Regional Studies, Vol, XXIV, No. 2 (Spring 2008)

DALITS IN INDIAN POLITY — A SURVEY

Introduction India aspires and seeks a major power status in contemporary international

politics. It is claiming this status on the basis of being the world’s largest democracy,

having a secular disposition, armed with nuclear power with a booming economy. But

notwithstanding these claims, the Indian society is daunted by the challenge the Dalits

pose who form the great mass of its deprived and downtrodden class which it is unable to

assimilate into its diversity. Their inhumane treatment by the high caste Hindus threatens

the Indian federation and stands in the way of rising to the major power status it aspires

in the world.

Despite India’s manifold growth, Dalits still lag behind, largely due to economic

disparity, which is a consequence of the deep-rooted caste system. Dalits constitute more

than 160 million of the population of India (according to 2001 census)(1) yet (specifically

in the rural areas) they face discrimination ranging from the trivial domestic chore of

fetching water from the community well, to the major question of economic survival by

getting employment.

However, the situation is not the same as it was 50 years ago. By virtue of a

1950s amendment in the Constitution, untouchability had been abolished and a

reservation system (privilege in education and other sectors and services given only to

Dalits) implemented. This was chiefly attained with the efforts of Dr B.R. Aambedkar, a

Dalit himself who had drafted the Constitution.(2)

Maryam Mastoor is Research Intern at the Institute of Regional Studies.

2

Therefore, they have succeeded to some extent by gaining a share in national

progress, however minuscule that may be, in political as well as socio-economic spheres.

There is emerging a strong middle class, with a considerable section of Dalits in it, but

those who do not have access to education and other benefits form the bulk of the real

“Dalit” section of society.

This paper aims to provide an overview of the imprints of Dalits in Indian polity,

their plight in general, their procured status which is affirmative indeed, and the

prospective scenario of Dalits gaining power. Finally, this paper will suggest what can be

a solution within the existing Indian set up.

The Dalits’ issue has its roots in the stratified nature of the Indian society ridden

by the caste system whose origins are blurred and ambiguous. Therefore this aspect will

be discussed first.

The caste system The Caste system originates from “Varna”. According to the ancient Hindu book

Rig Veda, ‘Varna’ refers to the Hindu belief that humans have been created from

different parts of the body of the divinity ‘Purusha’ Brahmin (the teacher, scholar or

priest) is made from the head, Kshatriya (the warrior class) from the arms, Vaishias (the

farmers and traders) from the thighs and Shudras from the feet. The part from which a

Varna was supposedly created determines a person's social status with regard to issues

such as who they could marry and which profession they could pursue.(3)

Figure 1:(4)

3

There is another belief, of “Karma”, according to which every being passes

through a process of re-incarnation. The next life is either a reward or punishment

depending on the deeds in the earlier life. Consequently, Dalits are supposed to be

suffering from the punishment for their deeds in previous lives.(5)

There are various theories about the identity of Dalits. According to the Indo-

Aryan theory the main proponents of which are William Jones 1790, Friedrich Schlegel

1808 (who proposed the term Indo-Germanic) and Friedrich Max Muller 1840.(6) that the

Aryans out of fear of revolt from the aboriginal Dravidian legitimized their superiority in

the form of the Hindu religion which relegated their status to the lowest rung of the

Hindu society under the caste system who ultimately came to be known as Harijans

(children of God), a term Gandhi used that was bitterly opposed by Dr Ambedkar who

was himself a Dalit. He warned Dalits to “beware” of Gandhi who had opposed the ‘right

of separate electorate’ to the untouchables before partition of India.(7)

The word Dalit has its origin in the Indo-Aryan root, ‘dal’ which means ‘held

under check’ or ‘oppressed’ probably from a quote of Swami Vivekananda (a social

activist) --- “Dena Dalita Dukhi Devo Bhava” (service to the weak, the down trodden and

the suffering masses is itself a worship of God)(8) or it may have been taken from the

writings of Govindro Phule (1827-90) a social activist. The literature published by ‘Dalit

Panthers’, a political group formed in 1972 in the state of Maharashtra also used the word

Dalit. Another name given to this oppressed class is ‘Pariah’ (those of the drum/ or the

leather people) which is mostly used in Southern India.(9)

Coming to the theoretical explanation, another view was presented by Dr.

Ambedkar, who refutes the Aryan invasion theory of the western scholars as a

“perversion of scientific investigation”(10) of the Rig Veda. He was of the view that Dalits

were ranked among the kashtriya and were not a separate Varna, but there was a

continuous feud between the Brahmins and the Shudra kings which resulted in the

creation of a new fourth Varna.(11) By proclaiming the Kashatriya status it appears that

Dr. Ambedkar had tried to amalgamate Dalits in the caste system but ultimately

converted to Buddhism in 1956, which is also the year of his death.

4

Another pronounced Dalit activist Kancha IIaiah, is a staunch critic of Brahmin

domination and exploitation of Dalits in society. He goes with the Aryan theory. In his

book “Why I am not a Hindu” he says that “South India ….was casteless until the

Brahmins from the north established it there”(12) The origin of Dalit is in fact as blurred as

the foundation of Hinduism itself.

Regardless of the confusion about Dalit origins their present reality is that they

are the people doing work that is considered to be lowly and menial such as manual

scavengers, shoe makers, (called Chamar), poor farmers and landless labourers, street

handicrafters, folk artistes, washer men etc. They are the untouchables.(13) Economic

disparity strengthens the authority of the upper class or upper castes to retain their

superior status over these down trodden people who are looked down upon as unequals

condemned by the so-called divine rules.

Dalitism has now emerged as a phenomenon which has engulfed the entire Indian

society. Today we find Dalits in almost every religious community, Muslims, Sikhs and

Christians. Their inclusion in any religious fold is customarily to serve the vote politics,

which does not necessarily help them to rise from the status of a Dalit.(14)

Their lot is determined by their poverty irrespective of their religion taking the

prehistoric discrimination supplemented by religion into the era of industrialization.

A kaleidoscopic view of Dalits in society

Choo-o choo-o na chee! O je chandalini r jhi!

Noshto hobe je doi,she kotha janoo na ki?

(Don’t touch her, don’t touch her ugh!

She is a daughter of a dalit woman!

Your yogurt will get spoiled, don’t you know?)

-- Song from Rabindranath Tagore’s

Bengali dance drama Chandalika

5

Untouchability as the fate of a Dalit, is more explicit in rural areas of India.

Though it was abolished in the Constitution (Article 17) yet still persists in various forms.

For instance, Dalits are prohibited to use village wells, to enter temples and are supposed

to use a ‘marked’ cup in the local tea-shop. There is strong discouragement of inter-caste

marriages in society. Even today, when the son of a Dalit millionaire wishes to marry

outside his caste, demonstrations are held in the city to deter that “unholy” act of mixing

the pure blooded with the impure.(15)

They are untouchable because their religious duty is supposed to be manual

scavenging. This profession is widely looked down upon in society. Poignantly, a large

number of ‘Dalits’ are associated with this profession. Lack of proper sanitation system

in public toilets makes the Dalits even more detestable. In 2002-03, the union ministry for

social justice and empowerment admitted the existence of 6.76 lakh people who clean

human excreta from lavatories for a living and the presence of 92 lakh dry latrines, spread

across 21 states and union territories.(16)

The untouchable status of a Dalit becomes scornfully explicit when they have to

fetch water from exclusive wells in rural areas. For instance, in the village of Palliyad the

water source of Dalit scavengers is 30 minutes or more away from their homes.(17)

Another problem with Dalits is that owing to their ‘untouchable’ status, they

hardly find any productive work. Consequently they are compelled to borrow debts in

times of need. Their debt is by and large, ‘ancestral’ in nature. According to a report by

Human Rights Watch published in 1999, Dalits, usually work to pay off debts that were

incurred generations ago, 15 million of whom are children working in fields or factories

in slave-like conditions. As Emily Wax puts it in her article “A broken people in booming

India”, “By virtue of birth, some castes inherit wealth; the Dalits inherit debt”(18)

There has been some improvement in their situation lately owing to the

implementation of reservation system. Some Dalits have acquired a reasonable position

in society.

6

Scheduled castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes; The Reservation system

In constitutional language Dalits are denoted as Scheduled Castes and Adivasis

(the people living in tribes in rural India/ aboriginal or indigenous people) as Scheduled

Tribes. Dr Ambedkar, one of the chief architects of the Indian Constitution, being a Dalit

himself, recognizing and experiencing the ‘natural calamity’ of fate befallen on Dalits,

has included various provisions in the basic document regarding rights of Dalits. In the

Constitution, Article 46 deals with the promotion of educational and economic interests

of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other weaker sections of society. Article 335

gives the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes right to services and posts. Article

243T, 330 and 332 deals with the reservation of seats for SC/ST in municipalities, House

of Peoples and Legislative Assembly respectively.(19)

Under the 1950 constitution, 15 per cent of educational and civil service seats

were reserved for “Scheduled Castes” and 7.5 per cent for “Scheduled Tribes”. In 1979 a

Commission (Mandal Commission) was set up by the Janta Party, to further improve the

status of backward classes on the whole. The basic task of this Commission was to

identify OBCs and to recommend reservations for the backward classes. It recommended

27 per cent of quota in public sector and in higher educational institutions over and above

the existing 22.5 per cent reservation for SC and ST.(20) OBCs or (Other Backward

Classes) still stand as a controversial term, which officially include economically and

educationally “backward” people in lower castes. On the contrary, poverty stricken

Muslims, Sikhs and Christians and higher castes who happen to be economically ‘lower’

also seek to be considered as OBC in order to enjoy the reservation rights primarily in

education.(21)

In 1990, Prime Minister V.P Singh tried to implement the recommendations of

Mandal Commission. His critics called it a “dicey move to win votes.”(22) Still the

allocation of 27 per cent quota for OBC/SC/ST in elite educational institutions ‘lingers

on’, in the Supreme Court despite the fact that the Reservation Act, December 2006,

provided for its enactment in 2007-08.(23)

The reservation and quota system has met much criticism. The opponents of

Reservation system argue that it has embodied discrimination by law. Subsequently, a

7

“voucher system” was introduced, in which needy students were supposed to be given

vouchers by which they would be able to payoff their educational bills,(24) but this is not

accepted yet.

Critics of Reservation system believe that this system despite being an

“affirmative move” is not workable where introduction of opportunity to the ‘lowest’

among oppressed, is concerned. For instance, “few years back, the Government of Tamil

Nadu decided to reserve 15 per cent of the seats in professional courses for students in

rural areas. This progressive move, led more students from villages to medical colleges

in 1998. However, the actual beneficiaries were not the less-privileged rural students

whom the government wanted to favour. Those who walked away with the golden

opportunities were the more-privileged students from upmarket schools that just

happened to be in rural areas.” (25)

Critics of Reservation system are to some extent justified because Reservation

system has no place where meritocracy comes, the rule adopted by progressive nations.

But considering the ground realities of India where general public has a peculiar mindset,

due to primitive caste system, an “affirmative discrimination” is needed to give

untouchables access to a good life.(26)

There is another section of society, which is largely ignored and is unable to

benefit from the “positive discrimination”, the Dalit women. Women among Dalits are

considered as the ‘lowest in the low’ and need to be empowered in the same capacity.

Women — Dalit among Dalits Women being the weaker gender though physically, are maltreated even by

those, who themselves demand dignity and respect from others. Ruth Manorama, a social

activist and the head of a newly constituted ‘Federation for Dalit Women’, has rightly

called women “Dalit among Dalits.”(27) Referring to their plight she said, “Dalit women

are at the bottom in our community. Within the women's movement, Dalit issues have not

been taken seriously….. Caste, class, and gender need to be looked at together. Women's

labor is already undervalued; when she is a Dalit, it is nil....” (28)

Dalit women are discriminated on the basis of not only caste but gender also. The

crimes against Dalit women are exceedingly high. According to a report of Human Rights

8

Watch (1999) “Dalit women make up the majority of landless laborers and scavengers, a

significant percentage of the women is forced into prostitution in rural areas or sold into

urban brothels…In Laxmanpur-Bathe, Bihar, women were raped and mutilated before

being massacred by members of the Ranvir Sena in 1997. In Bihar and Tamil Nadu,

women have been beaten, arrested, and sometimes tortured during violent search and

raid operations on Dalit villages in recent years.” (29)

Dalit women have limited access to justice, for them justice is not only “delayed”

but “rejected” altogether. According to Human Rights Watch report, “out of the total

(rape) cases in which trials were completed, 41.5 percent ended in conviction during

1990, 34.2 percent in 1991 and 33.8 percent in 1992 and 30.3 percent in 1993.(30) Thus

the acquittal percentage is showing an upward trend over the years. The rate of disposal

of cases in courts was 23.9 percent in 1992and 16.8 percent in 1993. On an average, 80

percent of the cases remained pending for trial.” (31)

Today in contemporary Indian politics with the accession of power to Mayawati,

newly elected Chief Minister in Uttar Pradesh, a Dalit herself, a better plight for Dalit

women can be expected in the days to come. Though Dalits have acquired political

power, yet the atrocities related to them on basis of their servile status, are still reported.

De-facto segregation of Dalits Despite the abolition of untouchability, allocation of 23 per cent quota for SC/ST,

they are discriminated against everywhere. In 2006-07 various cases of atrocities against

Dalits were reported. Here is an account of some such cases ranging from March 2007 to

date.

Some Rajputs put some dalit houses on fire in Salwan (Karnal).(32) Chandrika, of

Dallipur; a 24 year old Dalit mother recalled that she along with her 20 month old

daughter and two years old son was thrown out of a local health centre owing to her caste

and her children died uncared for.(33) In Ramnagar, (Lakhisarai district) high caste men

raped six Dalit women because they voted for some other member, defying the

recommendation of high caste Hindus. In flood hit Madhubari district , a Dalit man Shiv

Kumar was blinded by pouring acid into his eyes by the husband of a village head for

demanding his bit of the flood relief provided by the government.(34) In Gulbarga,

9

(Shahapur district), a social boycott was imposed on Dalits which resulted in cancellation

of all lease agreements, of Dalit farmers as a punishment of the “sin” of taking water

from the community well which was meant for the usage of upper caste Hindus.(35) In

Patna, (Bihar) two boys were beaten up by upper caste Hindus, as they were playing near

a temple.(36)

In 2006 a review survey of Indian media during a six-month period in 2006

illustrates the plight of Dalits:

• “Dalit leader abused for daring to sit on a chair”(37)

• “Dalit worker beaten on suspicion of theft”(38)

• “Dalit lynched while gathering grain”(39)

• “Dalit beaten for entering temple”(40)

• “UP Dalit girl resists rape, loses arm as a result”(41)

• “Dalit tries to fetch water beaten to death”(42)

In tsunami relief camp (2004) and earthquake relief camps (October 8, 2005),

discrimination was witnessed regardless of crucial circumstances, when upper caste

victims refused to get facilitated with the lower caste victims.(43)

In Paliyad village of Gujarat , a study has indicated that 40 per cent of manual

scavengers are frequently or always denied access to the market places.(44) A manual

scavenger from Paliyad village, (Ahmedabad district), has described his plight in these

words: “the water mixes with the faeces that we carry in baskets on our heads, it drips

onto our clothes, our faces. When I return home, I find it difficult to eat food…. But in the

summer there is often no water to wash your hands before eating. It is difficult to say

which [season] is worse.(45)

The reason for mentioning these few horrifying events, is to give an idea of the

nature of the lives the Dalits lead. The advancement of “positive discrimination” by

constitutional measures and showering of favours on Scheduled Castes, has benefited

some, but the ‘lowest’ still remain the ‘wretched of the earth’. Serious efforts are needed

to weaken this de-facto segregation of Dalits. Still millions of Dalits are not willfully

included in the societal set up. Consequently, the trend of conversion on a massive level

is gaining momentum.

10

Propelled trend towards conversion and the restrictions On May 27, 2007 in Mumbai, on the occasion of 50th anniversary of Dr.

Ambedkar’s conversion to Buddhism, more than 1 lakh Dalits and tribals converted to

Buddhism.(46) It seems that Buddhism has appeared as the last resort for Dalits to save

themselves from the atrocities attached to their lower caste status. On the occasion, a

landless labourer who came from a distant village for conversion asserted that conversion

is his only hope to live a life of dignity in India. He painfully voiced that “I am 45 and I

don’t want my children to suffer my fate” (47)

There have been conversions in the past as well. Some 50,000 Dalits converted to

Buddhism on November 4, 2001 at the Diksha ceremony organized by All India

Confederation of SC/ST Organizations and the Lord Buddha Club.(48) This was followed

by another conversion ceremony (January 2002 Kerala district) in which 25,000 Dalits

converted to Buddhism. Earlier, some Dalits had converted to Christianity and Islam as

well. In early 80’s a number of Dalits converted to Islam, this conversion resulted in a

‘Hindutva’ move, of banning the act of conversion.(49) But the Mumbai ceremony

appeared as the biggest event of conversion after the first conversion ceremony in 1956,

in which about 5 lack Dalits converted to Buddhism.(50)

Conversion which appears as a remedy for Dalit problem is in fact, not effectual

enough to heal the deep wounds of disrespect for Dalits. Their conversion in any

religious fold does not help in changing the status of a Dalit. In Sikhism the temples for

Dalits are separate, when they are Christians they are discriminated in churches, when

Muslims they are not allowed to inter-marry with affluent Muslims.(51) Thus

discrimination like their skin is always there, wherever they go. Buddhism on the

contrary, is more trusted by Dalits as it is considered closer to Hinduism and does not

believe in any caste system from which Dalits want an escape.

This propelled trend towards conversion has been countered by certain

restrictions. In Northern state of Himachal Pradesh, the government of Congress party

has passed an anti-conversion bill without considering the need for it. S Vijay Kumar,

secretary of ‘state home department’ admitted that the government has no official data

regarding the forcible conversion to justify the bill. (52)

11

In Tamil Nadu, AIADMK government, had also introduced an anti-conversion

bill in October 2002. It was primarily produced to woo BJP, the ruling party of National

Democratic Alliance (NDA) but NDA lost the elections. Eventually, the then

Jayalalitha’s government repealed the law calling it ‘anti people legislation’. In Orisa ,

Madhya Pradesh and Chattisgarh anti-conversion laws are in force from 40 years and not

even a single person is found guilty of forced conversion.(53) Critics of ‘anti-conversion

law’ believe that it is enforced and repealed only in order to cater to the vested interests

of political parties making it a tool of politics. It does not protect people from forced

conversion nor is punishment enacted on the perpetrators.(54) In addition to law, some

groups have taken the case of conversion in their own hands. In 2001 Vishva Hindu

Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal turned their guns against Christian missionaries in the

state of Gujarat who were accused of forcibly converting Dalits and other low caste

tribals. Schools, hospitals and churches were attacked and priests and nuns were

assaulted. The incident which received much publicity in the press was burning alive of

an Australian priest based in Orissa and his son in their car by a Bajrang Dal activist.(55)

The ceremonies that were held on the celebration of 50th year of B.R.

Ambedkar’s conversion to Buddhism, have facilitated Dalits for conversion. Thousands

among Dalits, endeavour to convert, openly and willfully, on such occasions. The

massive conversion of Dalits on 27th May 2007, show the uselessness of anti-conversion

bills. Moreover , this conversion on such a massive level, in the age of globalization, has

revealed the frustration of suppressed classes which constitute half of India’s population.

(because arithmetically, taking backward castes as a whole, SC, ST and Other Backward

Classes (OBC) into consideration; that approximately form about 52 percent).(56) In view

of some scholars this conversion, (27th May 2007) is not taken as a good omen regarding

the consolidation of Indian federation and unveils the reality that something extremely

wrong is happening to Dalits. This trend depicts that Dalits want respect not mere favours

and it has its roots in the conversion of B.R. Ambedkar.

A Dalit is a human; Awakening When we talk about India as an independent state, the prevalent Dalit

phenomenon, which was very much there before partition as well, received wide

12

recognition and constitutional accommodation by the efforts of Dr. Bhimrao Ramji

Ambedkar. Various laudable efforts had been made before partition as well — the Bhakti

movement (14th-15th Century) initiated by Kabir, a saint and Mirabai, to help the

oppressed.(57) Then Jotiro Phule started a movement (1827-90) in the shape of

Satyashodhak Samaj (Truth seeking society) in Maharashtra which focused on

emancipation of Dalits from caste system. E.V Ramaswami Naicker (1879-1973) in

Madras state founded the “self respect movement” and rejected the idea of caste. Today

the two descendent parties of this movement, Dravida Munetra Kazagham (DMK) and

All India Anna Dravida Munetra Kazagham (AIADMK)(58) have a lot of influence in

Tamil Nadu politics but in reality they “have veered away from rationalism and atheism

of Naicker and lapsed into various forms of Hindu obscurantism.”(59) During British

period as well, the government did not neglect Dalits and first special schools were

opened for untouchables which were encouraged not only by missionaries but British

administration also. Dalits attended schools for the first time in 1840.(60)

Ambedkar struggled to achieve fundamental rights for Dalits. Though Ambedkar

was critical of Mohammad Ali Jinnah(61) yet like him he struggled for ‘right of separate

electorate’ for Dalits. Jinnah talked about permanent seats for Muslims in the executive

and the legislature. Ambedkar demanded the same for Dalits in the Indian Constitution

but unlike him he did not demand a separate state for Dalits when he failed to achieve his

demands but continued to struggle for their rights within the Indian Constitution.

Ambedkar struggled hard to win a respectable status for his people but when his efforts

failed he left the pail of Hindu society to become a Buddhist to show another way to the

‘wretched of the earth’ to find a life of dignity. On his conversion he said:

“I prefer Buddhism because it gives three principles in combination, which no

other religion does. Buddhism teaches Prajna (understanding as against superstition and

supernaturalism), Karuna (love) and Samanta (equality). This is what man wants for a

good and happy life.”(62)

The Harijan movement was started by Gandhi which lost its vigour with the

passage of time. Ambedkar was critical of Gandhi, despite his Harijan (children of God)

cliché. He was skeptical of Gandhian philosophy, to reveal his suspicion he said,

13

“Examine the Gandhian attitude to strikes`, the Gandhian reverence for caste and

Gandhian doctrine of Trusteeship of the rich….Gandhism is the philosophy of the well-

to-do and leisured class.” (63)

Nonetheless, Gandhi had a following of those Dalits who were not with

Ambedkar, the grandeur of ‘Mahatma’ kept them spellbound. Ambedkar was unable to

fight that charisma for the first four decades of independence.(64) But later on,

Ambedkar’s effort bore fruits and today a number of Dalits have reached to the top

positions in Indian society. K.R. Narayanan, a Dalit was elected president whose term

ended on July 24, 2002.(65) Mayawati the newly elected Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh is

a Dalit, Ruth Manorama a Dalit activist has international recognition. T. Rajshekar, a

Dalit writer, is a senior journalist at Indian Express. He has authored more than fifty

books dealing with castes, Muslims, Christians, Brahmanism etc.(66)

There are a number of Dalits who have escaped the clutches of caste, but in the

rural society, Dalits are living below the poverty line and they still face discrimination.

Such is the level of discrimination that in Bihar (village Musahar), Dalits do not get any

job and unavailability of money and food compels them to live by eating rodents.(67)

However various NGO’s provide financial help to Dalits and their efforts have become

successful in making Dalit-problem an international concern.

NGOs fighting for the rights of Dalits and international concerns There are more than 18,000 NGO’s registered in India that receive foreign aid.(68)

These NGO’s are permitted to receive aid without prior permission, under ‘foreign

contribution regulation act 1976. By the end of 1997, the amount of foreign contribution

to NGO sector had reached nearly $568 million (Rs26, 000 million), a growth rate of 643

percent over the last decade.(69) But according to an estimate of International

Development Aid, among 300 million of Dalits (including SC and ST) 90 percent still

live below the line of poverty. Therefore it is strongly needed to address ‘the Dalit cause’

in particular while concentrating on poverty alleviation.(70)

Various NGO’s are chanting the slogan of ‘Dalit cause’. Most of these have

received international recognition and have succeeded in bringing Dalit discrimination

into the limelight on international forums. National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights

14

(NCDHR) with a motto “we demand freedom from caste bondage for the 260 million

Dalits of Asia” works in collaboration with other NGOs and its objective is to eliminate

caste from society.(71) Dalit Freedom Network (DFN) established in 2002 with a slogan

“abolish caste now and forever” primarily struggles for Dalits to acquire education in

English, to attain marketable success and access to social justice. It works in

collaboration with All-India Christian Council.(72) International Dalit Solidarity Network

(IDSN) was formed in 2000, it works for Dalits in India, the ‘Buraku’ (low caste group)

people of Japan, the low caste groups of Somalia, the occupational caste people in West

Africa and other oppressed classes in Asia. They have endeavoured to involve, UN, EU

and other international organizations to fight for Dalit rights.(73) Dalit Network of

Netherlands (DNN) has centers in the Netherlands and India. They are making efforts to

inform the world about the problem of caste discrimination at international forums.(74)

These efforts seem successful in gaining considerable attention of the

international community. On July 23, 2007 a resolution was passed by ‘US House of

Representatives’ to ‘denounce’ the practice of untouchability and to ‘muster up efforts’ in

collaboration with Indian government, World Bank and the international companies to

end discrimination against Dalits. Dalit Freedom Network (DFN) has played a vital role

in initiating this motion.(75) Various International conferences are organized by the Voice

of Dalit International (VODI) in 1998, 2000 and 2003 respectively to highlight the issue

and to get the support of the international community.(76) “World Conference Against

Racism in South Africa” held in 2001 has also discussed Dalit issues. The “National

Conference on Violence against Dalit Women” in Delhi held on 7th and 8th March 2006

raised the issue of violence against Dalit women. Another international conference

regarding rights of Dalit women, the“ International Conference on the Human Rights of

Dalit Women” organized by members of the Dalit Network Netherlands (DNN), in

collaboration with the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR), was held

on 20 and 21 November 2006 in The Hague, the Netherlands.(77)

On 9th March 2007, the “International Convention on Elimination of All Forms

of Racial Discrimination” was held under United Nations banner, further highlighted the

15

issue and recommended various suggestions for Indian government to curb

discrimination against Dalits.(78)

Thus the phenomenon of caste discrimination is no more an internal matter of

India but has become known at international forums with the efforts of these non-

governmental organizations. Today, International organizations like United Nations,

Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and World Bank, have recognized this issue

and intend to utilize their resources to address it.

On the other hand various intellectual efforts have also contributed in making the

Dalit issue an international concern. The novel of Arundati Roy “The God of Small

Things” published in 1997 received world wide fame. It revolves around the story of an

untouchable Velutha. With this novel the inhumanity attached with untouchability was

‘read’ and ‘felt’ by the international readers.(79) Another journal ‘Dalit voice’ (an English

language journal) has completed its 20th year in publication and is perpetually raising the

voice for Dalits nation wide.(80)

Though the Dalit phenomenon has been recognized internationally yet large

inflows of capital in funding for the cause, and commencement of international

conferences, remain insignificant, unless the society acknowledges its role in eliminating

atrocities against Dalits . Ambedkar has rightly said, “Rights are protected not by laws,

but by the social and moral conscience of society.”(81)

Nevertheless, Indian government has introduced measures to assimilate Dalits in

socio-economic and political spheres, by reservation system mainly. It is also worthy to

note that some Dalits have reached the prestigious positions on merit as well. For

instance, last year for the first time a Dalit (K.G. Balakrishnan) became Chief

Justice of the Supreme Court even though there is no quota for Dalits in

judiciary.(82) Recently, Dalits have acquired new positions of power in the

university system, with S.K. Thorat appointed head of the University Grant

Commission, and Narendra Jhadav as the vice chancellor of the University of

Pune.(83) It seems that India will adapt with the system of meritocracy in the long run.

However, initially the quota system is helping this weaker section of society to rise to a

respectable position.

16

Socio-economic share of Dalits in India There is a 15 per cent quota for Dalits in the public sector but in private sector,

Dalits are not offered any quota despite vast opportunities. Dalits can explore the private

sector more effectively in sectors like leather industry in which they can progress on

account of their traditional expertise in shoe making and manual scavengers can take part

in the business of sanitation products and so on. Therefore a well-known scholar

Christopher Jefferson has recommended that policy of positive discrimination must target

the corporate sector.(84)

Another view regarding the participation of Dalits in private sector is presented

by Bhopal declaration (January 13, 2002). This declaration has firstly, highlighted the

issue by indicating that there is not even a single Dalit billionaire, businessman or

industrialist. And secondly recommended an “equal opportunity for all” principle in

Indian industry so that “Dalits may escape the historical burden of economy’s polluted

tasks.”(85)

These two different views address the same issue, one talks of positive

discrimination in corporate sector while the other talks of meritocracy. By keeping in

consideration the present position of Dalits, specially the lowest among them, positive

discrimination in both private and public sector is needed in order to bring them into the

mainstream of society. It needs time to change the mindset of Hindus in which caste

system is still an imperative part of their life. However, gradually this positive

discrimination could be reduced in order to move towards meritocracy.

Consequently, some positive moves have been taken in this regard, though in a

subtle manner, without the legislative binding. Subsequent to the Bhopal declaration the

government of Madhya Pradesh gave financial support to a Dalit businessman and

intends to continue this policy.(86) Another, positive step has been taken by Bharti

Enterprises recently in employing engineers from the SC/ST on preferential basis in

cooperation with the Social Justice Ministry.(87)

Politicians too have taken steps from time to time to address the problem. For

instance, in 1980’s Rajiv Gandhi’s government initiated a landmark recruitment

17

campaign of allocating 50,000 vacancies to SC/ST.(88) But it is not certain whether that

target was achieved or not.

In view of some critics only “few” can benefit from the quota system to form a

“creamy layer” while others lag behind.(89) The issue of ‘creamy layer’ that is raised

frequently in Indian media is somewhat justified as this creamy layer emerged as a result

of the existing quota system. It is also a fact that the same ‘quota system’ had benefited

Dalits in the previous decades. Dalit leader Mayawati (an ordinary school teacher) was

elected on a Dalit seat, Kanshi Ram (the late founder and ideologue of BSP) was a

beneficiary of the reservation system as a civil servant before turning to politics and K. R.

Narayanan (former Dalit Indian president) was a member of Indian Foreign Service

before joining Congress.(90) They all belonged to the suppressed class before gaining their

respective positions through the reservation system. They would never have been

recruited anywhere because of their “polluted” being. The acceptance of Dalits in Indian

society is a product of the reservation system that has made possible the idea of lower

castes working with higher castes in the segregated structure of the Indian society.

Therefore, the legislation regarding the reservation of Dalits in private sectors is

perpetually being demanded by the influential class of Dalit community. Mayawati has

demanded at least 30 per cent reservation in jobs both in public and private sectors, 10

per cent each for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, the socially and educationally

backward classes and the poor and the unemployed among the upper castes.(91)

Another important Dalit figure, Narendra Jadhav, who is the Principal Adviser

and Chief Economist at the Reserve Bank of India, has rightly said that “the need for it is

coming from the inability of the system as a whole to be fair. It is to guard against that.

What reservation means is that if you are a Dalit and I am a biased man and therefore I

will not give you the job, it is to prevent the kind of injustice which is there because of the

psychological problems in non-Dalits towards Dalits; that is the genesis.”(92)

Reservation in the private sector will generate jobs for the deprived classes. And

gradually, people like K.R. Narayana, Mayawati , Bangaru Laxman (BJP party President

) will appear in private sector also as Dalit entrepreneurs.

18

Agriculture, being the main occupation of 680 million of the rural population,

where 65 per cent of the labour force is from dalit community; is in doldrums. In the

wake of globalization and stepping in of various multinational corporations on the Indian

soil, and export-based agricultural development, the farmer class whose bread and butter

was this occupation, is in trouble as the employment of agriculture workers has fallen

from 160 days (1991) to 70 days (2001) per annum, the reason why a large number of

peasants have committed suicide (970 in 2001).(93)

Another aspect of this situation is the struggle launched by the Naxalite group for

the rights of the peasants who are mainly Dalits. This Naxalite led peasant struggle has

now surfaced in several areas of North India. Naxalites groups are actively engaged in

organizing armed uprising in Bihar, Jharkhand, Chattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh. In

response, the thakurs (high caste landlords) have organized a private army “Ranbir Sena”

which has been fighting battles with the Naxalite-led peasant rebellion group.(94) These

trends show that things are not all well in India’s agricultural sector.

A parallel issue raised by Dalit activists is the reformation of the land rights.

About 79.20 per cent of Dalits are landless and near landless (households owning less

than 40 hectares of land).(95)

Table 1:

Sr. No State Percentage of SC Landless Households in 1999-2000

Total population SC (census 2001)

1. Bihar 23.8 13,048,608

2. Gujarat 18.1 3,592,715

3. Maharashtra 16.7 9,881,656

4. Tamil Nadu 15.1 62,405,679

5. Punjab 12.2 7,028,723

This ratio increases to a severe level when landless and near landless are

calculated on the whole.

19

Table 2:

State Percentage of SC Landless and Near-landless Households in 1999-2000

Total population of SC (Census 2001)

Punjab 94.70 7,028,723

Kerala 93.80 31,841,374

Haryana 91.80 4,091,110

Bihar 90.90 13,048,608

Tamil Nadu 88.70 62,405,679

During the 1970-80s a land reforms movement was witnessed in which large

transfer of government land was made to Dalits and Adivasi families. But despite these

efforts Dalits were unable to access those lands due to serious hurdles in the acquisition

process. Most of the land was given to MNEs and big projects while Dalits were

neglected by and large.(96)

Budgetary provisions were also made to address the monetary requirements of

Dalits. The ‘Scheduled Caste sub plan’ (SCSP) was evolved by the Planning Commission

in 1979 under the authority of the Central Government, in which it was made mandatory

for States, Central Government and Government departments/ministries to allocate funds

and associated benefits for that plan at least in proportion to 16 per cent population of the

SC. But the funds allocated were nominal and not worthy of bringing a change in the

miserable lives of Dalits.(97) In the 2006-07 annual plan, the allocation of funds by SCP

also was not up to the mark. Here is the table of SCP plan 2006-07.

Table 3:(98)

Data of implementation of SCP for SC by Central Government in 2006-07

Total plan allocations by all departments/ ministries of the

Centre Government

Rs. 1,65,499 crore

Plan allocations earmarked for SCs by all departments/

ministries

Rs. 7,015 crore

20

Proportion of total plan allocation of Center Budget Estimated

for SC

4.24 %

The poorest among Dalits need assistance even to have the basic human needs

like shelter, food and water, which becomes even more difficult to access in rural areas.

Therefore a handsome amount of monetary assistance is needed to raise these ‘wretched

of the earth’ to the level of a civilized human society.

It can be said that if India becomes successful in assimilating the 16 per cent of

SC (which make up to 52 per cent if ST and OBC are included) in the Indian society, it

will become more feasible to benefit from the open market economy. That can be

achieved firstly, by introducing reservation for Dalits in private sector and secondly, by

allocating cultivable lands which are surplus, to Dalits so that they earn their livelihood

and participate by rendering their share in development of India.(99) The more the people

are involved in economic activity the more progress and prosperity is assured. Likewise,

China has progressed by empowering the rural class and involving the farmers in main

stream economic activity. It seems difficult for Dalits to attain economic benefits, unless

they are supported politically. Interestingly, in contemporary Indian politics Dalits have

attained a significant share.

Dalits in Indian politics Politics, the art of the impossible, by compulsion of circumstances, is learnt by

Dalits in contemporary times. With the making of Bahujan Samaj Party (April 14, 1984)

and the phenomenal victory of Mayawati (BSP leader) as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh

(where Dalits are 21 per cent of the total population) Dalits have entered into a new

arena, where rights can be won through political means.

In Uttar Pradesh elections 2007, BSP raced ahead of its political rivals by

winning 206 of the 402 seats where SP (Samajwadi Party) got 97, Congress and BJP got

22 and 55 seats respectively. Since 1991 it has become the first party to rise on its own.

One amazing factor that contributed a lot in the success of BSP was Dalit-Brahmin

combination. Informal estimates show that Dalits constituted about 23 per cent of voters

while the Brahmin and Muslim about 10 per cent and 16 per cent respectively. To explain

21

the reason of Brahmin support to BSP, Babu Singh Khushwaha (a BSP leader) said that

“Congress during its heyday, advanced an upper caste umbrella, led by the upper castes

and reminding Dalits about that regime was indeed counter productive. The upper caste

especially the Brahmins knew that party did not have the strength to come near power

and decided to accept the leadership of a Dalit leader. Large sections of Muslims

followed the suit.”(100) In response to the support of non-Dalit voters, Mayawati has

pleaded to work for ‘Sarva Samaj’(entire society), rather than ‘Bahujan Samaj’ (Dalit

samaj) and determined to make Uttar Pradesh “Uttam Pradesh” (Ideal State).(101)

Mayawati has been increasingly praised on her remarkable strategy. Dipankar Gupta, in

his article in Hindustan Times has compared Mayawati with Mao Zedong as a

strategist.(102)

The pioneer in devising such strategies for attaining political power for Dalits is

none other than Kanshi Ram who started from “assertiveness” (BAMCEF in which he

combined all voices for all the oppressed ST/SC/OBC and thus garnered their

amalgamated support)* and finally moved towards “empowerment” (formation of BSP).

He said in his speech at the Vidhan Sabha of Haryana during an election campaign in

1987: “the other limb of the Bahujan Samaj party [in addition to the Scheduled Caste]

which we call OBC or (Other Backward Classes) needs this party badly. Thirty nine

years after independence, these people have neither been recognized nor have they

obtained any rights.” (103)

BSP chanted following slogans in the beginning:-

1)” Jiskî jitnî samkhya bharî uskî utnî bhagîgârî

The highest number has to be the best represented

2) 85 par 15 kâ râj nahîn chalegâ, nahîn chalegâ

85 percent living under the rule of 15 per cent, this will

not last, this will not last.

3) Vot hamârâ, râj tumhârâ, nahin chalegâ, nahîn

chalegâ

We have the votes, you have the power, this will not

last, this will not last.

22

4) Tilak, tarâjû aur talvâr isko mâro joote char

The tilak [emblem of the sectarian affiliation of the

Hindus which is applied on the forehead and symbolizes

the Brahmin], the balance [symbol of the merchant

castes] and the sword [symbol of the warrior castes],

hit them with their shoes [symbol of the work of the

Chamars, the principal Untouchable caste of North of

India, who do leather work].

5) Tilak, tarâjû aur talvâr, un pade joote char [Down

with the Brahmins, Thakurs and Banias.]”(104)

Later on, Mayawati worked out a different kind of coalition in which the higher

castes supported BSP together with the oppressed. She launched a “Brahmin jodo

Abhiyaan” (include the Brahmins) campaign which resulted in her success.(105)In Uttar

Pradesh the higher caste Hindus constitute about 30 per cent of the population. Mayawati

was wise enough to recognize the importance of non Dalit groups, their support

eventually assured her success. BSP has scored an impressive increase in its vote bank

from 23.2 per cent to 30.5 per cent since 2002.(106)

This balancing act is maintained in the government as well, where the list of

Cabinet Ministers includes 8 Dalits, 4 Brahmins, 4 members of OBC and 1 each from

Muslim, Baniya, Thakur and Buhimar communities.(107)

Mayawati has expressed her confidence in maintaining this Dalit-Brahmin-

Muslim combination and advancing moves for their betterment; she said,” I can get them

to vote together; I can also advance their interests together” (108)

Mayawati is urging to replicate the same formula in other states like Madhya

Pradesh, Rajasthan and other parts of Punjab. But a political analyst like Tyagi is of the

view that neither the Congress nor the BJP in all three targeted states (Madhya Pradesh,

Rajasthan and Punjab) suffered from a dearth of political leadership. In Uttar Pradesh

the leadership of both major parties (BJP and Congress) had created a vacuum

especially among Brahmins and the BSP could fill it. The other States, as things stand

now, do not offer a similar opportunity.(109) Further, according to an upper caste BSP

23

MLA, “ Brahmins in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan are not yet ready to accept the Dalit

leadership both socially and politically, in Uttar Pradesh they were compelled to [accept

Dalit leadership] by persistent rise of OBC and Dalit assertion ,but Madhya Pradesh and

Rajasthan have not reached that stage.”(110)

Earlier, though BSP remained prominent on the political scene in Uttar Pradesh,

yet it came into power only through alliance politics; this is the first time, when it has

won the majority on its own.

The last single party government was made by BJP in 1991, which eventually got

dismissed by the centre following the demolition of Babri Mosque at Ayodha. In 1993,

BSP fought the polls together with SP and won 175 seats, though BJP had 177 seats yet

Congress extended its support to SP-BSP alliance and Mulayam Singh Yadav became the

Chief Minister. This development was short lived, as both parties turned bitter foes, after

the attack on Mayawati. The assembly polls of 1996 saw BSP forging alliance with

Congress, though BJP won 176 seats but no other party aligned with BJP. Consequently,

Mayawati became Chief Minister for the first six months but later broke the alliance

throwing the state into political turmoil. The assembly election in 2002 saw SP as the

single largest party with 143 seats, while BSP and BJP secured 98 and 88 respectively.

Two months after the polls BJP and BSP formed an alliance and Mayawati became CM

but resigned after the Taj-heritage scam episode. Eventually, Mulayam Singh Yadav

filled the vacuum.(111)

In recent elections, BSP has won absolute majority after 14 years. It is facing

tremendous challenges regarding bettering the lot of its majority voters (70 per cent

Dalits) and equal opportunity for all, both in private and public sector and maintaining

the inclusive coalition of Brahmin-Muslim-Dalit voters.(112) There is a popular consensus

that BSP is placed “best of all” as far as the next Lok Sabha elections are concerned.

According to Arun Nehru, “Ms Mayawati and BSP can win 40 to 50 seats in the next Lok

Sabha elections.”(113) This alteration has in fact changed the course of Indian politics.

Another strong contender has entered in that very race. Hopes are high, regarding the

betterment of Dalits.

24

Dalit factor seems to dominate the Indian political scene in other states as well.

In Punjab Shiromani (Aklai Dal), a Sikh based party, has formed government with BJP.

Sikh sections of society are exceedingly active in persuading the Dalits of Punjab, which

constitute almost 28 per cent (Census 2001). “Sacha Sauda” a new religious cult which

calls for no religious affinities and end to caste-based discrimination has been devised by

Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh which has 160 branches in 16 states and 30 million followers

nationwide. Its egalitarian principles have attracted large sections of Dalits. According to

Punjab Police, “over 70 per cent of its (Sacha Sadhu) members are Dalits.”(114) Another

Sikh movement like that of Bhant Singh, a Dalit Sikh (who lost his hand and leg when

beaten up by an upper caste Hindu) has also a large Dalit following. Sikhs are somewhat

successful in winning the trust of Dalits.

In Tamil Nadu where the Dalit constitute almost 19 per cent of population, the

political scene is dominated by a Dravidian party, Dravida Munnetra Kazagham (DMK)

which apparently adopted the vision of legendary Dalit leader, E.V Ramaswami Naicker,

but in reality it has ignored its basic tenets of fighting against the social injustices and

adopted the rules of power politics.(115)

In West Bengal where Dalits constitute 23 per cent, Communist party of India

(CPI) leads coalition government since the past 30 years. They encompass large support

from Dalit sections. With their slogan regarding land reforms “Kisan Sabha” CPI has

attracted a large section of Dalits.(116)

In Bihar where Dalits are 15 per cent of total population, Naxalite groups are

operational in 36 out of total 54 districts. These groups have a large following of Dalits.

An incident of mass killings by Ranvir Sena (upper caste group of land lords) on

December 1, 1997 in village Laxmunpur (of district Jehanabad) shot dead 64 Dalits. This

incident culminated in raising Dalit support for communists.(117)

In Himachal Pradesh where Dalits constitute 40 per cent of the electorate,(118)

Congress has established the government. Here an interesting event illuminated the

importance of Dalits in deciding the fate of political parties during the state elections of

2003. Congress accused BJP government of discrimination against Kangra, the biggest

district, thickly populated with Dalits. On the contrary the Chief Minister P.K. Dhumal’s

25

own ministers and party men (BJP) accused him of ignoring the biggest district of the

state. And eventually Congress took the lead by assuring its support for Dalits.(119)

In a nutshell, with the passage of time the Dalit factor is becoming increasingly

prominent in Indian politics. Whether it has the potential of affecting the solidarity of

Indian federation is a questionable prospect.

Dalits: A heaving volcano? Future scenario Nowadays whenever an atrocity related to Dalits is reported, there is wide

ranging protest. Dalits are becoming aware of their rights and are forcing the authorities

to think and act for them. By gaining political rights, the Dalit community now has a say

in national affairs. Dalits are now being heard through various channels like political

parties, media, NGO’s etc. The acknowledgement of the problem is there but concrete

steps are needed to change the plight of those who remain ‘lowest’ in the society. If their

wounds remain undressed, their distress can take shape of anger. For instance, in Haryana

(30th August 2007), an angry mob of Dalits, protesting against the murder of a young

Dalit by higher caste Hindus, burnt two buses in Bhiwani. In another protest (in Karnal)

the angry mob of Dalits set fire to vehicles on the road.(120) Some scholars are of the view

that if Dalit anger is consolidated into power, it could have the potential to destabilize the

country.(121) But the question arises would Dalits be able to unite themselves in order to

raise a collective movement for gaining a separate status and secondly, do they really

want a separate status?

Objectively speaking, the caste hierarchy system in which the issue is rooted is a

part of Indian society and is very much there in the community of Dalits as well. There

are numerous sub castes within Dalits, who do unto themselves, what is done to them.

Mahar, Ganda, Ghasi, Mala, Madiga, Jatavs, Pasi are some of the higher castes in Dalits

whereas Chamar (leather worker) and chora/Bhangi (manual scavengers) fall lowest in

the hierarchy. For instance, in the state of Maharastra, the Mahar are the “first of the last”

and are given priority in taking water from the wells (of Dalits), in owning tax free land

and so on.(122) Not only on societal level but on the political level also, Dalit community

is divided . In Tamil Nadu, Dalit sections are divided between two Dalit parties DMK

and AIDMK. In UP the electoral power is divided between SP and BSP, both acclaim

26

Dalit affiliations. Though Mayawati due to her phenomenal victory is looking towards

Delhi,(123) yet it is early to predict such a development.

The access to political power of Dalits is increasing indeed; it is a step forward in

the democratization of politics. Dalits themselves want a share in Hindu society; they

want to assimilate in it. The urge for a separate status is not felt so far. Consequently,

“conversion” which is seen as a “protest”(124) in Indian media is in Buddhism, which is

closer to Hinduism and is accepted in Indian society, which further emphasizes their urge

of becoming a respectable part of Indian society. Dalits consider India their home; they

do not have any linkages or affiliations outside India. Their potential if utilized can be

increasingly beneficial in economic progress of India. A famous scholar MV Kamath is

of the view, “We are not doing any favour to the downtrodden in helping them rise to a

greater stature. What we would gain is to strengthen India in its march towards super-

powerhood.”(125)

But how this deprived and rejected section of Indian society can be made a part

of it? The solution can be found in the existing Indian set up firstly through Dalits’ access

to political power (already underway) and secondly, through India’s march towards

global market economy. India is speedily moving towards industrialization and global

market economy(126) which will generate jobs and eventually increase urbanization,

making discrimination inapplicable, according to Sagarika, “in the cities, caste practices

cannot operate because it is difficult to avoid a stranger’s shadow in a bus or a road side

restaurant.”(127)

Therefore, favors as well as atrocities on the basis of caste need be discouraged

to close the chapter of segregation of any kind whether affirmative or negative. Because

discrimination can never be positive, it eats on the self respect of an individual as

Sagarika Ghose has rightly said, “the empowered Dalit remains socially trapped--

precisely because his empowerment comes on the basis of the basis of the very social

category that he is trying to rise from.” (128) Therefore abandonment of caste based

identity can be supportive, in order to change the peculiar mindset of Hindus. The caste

system will become subtle, in India’s new journey towards modernity and global market

27

economy. Opening up of market will result into urbanization where ‘discrimination’

could not be practised.

Concluding reflections Dalits constitute a large section (more than 160 million) of the Indian society,

which needs to be empowered and assimilated in the fabric of India that is secluded on

the basis of religious prejudice about Dalits’ pariah status. But this situation is more

prevalent in rural areas of India.

The reservation system introduced by the Indian constitution has helped in many

ways in bringing Dalits to the land of opportunity. This favour has enabled them to

appear in an effective manner both in government and public sector. But as a matter of

fact, influential Dalits in Indian society can be counted on fingers.

The Dalit problem has become an international concern owing to efforts of

various non governmental organizations working in India. In a conference organized by

United Nations in March 2007 against discrimination, the Asia Director of Human Rights

Watch Brad Adams said, “The UN Committee’s concluding observations confirm that

India has failed to properly protect Dalits and tribal communities.” This

acknowledgement is a success of NGO’s working in India for bringing the issue in the

limelight. Apart from these efforts, the prevailing systems in India of democracy and

liberalization of economy will ease the Dalit problem in the long run.

An important development regarding the participation of Dalits in politics and

the making of a single Dalit party government in Uttar Pradesh has surely changed the

course of the tide in favour of Dalits. Mayawati as a remarkable strategist is

endeavouring to replicate the same strategy in order to gain power in other states as well.

Her optimism, strengthened by her success in Uttar Pradesh has enabled her to look

towards Delhi as well. This dream can be turned into reality by an All-India Dalit party.

Such a development will surely help to decrease the practice of discrimination against

Dalits in rural areas. Mayawati has also stressed upon the government to allocate

reservation for Dalits in private sector as well, which will surely improve the lot of

Dalits. India in its move towards open market economy will generate jobs, leading to a

massive shift of rural population to urban areas. This urbanization will help to end

28

discrimination, making everyone equally eligible to participate in national progress. For

instance, modernity and liberalization of economy have helped America to reduce

discrimination against ‘Blacks’. Some sections of Indian society are taking the massive

conversion of Dalits to Buddhism (27th May 2007) as a bad omen for Indian federation,

but with the phenomenal victory of Mayawati and the growing chances of her gaining

more power will alter the situation altogether.

India in its march towards modernity will gradually adopt meritocracy, equality

and opportunity will help fight discrimination. In the meantime, the real issue of poverty

which strengthens the ancient belief of untouchability, needs to be addressed. Poverty

afflicts both Dalits and other upper castes on the whole. According to an estimate by an

NGO, 35,000 people die of hunger everyday.(129) Accordingly, poverty needs to be

targeted, as overemphasis on caste will further segregate Indian society, on the intangible

but increasingly powerful basis of religion.

India if it becomes “Bharat Matta” for all of its citizens without discrimination,

will surely be able to unlock the doors of progress and development with the combined

efforts of one billion people.

29

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. 2001 census.

2. Frances Pritchett. “In the 1940s” (PHP), http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/

pritchett/00ambedkar/timeline/1940s.html.

3. “Beginning of the caste system,” http://adaniel.tripod.com/origin.htm.

4. http://indiarising.files.wordpress.com/2006/03/caste%20system.jpg.

5. L.S.S .O Malley, India’s social heritage, (London: Curzon Press London, 1975)

p.10.

6. See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aryan_Invasion_Theory_%28history_and_

controversies%29.

7. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar What Gandhi and Congress have done with

untouchables? Thacker, 1946, p.250.

8. http://www.sevabharathi.net, SEVA BHARATHI TRUST HLBLI, inspiration

taken from Swami Vivekananda.

9. Sagarika Ghose, “The dalit in India - caste and social class” Social, Spring 2003

http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2267/is_1_70/ai_102140949.

10. Dr Babasahab Ambedkar’s writings and speeches, Vol. 7, edited by Vasant Moon,

Education department. Who were the Shudras, Govt of Maharashta Publications,

Mumbai 1990.

11. Ibid.

12. Kancha Ilaiah, Why I Am Not a Hindu: A Sudra critique of Hindutva philosophy,

culture and political economy” (Calcutta: Samya, 1996) pp.107-108.

13. Oliver Mendelssohn & Maria Vicziany, “The Untouchables, Subordination,

Poverty and the State in Modern India”, Cambridge University Press, 1998, p.35.

14. Vatsala Vedantam, “Still untouchable: the politics of religious conversion”

Christian Century, 19 June 2002 ://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1058/

is_13_119/ai_88581910.

15. India’s untouchable millionaire entrepreneur who escaped the rigid caste system

warns that it is becoming more divisive as India grows richer. Amelia Gentleman

in Agra. The Observer, London, 6 May 2007, http//:www.observer.co.uk.

30

16. “India’s shame,” cover story Frontline Chennai, 22 September 2006.

17. Balakrinan Rajagopal, “The caste system-India’s apartheid, The Hindu, 21 August

2007.

18. Emily Wax, “A broken people in booming India”, Dawn 2 June 2007.

19. Selected Articles of the Indian Constitution, http://www.hrw.org/reports/

1999/india/India994-15.htm.

20. Amit Bhattacharya, “Who are the OBCs?” TNN/The Times of India, 8 April

2006http://www.theotherindia.org/caste/who-are-the-obcs.html.

21. Ram Kelkar, “Forever separate and unequal,” 23 April 2007,

http://in.rediff.com/news/2007/apr/23guest.htm.

22. “Casting for votes” cover story, Frontline 15 November 2006.

23. “SC refuses to vacate stay on OBC quota,” The Times of India. 8 August 2007.

24. P. V Indirean “Caste based reservation quality of education to suffer”, The Tribune,

Chandigarh 27 November 2006.

25. S.P. Udayakumar “Reservation needs revamping” The Hindu 1 July 2003.

26. Udit Raj, “Quota for Dalits in private sector — It is in the larger interest of India”

The Tribune Chandigarh, 7 September 2004. http://www.tribuneindia.com/

2004/20040907/edit.htm#4.

27. “An introduction of Ruth Manorama” ** http://en.wikipedia.org/

wiki/Ruth_Manorama.

28. P. D. Mathew, What You Should Know About the Police (New Delhi: Indian Social

Institute, 1996), p. 10.

29. http://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/india/India994-11.htm “Human Rights Watch

report.”

30. National Crime Records Bureau (Ministry of Home Affairs), “Crime in India”

1994, as quoted in Sakshi, Gender and Judges: A Judicial Point of View (New

Delhi, 1996), p.9.

31. Ibid.

32. Vidya Subramanian “A System against dalits”, The Hindu, 14 March 2007.

33. Emily Wax “A broken people in booming India, Dawn, 22 June 2007.

31

34. “Boiling dal poured on dalit women”, The Tribune, 1 September 2007.

35. “Alahal dalits march to Minister’s house, The Hindu, 12 August 2007.

http://ww.thehindu.com/2007/08/12/stories/2007081252800300.htm.

36. “Boiling dal poured on dalit women” ref 34.

37. Dalit leader abused for daring to sit on a chair,” Indo-Asian News Service, 10 July

2006.

38. Dalit worker beaten on suspicion of theft,” Indo-Asian News Service, 23 June 2006.

39. Dalit Lynched While Gathering Grain,” Indian Express, 25 April 2006.

40. Dalit beaten for entering temple,” Indo-Asian News Service, 22 February 2006.

41. UP Dalit girl resists rape, loses arm as a result,” Hindustan Times, 13 February

2006.

42. Dalit tries to fetch water, beaten to death,” Indo-Asian News Service, 4 February

2006.

43. “What is the Dalit-Bahujan Emancipation Movement All About , major debates

continue about caste discrimination,” by Joseph D’souza International, President

Dalit Freedom Network, December 2005 http://www.dalitnetwork.org/go?/

dfn/who_are_the_dalit/C102/.

44. “India’s Shame” Frontline 22 September 2006.

45. Quoting Leelaben of Paliyad village from Mari Marcel Thekaekara, “A continuing

social outrage,” Frontline, 4–17 October 1997.

46. “One lakh people convert to Buddhism,” The Hindu 27 May 2007.

47. “Hindus convert to Buddhism in mass meet,” Khaleej Times online, 27 May 2007.

48. “Thousands of Dalits embrace Buddhism,” Hindustan Times 4 November 2001.

http://hindustantimes.cim/nonfram/041101/dalnat14.asp.

49. Vatsala Vedantam, “Untouchables: The politics of religious conversion,” 19 June

2002.

50. “One lakh people convert to Buddhism,” http://www.hindu.com/2007/05/28/

stories/2007052806851200.htm.

32

51. Gopal Guru, “India’s ‘hidden apartheid’ - caste system,” UNESCO Courier.

September 2001. FindArticles.com.http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1310/

is_2001_ Sept?pnum=4&opg=79007221.

52. Vishual Arora “India: Politics behind anti-conversion law,” 21 February 2007.

53. Ibid.

54. Ibid.

55. Prof Khalid Mahmud, “The India shinning ‘paradox,’ Regional Studies, Islamabad,

Summer 2007.

56. Sagarika Ghose, “The dalit in India - caste and social class,” Social, Spring, 2003

http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2267/is_1_70/ai_102140949.

57. Linda Hess, The Bijak of Kabir, (San Francisco: North Point Press,1983) p 25.

58. Sagarika Ghose, ref 56.

59. Christopher Jaffrelot, The Hindu Nationalist movement in India (New Delhi:

Viking, 1993).

60. “The Dalit predicament,” The Dalit, Jan-Feb 2002.

61. Address delivered by Ambedkar, MA, PhD, DSc., Barrister-at-Law Member,

Governor-General's Executive Council (Bombay: Thacker & Co, Ltd. 1943)

http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00ambedkar/txt_ambedkar_

ranade.html.

62. http://www.ambedkar.org/Babasaheb/Commandments_of_Baba_Saheb.htm

63. Vasant Moon (ed), Dr Babasahab Ambedkar — writings and speeches, Vol 19

(Bombay: Maharastra Government publication [1979-1991] , Vol.9:291.

64. Dhananjay Keer, Dr Ambedkar: Life and Mission, (Bombay: Popular Prakashan

1990) p.168.

65. K.R Narayanan’s farewell address to the nation, http://pib.myiris.com/speec/

article.php3?f=0207251515120.

66. Introduction of T. Rajshekar http://www.dalitvoice.org/book.htm

67. “India’s Untouchables,” National Geographic magazine June 2003.

68. Neema Kudva, Uneasy Relations, NGOs and the State in Karnataka, India Cornell

University paper to be presented at the Karnataka Conference/Cornell

33

University/The World Bank Bangalore, 10-12 June, 2005. (Research conducted by

CAF (Charity Aid Foundation) and VANI (Voluntary Action Network) India.

69. Leo Bashyam, head of Asia team, Christian aid, International Development Aid,

“Addressing Dalit issues,” http://www.dalits.org/internationaldevelopment.htm.

70. Ibid.

71. http://www.dalits.org.

72. www.dalitnetwork.org/.

73. . http://www.idsn.org/.

74. http://www.dalits.nl/english.html.

75. Ibid.

76. Vivek Kumar, “Dalit Diaspora Joins The Fight,” The Indian Express 24 May 2003.

77. “Hague conference on Dalit women”, 20-21 November 2006, the Netherlands

http://www.franciscansinternational.org/docs/statement.php?id=478.

78. Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, UN edited

Version, 19 February-9 March http://www.icj.org/IMG/INDIA-CERD.pdf.

79. Review by Allison Elliott, “Caste and The God of Small Things, Fall 1997

http://www.english.emory.edu/Bahri/caste.html.

80. http://dalitvoice.org.

81. http://www.dalits.org/Ambedkar.html.

82. K.G Balakrishnan, “First Dalit to become top Judge,” The Telegraph, Kolkata, 15

January 2007.

83. Christopher Jaffrelot, “Reservations and the Dalits at the Crossroads,” 5 August

2007, http://casi.ssc.upenn.edu/india/iit_Jaffrelot.html.

84. Ibid.

85. Sagarika Ghose, ref.56.

86. Ibid.

87. “Education in English is needed for all,” http://www.dalitnetwork.org/go?/

dfn/news/2007.

88. “Quota in private sector: Chidambaram's assurance, By Our Special

Correspondent, http://www.hindu.com/2004/10/17/stories/2004101711010900.htm.

34

89. Jaffrelot, ref 83.

90. Ibid.

91. “Mayawati demands reservation both in public and private sectors,” The Hindu, 17

September 2007.

92. Narendra Jadhav, Principal Adviser and Chief Economist, Reserve Bank of India,

as quoted in his Interview, “Dalit Dreams,” 16 January 2004, 0000 hrs, IST Times

of India.

93. P. Chennaiah, Secretary National coordination, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya

Vruthidarula Union, “New Challenges Facing Indian Agriculture in the Context of

WTO Agreements on agriculture http://studentorgs.utexas.edu/

aidaustin/conf2004/chennaiah/New_Challenges_Facing_Indian_Agriculture.doc.

94. Khalid Mahmud, “India Shinning Paradox”, Regional Studies, Islamabad, Summer

2007.

95. Tables 1 and 2 adapted from web site, total population taken from census 2001

http://220.226.204.214:9673/ncdhr/campaigns/national-federaton-for-dalit-land-

rights-movements-nfdlrm/.

96. Ibid.

97. Economic Rights of Dalits — Stop Stealing Dalits’ Share in Union & State

Budgets http://220.226.204.214:9673/ncdhr/campaigns/ecnomicrightsofdalits/

98. Table:-Data of implementation of SCP for SC by Central Government in 2006-07.

99. Pratap Bhanu Mehta, “New agenda for Dalits — II, 15 February 2002,

http://www.hinduonnet.com/2002/02/15/stories/2002021500031000.htm.

100. Venkitesh Ramakrishnan, “Winning Formula Dalit Power “Frontline, 1 June 2007.

101. Interview with Mayawati by Vekintesh Ramakrishnan, “Focus on Surva Samaj,

Frontline, 1 June 2007.

102. Anand Teltumbde, “A Mayawi Revolution,” Economic and political weekly, 9 June

2007.

103. Christopher Jaffrelot, “Bahujan Samaj Party in North India: No Longer Just a Dalit

Party” http://cssaame.com/issues/18_1/JAFFRELO.pdf.

35

104. Some of these slogans come from Kanshi Ram, Bahujan Samâj kelye âshâ kî kiran,

(New Delhi: Bahujan Publications, 1992) p.67.

105. Vidya Subrahmaniam, “Travelling in U.P. at election time,” The Hindu 3 May

2007 http://www.hindu.com/2007/05/03/stories/2007050304521100.htm.

106. Praful Bidawi , “India’s dalit’s mini revolution”, The News, 19 May 2007.

107. Vinketish Ramakrishnan “Dalit power”, cover story, Frontline, 1 June 2007.

108. Ibid.

109. Ibid.

110. Ibid.

111. “UP to get single party after 14 years,” http://www.rediff.com/

news/2007/may/11uppoll17.htm.

112. Zoya Hasan “What Next”, Frontline, 1 June 2007.

113. Praveen Swami and Aman Sethi, Politics, religion, and resistance, The Pioneer

New Delhi, The Hindu Online edition of India's National Newspaper, 4 June 2007.

114. Ibid.

115. http://punjabdalitsolidarity.blogspot.com/.

116. John Harris and Andrew Wyatt, “The Changing politics of Tamil Nadu”, 1990s

Conference on State Politics in India in the 1990s: Political Mobilisation and

Political Competition, December 2004.http://www.dcrcdu.org/dcrc/

John%20Harriss.doc.

117. Manohar Mouli Biswas, “Why Dalits in West Bengal are on Protest”

http://www.dalitmirror.com/topic1.html.

118. Smita Narula, Broken People: Caste Violence Against India's "Untouchables”

published 1999,Human Rights Watch Untouchables ISBN 1564322289.

119. Pratibha Chauhan, Factors at Play — Caste politics dominant, Tribune News

Service http://www.tribuneindia.com/2003/20030221/himachal.htm#1.

120. T. K. Rajalakshmi, “Dalit anger in Haryana” in Rohtak Frontline; Volume 21 -

Issue 01, 03–16 January 2004, India’s National Magazine from the publishers of

The Hindu http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl2101/stories/

20040116002703700.htm.

36

121. Sagarika Ghose, ref.56.

122. Christopher Jaffrelot, Dr Ambedkar and Untouchability: Analysing and Fighting

Caste C. Hurst & Co ISBN 1850654492.

123. Mayawati’s plans to rule India, Nazarwala | 28 August 2007 | 18:34 IST rediff.com.

124. S. Vishwanathan, “Conversion as protest in Tuticorin,” Frontline 2 July 2004,

http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl2113/stories/20040702002204500.htm.

125. M V Kamath Dalit Future: A matter of concern”.3rd January 2007,

http://www.newstodaynet.com/guest/0301gu1.htm.

126. Lilianna Baczeski, “lecture discusses India’s industrialization”

http://media.www.dailycampus.com/media/storage/paper340/news/2004/11/12/Ne

ws/Lecture.Discusses.Indias.Industrialization-803241.shtml

127. Sagarika Ghose, ref 56.

128. Ibid.

129. “Shabana on hunger [strike],” by Prachi Pinglay, http://www.hindu.com/2007/

09/25/ stories/2007092562832200.htm.

CONTENTS

Introduction 1

The caste system 2

A kaleidoscopic view of Dalits in society 4

Scheduled castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other

Backward Classes; The Reservation system 6

Women — Dalit among Dalits 7

De-facto segregation of Dalits 8

Propelled trend towards conversion and the restrictions 10

A Dalit is a human; Awakening 12

NGOs fighting for the rights of Dalits

and international concerns 14

Socio-economic share of Dalits in India 16

Dalits in Indian politics 21

Dalits: A heaving volcano? Future scenario 26

Concluding reflections 28

Notes and References 31