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Vol. 1 / Nr. 1decembrie 2011

Revista

de economie socialJournal

of social economy

2011


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REVISTA DE ECONOMIE SOCIAL/

JOURNAL OF SOCIAL ECONOMY

ISSN: 2248 3667 ISSN-L = 2248 0560

Revista este editat n parteneriat de ctre Asociaia Alter-native Sociale, Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza din Iai,Academia de tiinte Economice, Bucureti i UNDP/ProgramulNaiunilor Unite pentru Dezvoltare Romnia, n cadrul proiectuluiModelul economiei sociale n Romnia, la Editura Hamangiu,Bucureti.

Toate articolele trimise vor fi supuse unui proces de recen-zare (peer-group review). Revista apare de cinci ori pe an, n500 de exemplare/numr.

Copyright:Responsabilitatea coninutului articolelor revine, n ntregi-

me, autorului (autorilor). Autorul care trimite un manuscris (careeste indicat pentru coresponden, n cazul semnrii de ctremai muli autori) are responsabilitatea de a se asigura ctrimi-terea spre publicare / publicarea a fost ncuviinatde toi auto-rii. Este, de asemenea, responsabilitatea autorului de a primiacceptul instituiei de provenienpentru publicare, dacaces-ta i este solicitat. Corespondena legatde un manuscris va fipurtatcu autorul care va trimite textul, dacnu existspeci-ficat, de la nceput, o alt solicitare din partea semnatarilorarticolului.

Autorii vor avea n vedere audiena interdisciplinari multi-naionalatunci cnd i redacteazcontribuia. Trebuie avuten vedere implicaiile analizei pentru cititorii din alte domenii,alte ri i alte discipline. Prezentarea stereotipa indivizilor ia grupurilor sociale va fi evitat.

Articolele vor conine numrul specificat de cuvinte, inclusivrezumatul, cuvintele cheie, notele i bibliografia, n funcie detipul articolului: studii teoretice i empirice: 5000-7000 cuvinte;descrieri de experiene i bune practici: 1800-2200 cuvinte;recenzii: 800-1200 cuvinte.

Este de dorit ca textul snu mai fi fost publicat sau trimis sprepublicare n altparte. Dacautorul are un articol nrudit publi-cat, va specifica acest lucru.


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CONSILIUL TIINIFIC I EDITORIALMichael Cernea, Universitatea George Washington, SUA;Nicu Gavrilu, Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza din Iai,Romnia;Ctlin Ghinraru, INCSMPS, Bucureti, Romnia;Moshe Idel, Universitatea Ebraicdin Jerusalem, Israel;Silviu Negu, Academia de tiine Economice, Bucureti, Romnia;Mariana Ioviu, Academia de tiine Economice, Bucureti,Romnia;Vasile Ian, Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza din Iai, Romnia;Pobeda Loukanova, Institutul de Cercetri Economice, VelikoTurnovo University, Bulgaria;Antonio Maturo, Universitatea `Gabriele D`Anuzio` Chieti-Pascara,Italia;Mircea Mocanu, UNDP/Programul Naiunilor Unite pentru Dez-voltare, Romnia;Mona Maria Pivniceru, Consiliul Superior al Magistraturii i naltaCurte de Casaie i Justiie, Romnia;Marius Cristian Neacu, Academia de tiine Economice, Bucureti,Romnia;Nadji Rahmania, Universitatea Lille l, Frana;Coniu Tiberiu Cristi oitu, Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza dinIai, Romnia.

Redactor efDaniela-Tatiana oitu, Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza din Iai,Romnia

Editor

Ctlin Luca, Asociaia Alternative Sociale, RomniaMembri

Gheorghe Pascaru, Asociaia Alternative Sociale, Romnia;Mihaela Pitea, Asociaia Alternative Sociale, Romnia;Victoria Canr, Asociaia Alternative Sociale, Romnia.

Adresa redaciei: Asocia ia Alternative Sociale, Str. Cuza Vodnr. 8A, Iai 700036, Romnia, [email protected].

Datele limitde trimitere a articolelor/studiilor: 15 ianuarie, 01 aprilie, 15 iunie, 15 septembrie i 01 noiembrie.


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CUPRINS

Economia social. Perspective teoreticeCONEXIUNI TEORETICE SOCIOECONOMICE:TEORIILE SCHIMBRII SOCIALE

Camelia Nicoleta Morariu, Mihaela Dana Ignat ______ 3

MENTALITATE I CONSTRUCIE IDEOLOGICNECONOMIA SOCIALCristina Gavrilu ____________________________ 49

NTREPRINDEREA SOCIALN CONTEXTULSOCIOECONOMIC CONTEMPORAN

Victor Nicolescu ____________________________ 75

Economia social. Perspective empiriceECONOMIA SOCIALI PIAA MUNCIIN CONTEXTUL ACTUAL

Daniela Vrjan ______________________________ 119INTERVIU CU DOMNUL HARALD HAUBEN,REPREZENTANTUL BERNARD BRUHNESINTERNATIONAL N ROMNIA

Gheorghe Pascaru i Adriana Dobo ____________ 155

Experiene, organizaii i practiciECONOMIA SOCIAL EXPERIENPROPRIE IINCERTITUDINI

Mihaela Steliana Munteanu ___________________ 167INTERVIU CU DOMNUL TADEUSZ DURCZOKREPREZENTANTULUI ASOCIAIEI PENTRUCOOPERARE REGIONALDIN POLONIA

Gheorghe Pascaru i Mihaela Pitea_____________ 183


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REVISTA DE ECONOMIE SOCIAL

Nr. 1/2011VI

RecenziiECONOMIA SOCIALI ANTREPRENORIAT.

O ANALIZA SECTORULUI NONPROFIT(Mihaela Vlsceanu)Mihaela Pitea, Adriana Dobo _________________ 199

CELE MAI BUNE PRACTICI N SECTORULECONOMIEI SOCIALE N GRECIA I N ALTESTATE ALE UNIUNII EUROPENE(Sorin Cace, coord., Victor Nicolescu,Andreia-Nicoleta Scoican)

Daniela Nicolescu__________________________ 207TEORIA MODERNA ASISTENEI SOCIALE(Malcolm Payne)

Camelia Brsan ____________________________ 215O ABORDARE INTERDISCIPLINARA RELAIEIDINTRE MASS-MEDIA I DEMOCRAIE N ROMNIAPOSTCOMUNIST

(Daniel andru i Sorin Bocancea, coord.)Alexandru Bodnariu _________________________ 226


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Economia social.Perspective teoretice

Social economy.Theoretical perspectives


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CONEXIUNI TEORETICE SOCIOECONOMICE:TEORIILE SCHIMBRII SOCIALE

Camelia Nicoleta Morariu1Mihaela Dana Ignat2

RezumatCaracterul problematic al schimbrii sociale este subliniat de diversitatea

concepiilor primilor sociologi, dar i de varietatea teoriilor crora le-au datnatere. Opiniile exprimate n literatura de specialitate, inclusiv n direciaclarificrilor conceptuale, nu se suprapun totalmente. Dimpotriv, dincolo dezonele de contact i interferen exist i puncte de vedere diferite, mer-gnd de la nuanri ale aceleai probleme pn la contraste de natur s arunce umbre asupra nelegerii fenomenelor i proceselor ce dau coninutschimbrii sociale.n general, vorbim de schimbare social atunci cnd ne referim la moder-nizare, globalizare, dezvoltare regional, urbanizare, dar i atunci cndavem n vedere resursa uman, mai exact, comportamentele i atitudinileunor grupuri de oameni. Prin urmare, n acest articol nu am intrat n detaliilefiecrei teorii, dar am ncercat s le grup m n dou perspective: ceasistemic i cea modern. Cercetarea este documentar-teoretic i are caobiectiv evidenierea sintetic a principalelor perspective asupra schimb riisociale. Metoda folosit este documentarea i analiza teoretic a feno-menului n cmpul social, economic i cultural.

Cuvinte cheie:industrializare, modernizare,globalizare, inegaliti sociale

Conceptul de schimbare socials-a desprins i individualizatca un corp teoretic autonom ncdin epoca Iluminismului, odat cu lansarea modelelor de societate modern industrial , debu-tnd cu revoluia industrial i cu revoluiile politice care aunsoit democraia.

1 Universitatea A.I. Cuza, Facultatea de Filosofie i tiine Social-Politice,Departamentul de Sociologie i Asisten Social , Iai, Bd. Carol I nr. 11,700506; [email protected].

2 Universitatea A.I. Cuza, Iai, Romania; Bd. Carol I nr. 11, 700506;[email protected].


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Dorim a prefaa demersul nostru cu precizarea c teoriileschimbrii sociale au captat atenia unui mare numr de socio-

logi, economiti, filosofi. Amintim aici pe cei consacrai dome-niului, cum ar fi: Merton, R.K., Comte A., Pareto V., DurkheimE., Parsons T., Spencer H., Rostow W.W., Schumpeter J.,Boudon R., Smith, A.D., Weber M., Touraine A., Tocqueville Ade, McClelland, D., Marx K., Mendras H., Nisbet R., Crozier M.,Hirschman A.O., Galbraith, J.K. etc.

Caracteristic definiiilor date de teoreticieni termenului deschimbare este evantaiul lor foarte larg. Definiiile schimbriisociale sunt de o mare diversitate pentru c au ca obiect unfenomen social, un proces social, ce poate avea dimensiuni ifaete diverse, desfurndu-se la diferite nivele de genera-litate.

Prin schimbare social se nelege orice modificare ncaracteristici demografice, structurale, culturale sau ecologicea unui sistem social (Johnson, 2007:302-303), desemnnd

trecerea sistemului sau obiectului social de la o form la alta(Ungureanu, 1990:212). Moore, de exemplu, a definit schim-barea ca o transformare semnificativa structurilor sociale, nsensul de modele de aciune social i interaciune (Moore,1967:3). Autorul a inclus n definiia sa numeroasele forme demanifestare ale structurii: norme, valori i fenomene culturale.Agabrian susine c schimbarea social desemneaz modifi-

crile permanente, relativ pe termen lung, ale componentelorculturii, structurii sociale i ale comportamentelor sociale(Aga-brian, 2003:290).

1. Perspectiva sistemicasupra schimbrii sociale

Studiul schimbrii sociale dobnde te sens i rotunjimedoar prin sublinierea conexiunilor dintre tradiia sociologic itoi cei care, fie individual, fie grupai n interiorul unor curentede gndire, au oferit continuitate sau minime contingene cudezvoltrile de mai trziu ale celor care s-au preocupat de


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acest subiect al schimbrii sociale: deopotriv, sociologi ieconomiti.

n prezent se poate vorbi, la modul reducionist, de dou mari viziuni asupra schimbrii sociale (Rusu, 2008:19-33):perspectiva sistemic: teoriile evoluioniste, funcionaliste

(sau ale echilibrului), teoriile conflictualiste i teoriile ciclice,teoriile modernizrii etc. - n care accentul e pus pe structuri irolul lor n schimbarea social, evideniind urmtoarele tipuri deschimbri posibile (Chiribuc, 2004:17): a compoziiei (migra-rea inter-grupuri), a structurii (nfiinarea unor instituii noi), afunciilor (specializarea muncii, instituiilor) etc.;

perspectivmodern , procesual, dinamic - sau construc-tivist - n care accentul e mutat la intersecia dintre structuri icapacitatea acional a actorului social, schimb rile sociale fiindcontinue, procesuale, sectoriale (Vlsceanu, 2011:115).

1.1. Teoriile evoluioniste

Teoriile evoluioniste (A. Comte, H. Spencer, S. Simon, E.Durkheim) explic evolu ia societii prin prisma unor deter-minri i legiti cu caracter naturalist i universalist, vizndschimbarea prin prisma stadialitii umanitii i societii.

Comte a explicat evoluia prin legea stadialitii umanitii:stadiul teologic sau fictiv (mprit la rndul su n trei etape:

fetiismul, politeismul i monoteismul, omul explic lucrurileprin supranatural), stadiul metafizic sau abstract i stadiul tiin-ific sau pozitiv (cu ajutorul raiunii formuleaz legi care-i permitscucereasc lumea) (Mesure, 2009: 44). Fiecare stadiu com-pune i recompune unitatea spiritual i ordinea societii.Bdescu subliniazc fiecare tip istoric de unitate social estesubntins de o polaritate ntre for ele ordinii (solidaritii) iforele schimbrii (inovatoare) (Bdescu, 2005:48).

n viziunea lui Comte, sociologia va cuprinde statica (estesociologia ordinii) i dinamica (care este sociologia dezvoltriiforelor umane). Schimbarea social este normal , iar inves-tigaia sociologicar trebui s identifice factorii care determin


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rata schimbrii, sociologii fiind n stare s modeleze viitorulomenirii prin cunotinele pe care le posed.

Durkheim interpreteaz mecanismele sociale i evoluiasocietii prin prisma principiului evoluionismului, iar progresulsocial prin intermediul diferenierii sociale. Procesele schimbriisunt att de rapide, nct creeazdificult i sociale i economi-ce majore, pe care le leag de conceptul de anomie - o starede inutilitate sau disperare provocatde via a social modern (Giddens, 2010:17). Autorul nu acuz industrializarea i mai-nismul care ruineaz societatea tradi ional, considerndschimbarea social normal . El face ns apel la cunoa tereatiinifica socialului pentru a afla solu ii la strile maladive alesocietii, care rezult din schimb rile fireti (Ionescu i Stan,1999:256).

Simon a explicat evoluia prin trecerea de la guvernareaoamenilor la administrarea lucrurilor. Autorul susine c istoriaare un caracter evolutiv i c dinamica schimb rii ei are loc

prin relaia dintre formele de organizare social (de exemplu,industrializarea) i noile moduri de gndire (pozitivismul). Ceimai potrivii sghideze aceast schimbare social sunt indus-triaii i oamenii de tiin.

Spencer opune tipului militar al societii pe cel industrial,elabornd legea generala evolu iei- schimbarea social estevzutca un proces, orientat dinspre eterogenitate i destruc-

turare, spre omogenitate i ordine (Teodorescu, 2003:204),combtnd ideea dup care schimbarea planificat reprezint un mijloc de a realiza o integrare social (Mihu, 2008:83-84) . nconcepia lui Spencer, evoluia social este divergent i nuliniar, adic schimbarea social este gradat i cumulativ(evoluia opus revolu iei) determinat din interior (endo-genul opus exogenului) introducnd factorii de stagnare iregres, n nelegerea progresului social. n viziunea autorului,ntreg universul funcioneazca un organism viu.


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1.2. Teoria structural-funcionalist

Abordare teoretic dezvoltat ini ial de Comte i Durkheim,avnd rdcinile n antropologie, n operele lui BronislawMalinowski i a lui A. Radcliffe-Brown, funcionalismul a revenitn sociologie prin intermediul lucrrilor lui Talcott Parsons iRobert K. Merton, n secolul al XX-lea. Teoria funcionalistarela bazemergen a schimbrii n condiiile dezechilibrului siste-mului.

n accepiunea lui Parsons, ceea ce primeaz nu poate fivoina individual i scopurile autonom stabilite ale indivizilor.Societatea ca ntreg este conceptualizatntr-un sistem, formatdin patru subsisteme care interac ioneaz pentru a men ineordinea social: social, economic (alctuit din dou nivele:sistemul social primar sau tehnic i sistemul managerial-insti-tuional), politic i cultural. Schimbri la nivelul oricruia dintresubsisteme declaneazefecte, consecin e la nivelul celorlalte.

Aceste echivalene i servesc lui Parsons pentru a demonstrac autoreglarea i echilibrul sistemului social global se nfp-tuiesc printr-o transmitere de legitimare, autoritate, energie iinformaie ntre subsisteme, similar cu transmiterea informaieintre actori (Buzrnescu, 2007:237).

Pentru Kornai, realitatea economicexprim n permanen conceptul de sistem, autorul respingnd ipoteza lui homo oeco-

nomicus, preocupat exclusiv de procurarea utilitii i plceriimaxime, nlocuind-o cu cea de homo sociologicus i precizndc: n realitate, n majoritatea cazurilor oamenii mbin ra io-nalitatea cu iraionalitatea (Kornai, 1974:39). n comporta-mentul su, n aciuni i decizii, sistemul economic primete nmod permanent input-uri i elibereazoutput-uri, fiecare sistemfiind alctuit dintr-o component organizatoric real . Potrivitautorului, un sistem economic este organizat n mai multeierarhii i nu se bazeaz doar pe ideea ra ionalitii; un rolimportant l au i instituiile, ca ansamblu de reguli, norme ivalori, formale sau informale, stabilind tipare comportamentale.Managementul sistemelor moderne trebuie smonitorizeze, s


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controleze, sst pneascriscuri noi i indeterminri ce nascvulnerabiliti majore, (...) sse schimbe radical, reorientndu-

se dinspre dimensiunile cantitative ale fenomenelor spre celecalitative, dinspre dimensiunile hard spre cele soft ale sis-temului (Brilean: 2009:111), oferindu-i mai mult coeren istabilitate. Dezvoltarea sistemului social presupune, n con-cepia structural-funcionalist, o permanent diferen iere deroluri, cu scopul asigurrii echilibrului social.

Demersul lui Kornai pe acest subiect nu se ncadreaz nregistrul comun al sociologilor recunoscui. Specificitatea gn-durilor i opiniilor sale l plaseazla o rubric special . Doar cuintenia unei provocri, a unei puneri n gard, fr a intra nanaliticul contribuiei sale pe subiect, dorim a reine cviziuneasa cu privire la funcionarea sistemului social nu poate acionadect prin instituii specifice:

raionale (au ca scop stabilizarea sistemului i spe-cificarea statusurilor i rolurilor);

regulative (reglementeaz interesele actorilor i impe-rativele funcionale ale sistemului);

culturale (implic doar acceptarea din partea actorilor inu ataamentul).

Mergnd pe aceeai linie, n lucrarea Imagini instituionaleale tranziiei, Pop evideniaz cele mai importante institu ii(Pop, 2003:100) care guverneaz via a social n prezent:

instituia raionalitii i a raionalizrii, instituia scientificitii iinstituia actorului social.La fel ca i printele psihologiei moderne, Sigmund Freud,

care vedea cultura ca pe un element internalizat al sistemuluipersonalitii, Parsons ncearcs conving c supunerea fa de o instituie devine o tendin - obliga ie n nsi structurapersonalitii actorului, iar aceasta se ntmplpentru c inst-ituia este sinteza unei culturi, actorul nsui, ca unitate social,acceptnd aceastmatrice cultural (Pohoa , 2009:31).

Teoria funcionalist are meritul de a distinge proceseleelementare, considerate a fi la baza stratificrii, precum i de afi suficient de suplpentru a putea fi aplicat diferitelor tipuri de


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societi. Perspectivei funcionaliste i s-a reproat c acord oimportansc zutschimb rii sociale i conflictului.

1.3. Teoriile conflictualiste

n teoria clasic marxist , specific perspectivei conflic-tualiste, schimbarea social apare exclusiv prin intermediulconflictului, fiind grevat de o serie de ambiguit i, care com-portatt o form economic , ct i una social. Din punct devedere economic, Marx situeazoriginea tulbur rilor sociale lanivelul modului de producie, prezentnd contradicia dintrefore i relaii de producie. El distinge mai multe stadii de evo-luie economic: stadiul economiei familiale nchise, stadiul ec-onomiei urbane, stadiul economiei naionale (Pohoa, 1993).Concepia lui Marx despre dinamica societii umane esteurmtoarea:

Figura 1.Societatea uman n viziunea lui Marx

Sursa: Popescu (2009: 487)

Marx i Engels au demonstrat c introducerea i perfec-ionarea uneltelor, diviziunea muncii i proprietatea privatmpart oamenii n clase sociale (clasa exploatatorilor i clasaexploatat). Alienarea i contradicia - exprimate prin luptele declas - sunt opresive i dezumanizante, dar absolut necesare

pentru progresul general al societii umane. Marx explicschimbarea social n termeni endogeni, accentund dinamicainterna modului de produc ie.

Din punct de vedere social, procesele sunt calificate dreptendogene cnd apar n cadrul sistemului social, conflictele


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aprnd ca urmare a tensiunilor dintre grupurile i claseleinegale din punct de vedere social, inegalitatea regsit i

determinat economic prin intermediul contradic iilor econo-mice, care capt, n ultim instan , forma unor contradiciisociale ce impun schimbare. Putem evidenia, n acest sens,contradiciile dintre munc i capital sau, n plan social, dintreproletariat i burghezie - ceea ce a condus n mod inevitabil lalupta de clas, schema marxist nrudindu-se cu o teorieendogen a schimb rii sociale (Valade, 2006:385). Marx acrezut c inegalit ile sociale proprii capitalismului vor luasfrit numai atunci cnd clasa muncitoare va instaura clasaproletariatului; aceasta, considera el, va aduce o societate frclase i de tip colectivist, n care fiecare va primi dupnevoilesale. Modelul lui Marx ridic astfel, chiar dac nu rezolv ,problema factorului uman, a relaiei dintre evenimentele politicei schimbarea social, rezumat n celebra propozi ie: Oame-nii fac istoria, dar nu n mprejurri dictate de propria lor voin

(Burke, 1990:171). Agentul istoric al schimbrii, n viziunea luiMarx, este proletariatul, iar agentul principal al ordinii socialeeste clasa mijlocie.

Sociologul de origine german, Ralph Dahrendorf, a nde-prtat din analizdistribu ia inegala bog iilor, lupta de clas,ilustrnd prin studiile sale conflictul de clas n condi iilecapitalismului industrial, care pot s se manifeste n condi ii

determinate (numite de el - condiii de variabilitate a conflictelorsociale), considernd drept cauze ale schimbrii sociale i altetipuri de conflict social (cum ar fi conflictul dintre grupurileetnice, rasiale i religioase). Autorul susine c n realitateasocial oamenii se lupt ntre ei pentru bun stare i putere,conflictul de clasavnd la baz n primul rnd diferen ele deautoritate n interiorul unor organizaii. Paradigma funciona-list a conflictelor sociale, scrie sociologul german, este fals fiindceste unilateral ..., valoriznd doar aspectul integrator alsocietii (Ungureanu, 2002:155). El respinge termenii derezolvare, de suprimare a conflictelor, considernd c celmai potrivit termen este reglementare.


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Teoria conflictului are la baz rolul tensiunilor sociale, aunor disfuncionaliti mai mult de natureconomic , ignornd

rolul progresului tehnic sau al influenelor externe n planuldinamicii sociale.

2. Perspectiva modernasupra schimbrii sociale

Aprut n anii 1950 ca explica ie a modului n care s-audezvoltat societile industriale din America de Nord i EuropaOccidental, n special prin creterea capitalismului industrialncepnd din secolul al XVIII-lea, teoriile modernizrii pornescde la presupoziia csociet ile se dezvoltprin faze n linii maripredictibile, devenind din ce n ce mai complexe (Johnson,2007:223). Modernizarea nseamn dezvoltare: termenul mo-dernizare - o rudconceptual mult mai comprehensiv a terme-nului dezvoltare economic - se refer la faptul c schimb riletehnologice, economice i ecologice se ramific n ntreg sis-

temul social i cultural (Smelser, 1966:111).Cu alte cuvinte, dezvoltarea depinde n primul rnd de

importul de tehnologie i de cunotine pe care le reclamutili-zarea ei i de o mulime de schimbri sociale cu caracterpolitic, economic, cultural, social etc. Ungureanu nelege prinmodernizare: un mijloc al dezvolt rii, respectiv dezvoltareasocial prin cre terea raionalitii diferitelor sectoare ale

societii (Ungureanu:2002:121). n concepia autorului, un pro-ces de dezvoltare social presupune cre terea, acumularea,expansiunea strii de pornire i acest proces este evaluat, deregul, prin raportarea la aceaststare. De aceea, dezvoltareasocialeste totdeauna specificat :

intern (dezvoltarea uman, economic, politicetc.),extern (dezvoltarea extensiv, intensivetc .).

Teoriile dezvoltrii sunt consemnate de istoricii sociologieica reprezentnd cel dinti rspuns al tiinei schimbrilor so-ciale la problema tranziiei de la tradiional la modern.Concepia modernitilor este aceea c societ ile tradiionalesunt statice, rezistente la schimbare, refractare n a asimila


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inovaiile, nct nimic nou nu poate iei dinluntrul lor, iarschimbarea nu poate s survin dect din exterior (factori

exogeni). Teza de baz a teoriilor moderniz rii este aceea cun contact orict de ocazional ntre societ ile relativ moder-nizate i cele relativ nonmodernizate acioneaz ca o cauz aschimbrilor sociale ntr-o direcie unic, fixat tocmai de mo-delul societii modernizate. Modernizarea apare ca un fel desolvent universal (So, 1990:24), la baza acesteia aflndu-se oserie de caracteristici economice specifice unor perioade isto-rice, sociale, economice. Walt Withman Rostow susinea cevoluia normal a oric rei societi parcurge cinci etape,atribuind progresului tehnologic rolul dominant n dezvoltare(apud. Popescu, 2009):

Societatea tradiional ( The Traditional Society) - stadiun care producia este limitatde tehnologie;

Pregtirea pentru decolare (The Preconditions for Take-Off) - etap specific secolelor XVII-XVIII, cnd tiina ncepe

s fie aplicat n sectorul industrial i n agricultur, valo-rizndu-se activitile antreprenoriale;

Demarajul sau decolarea (The Take-Off) etapa facetrecerea spre industrializare, dureaz dou -trei decenii, seinstaleazcnd investi iile depesc 10% din venitul naional ieste determinat de evolu ia sectoarelor (creterea pieei deexport etc.) principale. O dat cu aceast dinamic pozitiv ,

apare un proces de dezvoltare autosusinut: se obin profituri,acestea se reinvestesc, capitalul, productivitatea i venitul pelocuitor cunosc o cretere brusc. Cercul virtuos al dezvoltriincepe sse formeze (Samuleson i Nordhaus, 2001:840);

Maturitatea (The Drive to Maturity) - etap care serealizeaz n aproximativ ase decenii de la nceperea i npatru decenii de la sfritul decolrii. Se instaleazatunci cnd30% din venitul naional este investit i rezultatele globale aleeconomiei cresc mai repede dect populaia. Este etapa ncare are loc creterea nivelului de trai al populaiei;

Societatea de consum (The Age of High Mass-Con-sumption) - are loc n secolul al XX-lea i este marcat de


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dou procese: popula ia urban i fora de munc ocupat nsectorul serviciilor devin majoritare i venitul naional pe

locuitor depete nivelul necesar pentru nevoile de baz.Teoria lui Rostow se distinge n grupul teoriilor schimbriisociale prin faptul c accentueaz importan a factorilormateriali i culturali (Chiribuc, 2004:60).

Pe de altparte, autori precum Peer i Hartwick, susin cdezvoltarea n-ar trebui spriveasc doar cre terea economica unei naiuni, ci mai degrab condi iile n care are loc produ-cerea ei, precum i consecinele care decurg din aceasta. Dinmotive sociale, creterea este justificat doar cnd aceastasatisface nevoile eseniale (Peer i Hartwick, 2009:2-15).

Industrializarea ar conduce la modernizarea rilor n cursde dezvoltare, dar i la rspndirea unei raionaliti corespun-ztoare: Educarea forei de munc i acomodarea cu disci-plina de fabricar fi cea mai eficient cale de a pune n utili-zare marea mas rural de subocupa i i neocupai (Seers,

1984:234).n lucrarea lui Durkheim, Diviziunea muncii, progresul este

legat de urbanizare (Durkheim, 2001). Marile orae sunt focareincontestabile ale progresului; n ele iau natere valorile,nevoile, ideile, pentru a se rspndi ulterior n restul rii. ngeneral, schimbarea societii este o consecina acestora ia imitrii lor (Valade, 2007:377). Durkheim a identificat dou

surse de baz ale coeziunii: solidaritatea mecanic (cazulsocietilor fragmentate n agregate familiale sau geografice) isolidaritatea organic. Prima rezult din asocierea indiviziloraflai pe o treapt arhaic a societ ii, repetnd structurileanterioare, nefiind capabile de inovaie structural, dominndnormele i credinele uniforme impuse de legi constrngtoare(Doise, 1996:123); a doua este caracteristicetapei de matu-rizare a raporturilor interpersonale, cnd are loc trecerea de lastadiul de individ la cel de personalitate, organizarea socialfiind alctuit din diferite p ri aflate ntr-o puternic interde-penden. Pentru a deveni ordonate i normale, societile aufost constrnse s-i integreze scopurile, interesele, sub-siste-


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mele i domeniile de activitate (Teodorescu, 2003:205). ntimp ce solidaritatea mecanic este privit ca un consens

asupra normelor, valorilor i credinelor rezultate din socializarei din traiul n comun, bazndu-se pe o comunitate de cultur imod de via, solidaritatea organic, prin contrast, se bazeazpe o diviziune complexa muncii.

Restructurarea socioeconomic i modernizarea (Perrons2004:128) sunt adeseori asociate cu schimbrile sociale, nspecial n echilibrul de gen al ocuprii forei de munc i nregiunile cu omaj ridicat.

Modernizarea societilor antreneazdou procese contra-dictorii: nevoia de specializare a resursei umane i nevoia decooperare pentru a produce competitiv. Refacerea coeziuniieste posibil prin reinstitu ionalizarea spiritului de solidaritateprin intermediul instituiilor la nivel naional i internaional.

Tratate n ansamblu, modelele sistemice presupun: analizaapariiei inegalitilor, migraia i depopularea, specializarea i

diferenierea meseriilor, ascendena politicului asupra econo-micului, unirea grupurilor, ncorporarea unui grup n altul etc.Cu deosebirile, mai mult sau mai puin nuanate, arhiteciiacestor teorii, mbrieaz o serie de asump ii care unescteoriile de acest tip (Sztompka, 1991:131):

Societile n curs de dezvoltare vor parcurge aceleaietape i transformri ca i cele ale societilor dezvoltate;

Schimbarea este gradual, ireversibil i de lungdurat ;Schimbarea vzutca modernizare nseamn progres.Modernizarea este vzut ca un proces de europenizare

sau de americanizare, de trecere de la tradiie la modernitate(So, 1990:24); n acest sens, Europa de Vest i Statele Uniteale Americii sunt societi avansate, demne de urmat de ctrerile rmase n urm.

De asemenea, toate teoriile conin o idee asupra istoriei ceduce, n majoritatea cazurilor, la opunerea societii tradiio-nale societii industriale, indiferent dac n studierea schim-brii ele pun accentul pe rolul conflictelor, pe procesele de dis-tribuire sau pe sensul general al evoluiei (Valade, 2007:374).


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Noua perspectiv constructivist a devenit n ultima vremedin ce n ce mai popular n explicarea proceselor de schim-

bare, regionalizare, globalizare, pentru c ofer posibilitateaanalizei interaciunii ntre structurile locale sau internaionale iactorii sociali. Schimbarea socialeste perceput nu numai carezultat al forelor istorice, ci i al aciunilor i interaciuniloractorilor sociali.

Un principiu fundamental al acestei abordri este aadarrecunoaterea actorului i a potenialului su de aciune iincluderea sa n ecuaia schimbrii.

Pnn anii 1990, Banca Mondial i-a concentrat eforturilepe reconstrucia socioeconomic i pe ridicarea calitii vieii nrile n curs de dezvoltare i n special n rile Americii Latinei Asiei de Sud - Est, prin intermediul granturilor, proiectelor.Avnd ca punct de plecare, pe de o parte, ineficiena doveditn eradicarea srciei, i pe de alt parte implicareadefectuoas n controlului efectelor fondurilor alocate, Banca

Mondiala intrat ntr-un vast proces de restructurare.Odat cu adoptarea Obiectivelor Mileniului ( Millennium

Development Goals) n anul 2000, statele au tras un sistem dealarmcu privire la decalajele socioeconomice foarte mari careexistau ntre rile dezvoltate i cele srace, sugernd chiardesfiinarea celor dou institu ii (Fondul Monetar Internaionali Banca Mondial). Sub presiunea momentului i curentului

defavorabil, s-a pus problema restructurrii (care nu a venit dininterior, ci din exterior), cele dou institu ii fiind n situaia de a-i reformula obiectivele i strategiile privind programele rilorn curs de dezvoltare. Noua abordare presupune combatereasrciei, pornind de la un set de principii (Lombardi, 2005):

rile srace i cele n curs de dezvoltare ar trebui s seafle pe poziia de emitent al strategiilor de cretere economici dezvoltare social;

instituiile internaionale trebuie s dezvolte parteneriatepentru elaborarea unor direcii, programe, strategii comune, cuobiective cuantificabile;


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dezvoltarea social i economic este esen ial n com-baterea excluziunii sociale i a srciei;

este importantcrearea unei reac ii interne de rspuns iadaptare a guvernelor rilor srace la nevoile economice alepropriilor ceteni.

Cu toate acestea, numeroi autori (Kreuger, Stiglitz, Fried-man, Giddens), n lucrrile lor, au atacat dur Instituiile BrettonWoods (Banca Mondial i Fondul Monetar Internaional),acuzndu-le c promoveaz politici de tip socialist, promo-veaz reforme mercantile (Giddens, 2010:401), iar n loc s rezolve crizele socioeconomice globale, le adncesc (Stiglitz,2002). Printre altele, autorul critica Fondul Monetar Interna-ional pentru abordarea neadaptat la context, pe care o aplic diverselor ri, frs ia n calcul diferen ele naionale (Stiglitz,2002).

n fine, o ultim serie de critici pe care le avem n vederevizeaz instrumentele pe care Banca Mondial le recomand

n direcia reducerii srciei: Concentrarea pe privatizareaserviciilor sociale i pe oferirea de beneficii focalizate ctresegmentul cel mai srac al populaiei se asociaz cu risculunei segregri sociale ntre cei care susin aceste beneficii printaxe i impozite (Urse-Pescaru, 2007:60-68).

n scopul limitrii consecinelor perioadei de tranziie, nRomnia, dup anul 2000, au fost implementate programe de

dezvoltare, finanate att de organisme internaionale, precumBanca Mondial, ct i de guvernul naional. La vremearespectiv, politicile naionale de intervenie vizau aplicrigraduale ale disponibilizrilor i protecie oferit prin lege ncazul concedierilor neprevzute, programe de inserie profe-sional i angajri n serviciile publice, indexarea salariilor ipreurilor, adoptarea unor legi speciale pentru zonele afectatede declinul industrial.

Kideckel susine c, n ceea ce privete, Romnia, dei pro-gramele care vizau grupurile vulnerabile erau bine intenionateprin obiectivele propuse, n fond, nu au fost preocupate de aproduce o schimbare n comunitile defavorizate, ci de a


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preveni activismul politic, sfrind prin a spori temerile inesigurana celor vulnerabili, precum i impresia lor c

societii nu i pas de ei (Kideckel, 2010:223) . Autorul iargumenteaz afirma ia aducnd n prim plan efecteleperverse ale Ordonan ei de Urgen privind Regimul ZonelorDefavorizate care stimuleaz investi iile n zonele minere,definite defavorizate pe baza urmtoarelor criterii:

a caracterului monoindustrial,ratei omajului care depete cu 25% rata omajului la

nivel naional (element care vine ntmpinarea unui posibilinvestitor sg seasc for de munc disponibil suficient iieftinn acela i timp),

sunt lipsite de mijloace de comunicaii, iar infrastructuraeste slab dezvoltat (ceea ce creeaz un mare dezavantajpentru investitori, costurile i condiiile de transport i comu-nicaii ngreunnd dezvoltarea afacerii).

Legea prevedea, printre altele, anumite faciliti: reducerea

impozitelor pe profit, un statut fiscal preferenial pentru anga-jatorii care angajau omeri provenii din zonele defavorizate,importarea fr taxe vamale a unor mijloace de produc ie,finanarea special i creditarea prin fonduri guvernamentale ainvestiiilor aprobate. Majoritatea programelor implementate,facilitilor descrise au fost considerate circumstaniale, pentruc au avut drept scop fie dezactivarea conflictelor sociale, fie

atenuarea costurilor sociale rezultate din restructurarea indus-triei minere. Din pcate, zonele au rmas blocate ntr-un cercvicios: pe de o parte, guvernul a rezolvat restructurarea printransferul responsabilitilor de la nivel instituional la nivelindividual, pe de alt parte, comunit ile locale afectate derestructurare au promovat, datorit s rciei, o atitudine deindividualism, de neimplicare activ. Dezechilibrele sociale nloc s ac ioneze ca impulsuri pentru comunitatea local, auredus capacitatea acestora de a reaciona.


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2.1. Teoria dependenei

Teoria dependenei sau a capitalismului dependent, aparela sfritul anilor 60 ca o reacie la teoria modernizrii, care nuputea explica diferenele de dezvoltare dintre rile dezvoltarei cele subdezvoltate i se bazeaz pe conceptul de dete-riorare a termenilor de schimb pentru periferie, n favoarearilor aparinnd centrului. Teoria dependenei a susinut cungrup marginal de naiuni subdezvoltate erau dependente, dinpunctul de vedere al comerului i investiiilor, de un nucleu deri industrializate care i-a pstrat condiiile comerului navantajul propriu. Integrarea ntr-o economie capitalisttot maiglobalizat a limitat posibilit ile de dezvoltare a nivelurilor detrai potrivit culturii rilor subdezvoltate.

Prin urmare, srcia din rile cu venit redus provine dinexploatarea lor de ctre rile bogate i corporaiile multinaio-nale cu origine n rile bogate, capitalismul global blocndu-le

ntr-o spiral descendent a s rciei i exploatrii (Giddens,2010:396).

Statele bogate au construit fabrici n rile srace, folosindmna de lucru ieftin i materiile prime pentru a maximizacosturile de producie fr interven ii guvernamentale. nschimb, preurile sczute ale forei de munc i materiilor primempiedic rile srace sacumuleze profitul necesar pentru a

se industrializa ele nsele. Ca urmare, rile srace sunt obli-gate s mprumute de la cele bogate, crescndu- i astfel pro-pria dependeneconomic .

O reacie alternativ la teoria dependen ei este numitneopopulism i susine c dezvoltarea la nivel microeconomicar trebui svizeze nfiin area cooperativelor care funcioneazprecum statele mici, folosind tehnologii adecvate pentru muncaintensiv, n loc s caute dezvoltarea urban prin intermediulexploatrii occidentale. De mult ori, acestea au euat din cauzaamestecului inadecvat al guvernului, managementului slab iconflictelor cu alte forme de producie (Payne, 2011:235-236).


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2.2. Teoria sistemelor mondiale

Pornind de la teoria dependenei, Immanuel Wallersteindezvolt, ulterior, teoria sistemelor mondiale, punnd la bazaacesteia relaia dintre rile dezvoltate (naiunile centrale) icele mai puin dezvoltate (naiunile periferice), n contextulfactorilor politici, economici, istorici, geografici. Autorul susinec sistemul economic capitalist al lumii trebuie n eles ca ounitate singular, acesta fiind alctuit din patru elementesuprapuse (Giddens, 2010:397):

piamondial pentru bunuri i forde munc ;mprirea populaiei n capitaliti i muncitori;un sistem internaional de relaii politice formale i infor-

male n rndul majoritii celor mai puternice ri, a cror com-petiie una fa de cealalt ajut la configurarea economieilumii;

divizarea lumii n trei zone economice inegale (nucleu,

periferie i semiperiferie), n care zonele mai bogate le exploa-teazpe cele mai s race.

Astfel, centrul reprezint cele mai dezvoltate state indus-triale (SUA, Japonia i rile Europei Occidentale); rileperiferice cuprind rile agrare (rile din Africa, Asia, AmericaLatin), unde munca este slab remunerat i, unde activitilesociale sunt puternic dependente de un sector exportator; rile

semiperiferice (Mexic, Brazilia, Argentina, Chile etc.) sunt risemiindustrializate, care dispun de putere tehnologic i opia intern semnificativ , ns insuficient dezvoltat pentru ahotr asupra principalelor tendine politice i economice.

Se desprinde cu claritate raportul de dependena statelorperiferice fa de cele centrale, principiul care guverneaz acest raport fiind acela al dezvoltrii de la centru spre periferie.Centrul este contient de aplicarea acestei politici, fcndu-sevinovat indirect, politic i moral, de starea de subdezvoltare aperiferiei, n sensul c aloc inutil fonduri acestora, dac nusunt valorificate i resursele locale, proprii. Depirea strii de


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subdezvoltare se poate realiza numai prin mobilizarea resur-selor interne i prin asumarea responsabilitii.

O reacie la schimbrile structurale internaionale, n specialla subdezvoltarea persistenta regiunilor din Lumea a treia, areprezentat-o apariia unei perspective marxiste.

Martin i Sunley susin c dezvoltarea i subdezvoltareasunt episodice (Martin i Sunley, 1998:201-227). Cu alte cuvin-te, acumularea capitalist cunoa te progresii spasmodice, ne-regulate, impulsionate de crize specifice, care la rndul lor idetermin pe capitali ti s caute noi mijloace de produc ie nplan spaial. Lucrrile din tradiia marxist se concentreaz ipe dimensiunea spaial a diviziunii muncii. Separa ia dintresediul central i filialele uniti de producie poate duce la odeviere substanial a profiturilor de la filial c tre regiuneaunde este localizat sediul central (Massey, 1984).

Teoriile modernizrii i dependenei, ce evideniau imitaiai dependena de ajutorul extern, ignorau n mare msurorice

realitate autohton, iar istoria local conta n m sura n carefrna procesul de recuperare a discrepanelor n dezvoltare(Vlsceanu, 2001:36).

2.3. Teoriile globalizrii

Teoria globalizrii a aprut ca reacie la teoria modernizrii

(derivatfiind din teoria sistemului mondial modern) i este ceamai recent teorie care ncearc s explice dezvoltarea actua-l. Ea subliniaz integrarea global a unor sisteme socialecomplexe, cu accent puternic pus pe mondializarea tranzac-iilor economice i culturale ca motor al globalizrii. Existautori ns care sus in c globalizarea poate fi considerat cafiind neutr n efectele sale spa iale (Capello i Resmini,2011:1), iar oportunitile i ameninrile pot fi vzute ca echi-valente.

Comunicarea global i creterea accesului la informaietransform sistemele sociale complexe i produc consecine


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vizibile n plan social, economic, politic i cultural, la nivelulfiecrei ri, formnd premisele crerii unei culturi globale.

Baltasiu n lucrarea Antropologia globalizrii analizeaz globalizarea din douperspective (Baltasiu, 2009:12):Globalizarea pe orizontal sau ca proces exterior, situaie

n care se refer la expansiunea geografic a sistemuluimondial modern.

Globalizarea pe vertical- se refer la unificarea spa iilor,este determinat de integrarea spiritual a societ ilor, cu altecuvinte de ntregirea spirituala omului.

n prezent, globalizarea capt o relevan n explicareadecalajelor socioeconomice dintre ri i regiuni ale globului,inegalitii de gen, democratizrii etc. Globalizarea are n vede-re rspndirea mondial a unor practici, extinderea rela iilordincolo de limitele continentelor, regiunilor, organizarea vieiisociale la scar global i sporirea unei contiine globale co-mune (Lehner, 2009:15). Caracteristicile eseniale ale teoriei

globalizrii sunt: glocalizarea i grobalizarea.Glocalizarea este definit drept o raz de speran (glo-

calul conserv importante vestigii ale localului, o ntrep -trundere a globalului cu localul), cu rezultate unice n ariigeografice diferite (Ritzer, 2010:52). n termenii acestui autor,teoria glocalizrii are dou elemente esen iale: lumea devinetot mai pluralist - teoria glocaliz rii este tot mai sensibil la

diferenele din i dintre ariile geografice; ntr-o lume glocalizat,indivizii i grupurile locale au o mare capacitate de adaptare iinovare. Pentru teoria glocalizrii, indivizii i grupurile suntageni creatori importani.

Grobalizarea (de la to grow - a crete, a spori) se refer laambiiile imperialiste ale naiunilor, corporaiilor, organizaiiloretc. i la dorina, dacnu chiar la nevoia lor de a se impune ndiverse arii geografice. Principalul interes al acestora estesporirea puterii, influenei i, n multe cazuri, a profiturilor lor peglob (perspectivsus inut i de Max Weber - raionalizarea icapitalismul sunt produse ale lumii occidentale, fiind exportaten restul lumii, uneori n mod agresiv). n schimb, gnditorii


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postmoderni sunt preocupai mai mult de local. O astfel deorientare corespunde ideii de glocalizare. Forele motrice ale

grobalizrii sunt: americanizarea, mcdonaldizarea i capitalis-mul (Ritzer, 2010:33).n vreme ce teoriile moderne de inspiraie marxist i

weberian sus in ideea de grobalizare, glocalizarea ine maidegrabde teoria social postmodern .

Tabelul nr. 1. Caracteristicile eseniale ale teoriei globalizrii

Teoria glocalizrii Teoria grobalizriiMembrii comunitii i grupurile localesunt ageni creatori, avnd o marecapacitate de adaptare i inovare;

Membrii comunitii i grupurilelocale au o slabcapacitate deadaptare, inovare

Procesele sociale i relaionale suntcontingente

Procesele sociale sunt n maremsurunidirec ionale ideterministe.

Lumea devine tot mai pluralist Lumea devine tot mai uniformConceptele centrale: hibridarea,creolizarea i eterogenizarea

Conceptele centrale:americanizarea i mcdonaldizarea

Glocalizarea este corelatcu ideea deimplozie

Grobalizarea este corelatcu ideeade explozie

Sursa: Adaptare dupRitzer, G. (2010:39).

Dei cercet

torii interesa

i de problemele socioeconomice

pun accentul pe grobalizare, existena glocalizrii, este i earecunoscut. Printre exemplele (Ritzer, 2010:33-40) de gloca-lizare putem meniona: transformarea n mrfuri a produselorculturilor locale i apariia unei specializri flexibile, care faceposibil adaptarea a numeroase produse la nevoile specificeunei zone.


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37. So, A. Y. 1990. Social Change and Development.Modernization, Dependency, and World-System Theories. Sage Publication, Inc, vol. 178.

38. Stiglitz, J. 2002. Globalizarea. Sperane i deziluzii.Editura Economic, Bucureti.

39. Sztompka, P. 1993. The Sociology of Social Change.Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, U.K.

40. Teodorescu, G. 2003. Sociologia Mirabilis. EdituraFundaiei Axis, Iai.

41. Ungureanu, I. 1990. Paradigme ale Cunoaterii Socie-tii. Editura Junimea, Iai.

42. Ungureanu, I. 2002. Paradigme ale Cunoaterii Socie-tii. Editura Junimea, Iai.

43. Urse-Pescaru, D. 2007. Banca Mondial ca actor aldezvoltrii sociale. In Zamfir, C., Stnescu, S. (eds),Enciclopedia Dezvoltrii Sociale, Editura Polirom, Ia i.

44. Valade, B. 2006. Schimbarea social. In Boudon, R.(ed.), Tratat de Sociologie. Traducere de Vasiliu, D. and Ene,A. Editura Humanitas, Bucureti.

45. Vlsceanu, L. 2001. Politic i Dezvoltare. Romniancotro? Editura Trei, Bucureti.

46. Vlsceanu, L. (ed.). 2011. Sociologie. Editura Polirom,Iai.


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SOCIAL-ECONOMIC THEORETICAL CONNECTIONS:THEORIES OF SOCIAL CHANGE

Camelia Nicoleta Morariu

1

Mihaela Dana Ignat2

AbstractThe problematic nature of social change is evidenced by the diversity of theconceptions held by the earliest sociologists as well as by the wide varietyof theories they generated. The opinions expressed in specialist literature,including those aimed at clarifying concepts, do not overlap completely. Onthe contrary, beyond the areas of contact and interchange, there exist

different points of view, ranging from nuanced positions on the same issueto contrasts that can overshadow the understanding of phenomena andprocesses at the core of social change.Generally, we speak of social change when referring to modernisation,globalisation, regional development, and urbanisation and additionally whenconsidering the human resources side, more exactly the behaviours andattitudes of groups of people. This article does not delve into the details ofeach theory, but rather aims to group them according to two perspectives,i.e. the systemic and the modern. The research has a documentation and

theoretical intent, seeking to provide a summary of key views of socialchange. The method used relies on documentation and the theoreticalanalysis of the phenomenon in the social, economic and cultural fields.

Keywords: industrialisation, modernisation,globalisation, social inequalities

The concept of social change emerged and stood out as an

autonomous body of theory as early as the age of theEnlightenment, with the launch of modern industrialised societymodels making its debut at the time of the industrial revolutionand the political upheavals accompanying the rise ofdemocracy.

As an introductory note, we would like to emphasise that thetheories of social change have drawn the attention of a large

number of sociologists, economics, philosophers, etc. Key1 A.I. Cuza University, Ia i, Romania, Department of Sociology and Social

Work, Iai, Carol I no.11, 700506; [email protected] A.I. Cuza University, Iai, Romania, Iai, Carol I no.11, 700506;

[email protected].


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figures include: Merton, R.K., Comte, Pareto V., Durkheim E.,Parsons T., Spencer H., Rostow W.W., Schumpeter J., Boudon

R., Smith, A.D., Weber M., Touraine A., Tocqueville A de,McClelland, D., Marx K., Mendras H., Nisbet R., Crozier M,Hirschman A.O., Galbraith, J.K. etc.

A typical feature of theorists definitions of the concept ofchange is the wide-ranging approach. The definitions of socialchange are highly diverse because their object is a socialphenomenon, a social process that tends to have diversedimensions and facets, unfolding at different levels of

generality.Social change encompasses any type of transformation in

the demographic, structural, cultural or environmentalcharacteristics of a social system (Johnson, 2007:302-303),designating the transition of the social system or object fromone form to another (Ungureanu, 1990:212). Moore, forinstance, defined change as a significant alteration of social

structures, i.e. of patterns of social action and interaction(Moore, 1967:3). The author incorporated in his definition themany forms of expression of structures: norms, values andcultural phenomena. Agabrian argues that social change refersto permanent alterations, on a relatively long term, of theelements of culture, social structure and social behaviours(Agabrian, 2003:290).

1. The systemic perspective on social change

The study of social change gains meaning and fullness onlyby drawing on the links between sociological tradition and allthose who, either individually or grouped in currents of thought,have ensured the continuity or minimal contingencies with thesubsequent developments by scholars of social change, bothsociologists and economists.

At present, in a reductionist framework, one may refer totwo main views of social change (Rusu, 2008:19-33):


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The systemic approach: evolutionary theories, functionalist(or equilibrium) theories, conflict theories, modernisation

theories, etc. which place the emphasis on structures and theirrole in social change, highlighting possible changes in thefollowing areas (Chiribuc, 2004:17): composition (inter-groupmigration), structure (the establishment of new institutions), andfunctions (specialisation of labour, of institutions, etc.);

The modern, process-oriented, dynamic or constructivist approach whose focus shifts to the intersection of structureand the capacity to act of the social actor, with social changes

being continuous, process-based and sectoral (Vlsceanu,2011:115).

1.1. Evolutionary theory

Evolutionary theories (A. Comte, H. Spencer, S. Simon, E.Durkheim) account for the evolution of society based on

determinations and laws with a naturalistic and universalistgrounding, dealing with change in terms of the developmentstages of humankind and society.

Comte explained evolution through the law of the stages ofdevelopment of humanity: the theological or fictional stage(subdivided into three stages: fetishism, polytheism andmonotheism) when man accounts for things using the

supernatural; the metaphysical or abstract stage; and thescientific or positive stage (man uses reason to formulate lawsenabling the conquest of the world) (Mesure, 2009:44). Eachstage composes and recomposes the spiritual unity and theorder of society. Bdescu emphasises that each historical typeof social unit is underlain by a polarity between the forces oforder (solidarity) and the forces of change (innovation) (Bdescu, 2005:48).

According to Comte, sociology contends with the static (asthe sociology of order) and the dynamic (as the sociology ofthe development of human forces). Social change is viewed asnormal and social investigation ought to ascertain the


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determining factors of the rate of change and, based on thisknowledge, sociologists are able to model the future of

humankind.Durkheim interprets social mechanisms and the evolution ofsociety through the prism of the evolutionary principle, andsocial progress through social differentiation. The changeprocesses are so rapid that they determine major social andeconomic problems, which he ascribes to anomie a feeling ofaimlessness or despair provoked by modern social life (Giddens, 2010:17). The author does not denounce indus-

trialisation or machinism for ruining the traditional society,viewing social change as normal. However, he draws on thescientific knowledge of society in order to find solutions to thetroubled states of society arising from natural changes(Ionescu and Stan, 1999:256).

Simon explained evolution in terms of the shift fromgovernance of people to the management of assets. The

author contends that history has an evolutionary nature andthat the dynamic of its change unfolds as the relationshipbetween the forms of social organisation (e.g. industrialisation)and the new modes of thinking (positivism). Industrialists andscientists are regarded as the most apt to guide this particularsocial change.

Spencer opposes the military society to the industrial one

and develops the general law of evolution, viewing socialchange as a process oriented from heterogeneity and de-structuring to homogeneity and order (Teodorescu, 2003:204)and condemning the idea that planned change is a means toachieve social integration (Mihu, 2008:83-84). According toSpencer, social evolution is divergent rather than linear, or inother terms, social change is gradual and cumulative (evo-lution vs. revolution) determined from within (endogenousvs. exogenous) and introduces the factors of stagnation andregression in the understanding of social progress. Accordingto the author, the whole universe functions as a livingorganism.


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1.2. Structural functionalist theory

A theoretical approach originally developed by Comte andDurkheim and rooted in anthropology, in the works ofBronislaw Malinowski and A. Radcliffe-Brown, functionalismreintegrated sociology owing to the studies of Talcott Parsonsand Robert K. Merton. In the 20th century, functionalist theorywas predicated on the emergence of change under theconditions of system disequilibrium.

In Parsons view, neither individual will, nor autonomously

decided goals of individuals should prevail. The society as awhole is conceptualised into a system, constructed of foursubsystems which interact to maintain social order, namely thesocial, economic (comprised of two levels: the primary ortechnical social system and the management-institutionalsystem), political and cultural subsystems. Changes in each ofthe subsystems trigger effects and consequences in all the

others. These equivalences enable Parsons to demonstratethat the self-regulation and equilibrium of the global socialsystem are achieved by transmission of legitimacy, authority,energy and information among the subsystems, similar to thetransmission of information among stakeholders (Buzrnescu,2007:237).

Kornai argues that economic reality constantly expresses

the concept of system and rejects the assumption of a homooeconomicus exclusively interested to secure maximum utilityand pleasure, substituting it with the notion of homosociologicus, asserting that In reality, in most people rationalitycombines with irrationality (Kornai, 1974:39). In its behaviour,actions and decisions, the economic system constantlyreceives inputs and releases outputs, each system beingfounded on a real organisational component. The authorcontends that an economic system is organised into severalhierarchies and is not based only on rationality, with a key rolebeing played by institutions as a set of rules, norms andvalues, formal or informal, determining behavioural patterns.


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The management of modern systems must monitor, controland manage new risks and indeterminacies which give rise to

major vulnerabilities, (), to change radically, by reorientingfrom the quantitative dimensions of phenomena to the qualita-tive ones, from the hard dimensions to the soft dimensions ofthe system (Brilean: 2009:111), giving it more coherence andstability. The development of the social system involves, inkeeping with the structural functionalist conception, a constantrole differentiation, with the aim of guaranteeing socialequilibrium.

His approach to this issue is not in line with the commonorientation of other recognised sociologists. The peculiarity ofhis thinking and opinions place him in a particular position.Without delving into the analytics of his contribution to theissue, we would like to caution that his vision on the workingsof the social system could be functional only through specificinstitutions:

rational (aimed at stabilising the system and establishingstatuses and roles);

regulatory (regulate the interests of actors and thefunctional demands of the system);

cultural (entail only acknowledgment by actors notnecessarily their allegiance).

Along the same line, in the paper Imagini instituionale ale

tranziiei [Institutional images of transition], Pop highlights themost important institutions (Pop, 2003:100) which governsocial life nowadays: the institution of rationality andrationalisation, the institution of scientificity, and the institutionof the social actor.

Like the father of modern psychology, Sigmund Freud, whoviewed culture as an element internalised in personality,Parsons seeks to persuade that the compliance with aninstitution becomes a tendency an obligation inherent in thestructure of the actors personality and becomes a tendency-obligation because the institution is a synthesis of a culture,


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the actor himself as a social entity acknowledging this culturalmatrix (Pohoa, 2009:31).

The functionalist theory has the merit of highlighting thebasic processes underlying stratification and of being flexibleenough to be applied to the various types of society. Onecriticism levelled at the functionalist perspective is that itfocuses less on social change and conflict.

1.3. Conflict theories

In the classical Marxist theory, typical of the conflictperspective, social change occurs exclusively through conflict,being fraught with ambiguities of an economic and socialnature.

From the economic point of view, Marx traces the origin ofsocial disruptions to the means of production and explores thecontradiction between forces and production relations. He

distinguishes several stages of economic evolution: the stageof the closed family economy; the stage of urban economy; thestage of national economy (Pohoa, 1993). The Marxistconception of the dynamics of the human society is illustratedin Figure 1 below:

Figure 1.The human society according to Marx

Source: Popescu (2009: 487).

Marx and Engels demonstrated that the introduction anddevelopment of instruments of labour, the division of labourand private property divide people into social classes (i.e. theexploiting class and the exploited class). Alienation andcontradiction expressed through class struggles are


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oppressive and dehumanising, yet absolutely necessary for thegeneral progress of the human society. Marx explains social

change in endogenous terms, stressing the internal dynamicsof the mode of production.From the social point of view, processes are qualified as

being endogenous when they occur within the social system,conflicts arising due to tensions between socially unequalgroups and classes, inequality being fuelled by economicallycontradictions, which, ultimately, evolve into socialcontradictions calling for change. In this respect, we can point

to labour and capital contradictions and, at the social level,contradictions between the proletariat and bourgeoisie,inevitably leading to class struggle, the Marxian frameworkbeing connected with an endogenous theory of social change(Valade, 2006:385).

Marx maintained that social inequalities typical of capitalismwould end only when the working class had established the

proletarian class. This, he argued, would bring in a classless,collectivist society, with distribution of social goods to eachaccording to their individual needs. Marxs model raises, butdoes not solve, the problem of the human factor, of therelationship between political events and social change,summarised by his famous assertion: Men make their ownhistory, but they do not make it as they please; they do not

make it under self-selected circumstances (Burke, 1990:171).According to Marx the historical agent of change is theproletariat, while the principal agent of social order is themiddle class.

The German sociologist Ralph Dahrendorf removed fromthe analysis the unequal distribution of wealth and classstruggle, and explored class conflict under the conditions ofindustrial capitalism, which may be determined (as conditionsfor the variation of social conflicts), factoring in other types ofsocial conflict as causes of social change (such as the conflictsbetween ethnic, racial and religious groups). The authorasserts that in the social environment, people clash for


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wellbeing and power, class struggle being primarily founded onthe differences of authority within an organisation. The

functionalist paradigm of social conflicts, according to theGerman sociologist, is false as it is one-sided , emphasisingonly the integrating aspect of society (Ungureanu, 2002:155).He rejects the terms of solution and suppression of conflicts,arguing that the most fitting term would be regulation.

Conflict theory is centred on the role of social tensions, ofdysfunctions of a predominantly economic nature, ignoring therole played by technological progress or external influences in

the area of social dynamics.

2. The modern perspective on social change

Modernisation theories emerged in the 1950s, seeking toaccount for the development of industrial societies in NorthAmerica and Western Europe, especially due to the rise of

industrial capitalism since the 18th

century. The theoriesassume that societies develop in fairly predictable stagesthrough which they become increasingly complex (Johnson,2007:223). Modernisation means development: the termmodernisation a conceptual cousin of economicdevelopment but more comprehensive in scope refers tothe fact that technical, economic, and ecological changes

ramify through the whole social and cultural system (Smelser,1966:111).In other words, development depends primarily on the

import of technology and related knowledge and on a range ofsocial changes of a political, economic, cultural, social, etc.nature. Ungureanu understands modernisation as a means ofdevelopment, i.e. social development through the increase inrationality of the various sectors of society (Ungureanu:2002:121). According to the author, a social developmentprocess entails the growth, accumulation, expansion of theinitial state and the process is usually assessed by referring to


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this particular state. Accordingly, social development is alwaysspecified:

internally (human, economic, political, etc. development);externally (extensive, intensive, etc. development).Historians of sociology regard the development theories as

the first response of the science of social changes to the issueof transition from the traditional to the modern. The modernistsclaim is that traditional societies are static, resistant to change,reluctant to assimilate innovation, so that nothing new canemerge from within, therefore change can only occur from

outside (exogenous factors). The underlying assumption ofmodernisation theories holds that even the most infrequentcontact between relatively modernised societies and therelatively non-modernised societies acts as a trigger of socialchanges towards a single direction, shaped by the model of themodernised society. Modernisation emerges as a sortuniversal solvent (So, 1990:24), founded on a set of econo-

mic features characteristic of defined historical, social andeconomic periods.

Walt Withman Rostow argued that in the course ofdevelopment any society undergoes a sequence of five stagesand ascribed the dominant role in development to technologicalprogress (Popescu, 2009):

The traditional society whose structured is developed

within limited production functions; The preconditions for take-off a stage specific to the17th and 18 th centuries, when scientific breakthroughs began tobe translated in industry and agriculture, capitalising onentrepreneurship;

The take-off the stage marking the transition toindustrialisation, lasts two, three decades and occurs wheninvestment exceeds 10% of national income and is determinedby the development of key sectors (expanding export marketetc.). A process of self-sustained development accompaniesthis positive dynamics: profits are made and reinvested,capital, productivity and income per capita surge. The virtuous


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cycle of development is underway (Samuleson and Nordhaus,2001:840);

The drive to maturity generally attained some sixdecades after take-off begins and four decades after it ends. Itis established when 30% of national income is invested and theglobal output outstrips the increase in population. In this stagethe living standards of the population increase;

The age of high mass-consumption the phase reachedin the 20th century, marked by two processes: the majority ofurban population and the workforce are employed by the

services sector and per capita incomes exceed the levelsneeded to meet basic needs.

Rostows theory stands out among the theories of socialchange in that it stresses the importance of material andcultural factors (Chiribuc, 2004:60).

On the other hand, authors such as Peer and Hartwickcontend that development should not focus exclusively on the

economic growth of a nation, but rather on the conditions ofsuch growth and the consequences they generate. Due tosocial reasons, growth is justified only if it meets essentialneeds (Peer and Hartwick, 2009:2-15).

Industrialisation, it was argued, would lead to themodernisation of developing countries, and to the dis-semination of accompanying rationality: Training the workforce

and adjusting to factory discipline would be the most effectivemeans of utilising the great rural mass of underemployed andunemployed(Seers, 1984:234).

In Durkheims Division of Labour, progress is linked tourbanisation (Durkheim, 2001). The large cities are theundeniable core of progress; it is there that the values, needs,ideas emerge, subsequently to spread to the rest of thecountry. Generally, change in society occurs owing to themand to imitating their experience (Valade, 2007:377). Durkheimidentified two basic sources of cohesion: mechanical solidarity(the case of societies fragmented into family or geographicalaggregates) and organic solidarity. The former results from the


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association of individuals at an archaic level of society, whichrepeat previous structures and are incapable of structural

innovation, as uniform beliefs and norms imposed byoppressive laws are the rule (Doise, 1996:123); the latter ischaracteristic of the maturing stage of interpersonal relations,marked by the transition from individual to personality, socialorganisation being comprised of various parts in closeinterdependence. In order to become orderly and normal,societies were compelled to integrated their goals, interests,sub-systems and areas of activity (Teodorescu, 2003:205).

Whereas mechanical solidarity is viewed as a consensus onnorms, values and beliefs, derived from socialisation andcoexistence, relying on a community of culture and way of life,organic solidarity, in contrast, is based on a complex division oflabour.

Social-economic restructuring and modernisation (Perrons2004:128) is often associated with social changes, in particular

with respect to the gender balance in employment, in particularin areas with high unemployment.

The modernisation of societies triggers two contradictoryprocesses: the need for specialisation of human resources andthe need for cooperation to manufacture competitively. It ispossible to restore cohesion by re-institutionalising the spirit ofsolidarity through national and international-level institutions.

Overall, the systemic models involve: the analysis of theemergence of inequalities, migration and depopulation,specialisation and differentiation of occupations, prevalence ofpolitics over the economy, group union, incorporation of onegroup into others, etc. Allowing for the more or less nuanceddistinctions, the architects of these theories embrace a set ofassumptions that unify the theories of this type (Sztompka,1991:131):

Developing societies will undergo the same stages andtransformations as the developed ones before them;

Change is a gradual, irreversible and long-term process;Change viewed as modernisation means progress.


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Modernisation is a process of Europenisation orAmericanisation, of transitioning from tradition to modernity

(So, 1990:24); in this light, Western Europe and the UnitedStates of America are advanced societies, worthy of beingemulated by lagging nations.

Furthermore, all theories incorporate a theory of history,which, in most cases, leads to pitting traditional societyagainst industrial society, regardless of whether in their studyof change they emphasise the role of conflicts, the distributionprocesses or the general meaning of evolution (Valade,

2007:374).The new constructivist perspective has become increasingly

popular in accounting for the processes of change,regionalisation, globalisation, as it provides an opportunity toexamine the interaction between local or internationalstructures and social actors. Social change is perceived notonly as a result of historical forces but also of the actions and

interactions of social actors.A fundamental principle of this approach is therefore the

acknowledgement of the actor and his potential to act andfactoring the actor in the equation of change.

Until the 1990s, the World Bank through its grants andprojects concentrated its efforts on social-economicreconstruction and raising the quality of life in developing

nations and in particular in the countries of Latin America andSouth-East Asia. However, due to the proven ineffectiveness ineradicating poverty, on the one hand, and the deficientinvolvement in controlling the effects of allocated funds, theWorld Bank embarked on a vast restructuring process.

Following the adoption of the Millennium DevelopmentGoals in the year 2000, the states raised the alarm about theconsiderable social-economic gaps between developed andpoor nations, suggesting that the two institutions, theInternational Monetary Fund and the World Bank, should bedismantled. Under immediate pressure and due to theunfavourable public opinion, the restructuring idea was put


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forward (coming not from inside but from outside), the twoinstitutions being required to reformulate their objectives and

strategies for developing countries. The new approach involvesthe fight against poverty starting from a given set of principles(Lombardi, 2005):

Poor and developing nations should have the role ofdesigning the growth-enhancing and poverty-reducingstrategies;

International institutions must work on partnerships todevelop common guidelines, programmes, strategies, with

quantifiable objectives;Social and economic development is essential in

combating social exclusion and poverty;It is important that the governments of poor countries

build the internal capacity to respond and adjust to theeconomic needs of their own citizens.

Nevertheless, numerous authors (Kreuger, Stiglitz,

Friedman, Giddens) have attacked the Bretton Woodsinstitutions (i.e. the International Monetary Fund and the WorldBank), charging that they promote socialist policies andmercantile reforms (Giddens, 2010:401), that instead of solvingthe global social-economic crises, they futher exacerbate them(Stiglitz, 2002) and that, most often, they do not factor innational differences in their policies targeting various countries

and fail to adapt policies to the context of countries seeking aid(Stiglitz, 2002).Finally, one final set of critiques is aimed at the instruments

recommended by the World Bank to reduce poverty: Thefocus on the privatisation of social services and on providingbenefits targeting the poorest segment of the population isassociated with the risk of social segregation between thosewho fund such benefits through taxes (Urse-Pescaru,2007:60-68).

In order to keep in check the consequences of the transitionperiod, in Romania, after the year 2000, several developmentprograms were implemented, with funding provided by


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international bodies and the national government. At the time,the national intervention policies were focused on gradual lay-

offs and legally provided protection in case of unexpecteddownsizing, job placement and employment in public services,indexation of wages and prices, and the adoption of speciallaws in favour of areas affected by industrial decline.

Kideckel claims that in the case of Romania, although theprogrammes targeting vulnerable groups were well-intentionedconsidering their objectives, in reality, they were not aimed ateffecting change in the disadvantaged communities, but rather

at preventing political activism, ending up by compounding thefears and uncertainty of the vulnerable and the sense thatsociety does not care about them (Kideckel, 2010:223). Theauthor motivates his assertion by drawing attention to the per-verse effects of the governments emergency ordinance on theRegime of Disadvantaged Areas, which stimulates investment inmining areas, which are declared to be disadvantaged according

to the following criteria:Mono-industrial character;Unemployment rate increasing by 25% the national

unemployment rate (an advance indicator to investors seekingsimultaneously available sufficient and cheap labour);

Lack of communication means and poor infrastructure (adrawback for investors, as the costs and conditions of

transportation and communication act a burden on businessdevelopment).Among other provisions, the law included certain facilities: a

corporate tax deduction, preferential tax status for businesseshiring the unemployed, exemption from customs levies for theimport of certain production means, special governmentfinancing and loans for approved investments. Most of theimplemented programmes and described facilities were viewedas circumstantial, as they were focused on neutralising socialconflicts or on mitigating the social costs of the restructuring ofthe mining sector. Unfortunately, the areas remained locked ina vicious cycle: on the one hand, the government dealt with the


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issue of restructuring by transferring responsibilities from theinstitutional to the individual level, and on the other hand, the

local communities affected by the restructuring succumbed toindividualism and active disengagement. Social imbalances,rather than inciting the local communities to action, reducedtheir capacity to respond.

2.1. Dependency theory

Dependency theory emerged at the end of the 1960s in

reaction to the modernisation theory, which could not accountfor the differences in development between developedcountries and underdeveloped countries. It was predicated onthe concept of deteriorating trade terms for the periphery infavour of countries belonging to the centre. Dependency theoryargued that a marginal number of underdeveloped nations aredependent for their trade and investment on a core ofindustrialised countries, which maintain the advantages oftrade for their own interest. The integration into an increasinglyglobalised capitalist economy has limited the potential forimprovement in the living standards according to the culture ofunderdeveloped countries.

The proponents of the theory argue that poverty in low-income countries stems from their manipulation by wealthycountries and multinational corporations based in wealthy

countries; in their view global capitalism locked in a downwardspiral of exploitation and poverty (Giddens, 2010:396). Wealthystates established factories in the poor countries, using localcheap labour and raw materials in order to maximise theproduction costs without governmental interference. In turn, thelow prices of labour and raw materials prevented poor countriesfrom accumulating the profit necessary to pursue

industrialisation. As a result, poor nations are forced to borrowfrom the wealthy ones, thus increasing their economicdependency.

An alternative reaction to the dependency theory isneopopulism, which contends that development at


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microeconomic level should focus on establishing cooperativesoperating as small states, using adequate technologies for

intensive labour, instead of seeking urban developmentthrough western exploitation. Frequently, these initiatives faileddue to governmental interference, weak management andconflicts with other forms of production (Payne, 2011:235-236).

2.2. World-systems theory

Based on dependency theory, Immanuel Wallerstein

subsequently developed the world-systems theory, premisedon the relations between developed countries (core nations)and less developed countries ( peripheral nations), shaped bypolitical, economic, historical and geographical factors. Theauthor argues that the world capitalist economic system mustbe analysed as a single unit, comprising four overlappingelements:

A world market for goods and labour;The division of the population into capitalists and workers;An international system of formal and informal political

relations among the most powerful countries, whose com-petition with one another helps shape the world economy;

The carving up of the world into three unequal economiczones (core, periphery and semi-periphery), with wealthier

zones exploiting the poorer ones.The core includes the most advanced industrial countries(US, Japan and Western European countries); peripheralcountries comprise largely agricultural countries (in Africa, Asiaand Latin America), with low incomes and strong dependenceon a single export sector; semi-peripheral countries (Mexico,Brazil, Argentina, Chile, etc.), which are semi-industrialised andpossess technological capacities and have a significant internalmarket, insufficiently developed to wield decisive influence onglobal political and economic trends.

The dependency relation between peripheral countries andthe core ones is clearly apparent, the overarching principle


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being that development occurs from the core to the periphery.The core is fully aware of the application of this policy and is

indirectly, politically and morally responsible for theunderdevelopment of the periphery, to which it allocates fundswithout building on local resources. To overcomeunderdevelopment, the peripheral nations must mobilise theirinternal resources and take responsibility.

One reaction to the international structural changes, inparticular the persistent underdevelopment of Third-Worldregions, has been the emergence of a Marxist perspective.

Martin and Sunley argue that development andunderdevelopment are episodic (Martin and Sunley 1998:201-227). In other words, capitalist accumulation experiencesspasmodic, irregular progressions, driven by specific crises,which in turn encourage capitalists to search for new means ofproduction on the spatial level. Studies in the Marxist traditionalso focus on the spatial dimension of the division of labour.

The separation between the headquarters and the branchesserving as production sites can lead to a substantial diversionof profits from the branches to the region where theheadquarters is located (Massey, 1984).

Modernisation and dependency theories, which emphasisedimitation and dependence on foreign aid, largely ignored theindigenous reality and local history only mattered to the extent

that it blocked the process of reducing gaps in development(Vlsceanu, 2001:36).

2.3. Globalisation theories

Globalisation theory has emerged as a reaction tomodernisation theory (being derived from world-systemstheory) and is the most recent theory seeking to account for

present-day development. It stresses the global integration ofcomplex social systems, with a strong emphasis on theglobalisation of economic and cultural transactions as driversof globalisation. However, there are authors who argue thatglobalisation can be considered to be neutral in terms of its


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spatial effects (Capello i Resmini, 2011:1): its opportunitiesand threats can be viewed as equivalent.

Global communication and the increased access toinformation are now transforming the complex social systemsand generate visible consequences on the social, economic,political and cultural level, in each country, creating thepremises of the emergence of a global culture.

Baltasiu in Antropologia globalizrii [The Anthropology ofGlobalisation] analyses globalisation from two perspectives(Baltasiu, 2009:12):

Horizontal globalisation, as an external process, dealingwith the geographical expansion of

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