituted and implemented rules at their discretion. For instance, the fisher-

men’s association decided rules on fishing permits inconsistently, differing from one group to

another. The interests of each user group often dominated its view on the use and preservation of

these resources. The resources will be examined individually, to shed light on people’s depen-

dency on them and resource preservation.

Water resource exploitation

Many resource user groups were observed on different positions along the lake border. These

spontaneous locations were designed by users so that they could use the water at their conven-

ience. All user groups studied were affected by the activities of the others. In each case, each

user group claimed they were the right users and the others were destabilising their activity.

This is because the activities of all the user groups inventoried went on simultaneously and

they ended up undermining each other’s interest as summarised in Table 4.

Fishermen: Field interviews revealed that the acquisition of permits by fishermen was

reinforced by the fishermen’s association, and was used as a tool to exclude newcomers.

This is why the design of permit, registration formalities, and reinforcement mechanisms dif-

fered from one fishermen’s association to another. The association defined sanctions of

illegal exploiters either by confiscating their harvest or withholding the canoe while awaiting

future negotiations. The administration barely supported the actions of the association and in

some cases helped to keep the canoe within their premises.

Fishermen had a poorer harvest and the quality of fish was deteriorating due to intensive har-

vesting. The fishermen explained that while in the water, they were obliged to bring out the baby

fish otherwise they would come back with empty nets. Moreover, those who came back with

baby fish had hardly been punished but for the fact that they may sell at a lower price or the

fishermen association’s may impose some fine on them. But this again was not automatic,

especially for old members. On the whole, fishermen had less motivation to throw back the

baby fish since they were not sure whether the war might displace them in the near future.



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Small canoe owners were more often newcomers or those severely affected by war. While

fishing, they brought back what their nets could harvest. They said there were times that they

were unable to have a harvest so when they had the opportunity, they harvested all they saw.

The small canoe owners were unable to go into the deep waters for fishing because their equip-

ment was light and could easily be destroyed by strong wind. They therefore remained at the

shores and went to the hidden corners where they could have a chance of finding some fish.

Unfortunately these hidden corners correspond with the hatcheries of the fish. Thus, there

was a higher probability of destroying some of the hatcheries. In cases where members of

the fishermen association discovered them, they were sanctioned. But these sanctions were

applied unevenly and on a case by case basis.

Household users: Household users carried and used (drank, washed, and prepared food with)

water polluted from washing of cars, dresses, and human faeces. Although water was sometimes

treated with chlorine, etc., the majority of users did not have appropriate water carrying equip-

ment nor access to chlorine and others only treated water for drinking. Different user groups had

different requirements from the water: although the purity of the water was important to house-

hold users, this was least important for fishermen and transporters. Since the needs of these user

groups differed, it was complicated for them to mutually agree on common strategies to sustain-

ably manage the lake’s water. This was because what might appear important to one user group

was often not an issue to another user group.

Land and agricultural resource exploitation

In 2008, subsistence agriculture was reported to represent 80 per cent of human activities in the

Virunga landscape (De Wasseige et al. 2009). Land resources for productive agriculture were

Table 4: Opinion of the water users on water pollution and their livelihood systems

User group Opinion on livelihood adaptation Effect on livelihood system

Car washer

Even if we decide not to do washing here,

others will do, so it doesn’t matter

Dirty and muddy water – but

effect is manageable

Fishermen

What is important for us is to get more fish so

we need dirt in the water because this is what

the fishes eat Less harvest to more inputs

Transporters

The water level is dropping and we anchor

further inside

Low water level – increase

inshore anchoring

Sellers

Dumping in the lake is not more than the war

that has destroyed all our property

Good market environment with

many actors, free dumping

ground

Small canoe owners

and off-loaders

Even if the lake borders are filled with

rubbish, anchoring inland provide more jobs

thus reducing crime wave . . .

More jobs but dirty/muddy

working environment

Household users

Although the water is dirty, we have no

choice so we and our children have to drink it

and use it for cooking . . . but the germs don’t

affect us again because we are used to . . . the

children drink it like that . . . God is purifying

it for us Water pollution

Source: Testimonies made by different water users



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scarce because people no longer cultivated certain fields due to decline in soil fertility or

because the fields were located far in the forest next to the hideouts of the militias. The intensity

of land shortage could be demonstrated by the PFBC report (2006), which states that more than

168,000 farmers invaded VNP and degraded 90 hectares of the park land. Discussion with com-

munity members in Kibumba revealed that:

“we are unable to cultivate land that is far from our homesteads because of the armed

groups that are found in the park and its environs . . . these groups kill our men, rape

our women, and appropriate our harvest . . . in addition, on-farm theft has highly increased

due to the influx of refugees and displaced people from villages and Rwanda . . . Therefore

cultivating the fertile lands far from our homesteads is not only risky but it is also a waste

of time and resources.” (Narrated by three persons in different settings in the Kibumba

community: 30- and 45-year-old men and a 22-year-old woman.)

The drop in food production is a consequence of many factors including theft, heightened

insecurity, and other effects of war (rape, uncertainty, instability, and fear), as illustrated by

the community members and in Table 5. Therefore in conflict-affected areas, land production

no longer depend on inputs, ownership and the ability to cultivate but also on where the land

is and how secure it is.

In Figure 2, the limited cultivation of far off farms affected livelihoods through the decrease

in farmland and food production. People adjusted to this by harvesting forest products in the

short run and encroaching into the park area where possible to cultivate fertile land. This led

to the depletion of forest resources, a reduction in the park area, and decline in soil fertility.

Since inputs were not used, in some cases people testified that they abandoned certain areas

because of very poor harvest. Therefore food production dropped, leading to a vicious cycle

of poorer livelihoods and environmental degradation. This explains the allegations of the

2006 report of the state of food insecurity – that the prevalence of food insecurity is worsening

in the DRC (FAO 2006).

Forest and forest resource exploitation

Forest-based livelihoods systems include resources such as water, bush meat, wood for carving,

and other forest product harvesting. By going into the forest, harvesters bear the risk of being sanc-

tioned by park authorities, attacked by militias, and uncertain of whether they will find what they

want. People often went into the forest with numerous reasons and harvested whatever they found.

Table 5: Effects of war on land and agriculture and consequences on livelihoods and the environment

Activity Effect on livelihoodsLivelihood adaptation

strategyEffect on theenvironment

Less cultivation

of far off farms

Less farmland and

therefore food

production

Intensify cultivation of nearby

farms and parts of the park

where possible

Decline in soil fertility

and increase land

degradation

Less food

production from

farms

Increase hunger,

poverty, and misery

Invasion of the VNP resources

for survival

Depletion of parks

resources

Absence of far off

farms

Less food for militias More exploitation of forest

resources

Loss of forest and wildlife

resources



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However, fetching of water or looking for stakes/fuel wood were always reason enough to enter

the forest. However, hunting was usually associated with the harvesting of other forest products.

“ if we need firewood, bush meat, stakes or water, we go into the park to harvest it even

though we know that we can be caught by the park officials. In case we are caught, we

are ready to bear the consequences because we have no choice. Plus in case there is an

urgent problem, one can easily harvest and sell some resources from the park. We also

go there for medicinal plants since we are unable to go to the hospital because it is far

and expensive.” (Narrated by a newcomer, male forest resource user of middle age, who

was seen as a spokesman by the others in the Nyirangoro community.)

Because they are poor with little alternative sources of livelihoods, these people encroach even

into protected forest without fear of the law. Several reasons account for this:

“One of the reasons why hunting for food (bush meat) in tropical forests is an issue of

concern is because the depletion of wildlife is intimately linked to the food security and

livelihood . . . as many of these forest-dwelling people have few alternative sources of live-

lihoods.” (Nasi et al. 2008, 6, 14).

De Wasseige et al. 2009 added that bush meat species being found on Goma markets included

elephant, hippopotamus, and Uganda kob, which are all protected species.

The search for livelihoods sources as practiced presently could completely eradicate rare

species and impair present and future livelihoods. This is summarised in Figure 2 and Table 5

which illustrate the vicious cycle of livelihoods and environmental degradation in conflict areas.

The absence of crops on far off farms, which the militias could harvest and eat, has negative

effects on the park’s resources. The militias who own guns will intensify hunting and other

Figure 2: Demonstrating the vicious cycle of the effect of war on livelihood security and environmental

degradation



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forest products harvesting activities in their search for food. This could be a possible

explanation of the drastic decrease in the number of game resources around VNP reported by

De Wasseige et al. (2009). The ten gorillas that were killed in VNP between January and

July 2007 testifies to this. Additionally, since farmland decreased, those who were not able

to get as much farm land for cultivation naturally intensified forest product harvesting to

ensure daily survival. For park managers, a major challenge in establishing a management

plan for VNP is the need to provide fuelwood to the IDPs around the park.

Conclusion: challenges for livelihood security and environmentalsustainability

In the study area, the population deplores that:

“during war, they were always being displaced and were therefore unable to neither build sus-

tainable livelihoods systems nor invest durably on the environment. Instead they have cut

down most trees they had, lost their cattle and shops due to war. And now they are encroaching

into other forests around their vicinity to meet up with their daily needs. This is what their fore-

fathers never did. In addition, unlike in the past, many people are now involved in the fishing,

consumption and sale of Sambaza and other fishes. In the past, they did not eat fish and even

when it was introduced in the 1960s nobody really bothered about it.” (An elderly man of the

fishermen group aged around 50 who was forced out of the Massisi area because of war.)

It is critical to understand the impacts of conflict on livelihoods and conservation activities in

Goma. In this study, natural capital remained the most reliable source of livelihoods. The com-

munities were conscious that in order to guarantee durable livelihoods, there was need for

resource preservation. However, the demands of immediate survival and fear of being displaced

by another outbreak of war dominated the philosophy of resource users. Livelihood security was

threatened by many factors, including decline in fish quality and quantity, drop in soil fertility,

unpredictability, the presence of armed groups, difficult-to-predict population movements, inef-

fectiveness of administrative structures, and unequal interdependence of connected livelihoods.

Environmental sustainability was compromised by resource depletion, land degradation, anar-

chism of resource exploitation, and the laissez-faire attitudes of resource user groups.

Simply enforcing laws will not reverse war outcomes in Goma. There is a pressing need to

reduce pressure on natural resources. Techniques to improve on the productivity of land and

water assets could provide improved and/or alternative livelihoods sources. If resource user

groups are well-organised, formalised, and empowered, they could serve as supervisory units

to prevent anarchic exploitation of resources and to demonstrate good practices in the use of

forest, water, and land resources.

Notes

1. Political – to maintain state institutions at their minimum; social – provide basic services as health

care, etc.; humanitarian – provide emergency intervention actions like food and shelter for displaced

people, etc.

2. Natural capital comprises land, water, biological resources that are utilised by people to generate means

of survival, e.g., fertile land for farming. Physical capital is capital that is created by economic

production process, e.g., water transportation, agricultural products. Human capital is labour available

to households, its education, skills, and health. This is like manpower in our study. Financial capital

refers to stocks of money to which the household has access like money in banks. Social capital is

reciprocity within communities and between households based on trust resulting from social ties

(relationships).



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The authors

Tata Precillia Ijang (corresponding author) works at the Farming System Unit of the Institute of Agricul-

tural Research for Development (IRAD) in Yaounde, Cameroon. ,[email protected].

Ndikumagenge Cleto is a facilitator-delegate for the Congo Basin Forest Partnership (CBFP/PFBC) in

Yaounde, Cameroon. This work is part of the activities of the Livelihoods and Landscape Strategy

(Great Lakes component) project of the International Union for Conservation of Nature, Centre and

West Africa Regional Office (IUCN-PACO). At the time of the field work, Cleto was the forest

program coordinator of IUCN-PACO and Precillia was a consultant on this project.



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Documents

Dependency on natural resources: post-conflict challenges for livelihoods security and environmental sustainability in Goma, The Democratic Republic of Congo