30
Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Embed Size (px)

Citation preview

Page 1: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Culture and the Individual

Early Anthropological Work

Page 2: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Racism and Stereotypes

There were two general approaches to understanding diversity prior to the turn of the twentieth century:

1. Individual characteristics are a result of innate traits that are inherited from ancestors; similarities between individuals within a society are due to common ancestry = Racism

2. Individuals in a society are alike because they grow up under the same cultural situations, and can be described accurately using broad stereotypes = National character stereotypes.

Page 3: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Eg. Emanuel Kant & StereotypesAccording to Kant (1789), Germans are:

Homeloving Solid

Intelligent but lacking brillianceIndustriousCleanlyCapableLacking in witLacking in taste OvermethodicalPedantic OrderlyDocile under government

Page 4: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Early Work

Sigmund FreudBronislaw MalinowskiMargaret MeadEdward SapirThe New Freudians (Erikson, Gorer,

Roheim)Abram KardinerCora DuBoisRuth Benedict

Page 5: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Freud: The Oedipal ComplexBoys are sexually attracted to their mothers.Boys resent and are jealous of their father’s sexual

access to their mothers.Boys also love their fathers and need their fathers

love, creating a love/hate relationship.Boys dream about conflict with their fathers,

including murdering their fathers to gain sexual access to their mothers.

Normal, healthy development demands that boys resolve their jealousy and aggressive feelings toward their fathers, and give up sexual fantasies about their mothers.

Page 6: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Malinowski’s Challenge

Who: Bronislaw Malinowski

Where: The Trobriand Islands

What: A natural experiment

Concepts:

Patrilineality vs Matrilineality

Fathers vs Maternal Uncles

Sexuality vs Authority

Evidence vs Interpretation

Page 7: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

The Trobriand Islands

Page 8: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

What Is a Standard Kinship Diagram? A standard kinship diagram has two of each type of

relative EGO can have, one that is male and one that is female. As a result, standard kinship diagram does not have the complexity of most real family diagrams. A standard kinship diagram is shown below. Notice that EGO’s parents each have two siblings, one sister and one brother. Likewise each of these has two children, one male and one female.

Page 9: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

What is a Patrilineage? The diagram below show all relatives in EGO’s

patrilineage in blue. Notice that if a person is in EGO’s patrilineage, all siblings of that person are also in EGO’s patrilineage. EGO’s mother is not part of his patrilineage, nor are any of her family members. His mother is part of another patrilineage that includes 3, 10, 12, 13, 23 and 24.

Page 10: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Patrilineal Inheritance of Property The diagram below shows how property is typically

inherited in a patrilineal system. The blue lines show how inheritance moves from one male individual in a generation to male individuals in succeeding generations.

Page 11: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

What is a Matrilineage? The diagram below show all relatives in EGO’s

matrilineage in pink. Notice that if a person is in EGO’s matrilineage, all siblings of that person are also in EGO’s patrilineage. EGO’s father is not part of his matrilineage, nor are any of his family members. His father is part of another matrilineage that includes 2, 6, 7, 9, 15 and 16.

Page 12: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Matrilineal Inheritance of Property The diagram below shows how property is typically

inherited in a matrilineal system. Notice that females are the links that connect men who will inherit. The pink lines show how inheritance moves from one male individual in a generation to male individuals in succeeding generations. Women do not typically manage property, even in a matrilineal system.

Page 13: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Mother’s Brother in Matrilineages In matrilineal societies, EGO’s mother’s brother is a very

important relative, because he is the one who controls the property that EGO will inherit. EGO is the mother’s brother of his sister’s son(s).

EGO will therefore manage his matrilineage’s property for his sister’s sons to inherit. EGO’s own children will not inherit from him. They will inherit from their mother’s (EGO’s future wife’s) brother(s).

Page 14: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Malinowski’s Findings From Sex and Repression in Savage Society1. Trobrianders are well-adjusted and lacking in obvious

“perversions and neuroses.”• Boys reported no sexual dreams about mothers.• Boys reported some sexual dreams about sisters.• There are no Oedipal legends in Trobriand folklore.• Brother-sister incest is a recurring theme in Trobriand

folklore.• There is no reported mother-son incest.• Some brother-sister cases of incest are reported.• Boys reported no negative feelings toward fathers or

dreams about conflict with fathers; they reported warm, loving relationships.

• Boys reported hostility and hostile dreams involving their maternal uncles.

Page 15: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Malinowski’s Conclusions

This society shows no evidence that would support the presence of the Oedipal

Complex.

The absence of evidence for the Oedipal Complex in Trobriand society means that it cannot be a universal part of human male

development.

Page 16: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

The Freudian Response

The Trobriand maternal uncle and sister symbolized the father and the mother respectively.

Anthropologists lacked the psychoanalytic skill to identify the Oedipal Complex.

Denial in anthropologists caused them to suppress recognition of the Oedipal Complex.

Page 17: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Margaret Mead

The Nature of Adolescence in Samoa

Gender Differences in New Guinea

Child Development in Bali

Childhood Cognition in New Guinea

Page 18: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

The South Pacific

Page 19: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Mead and Samoan Adolescence

American adolescence is a turbulent and difficult time characterized by rebellion and experimentation with sex.

Samoan adolescence is not a time of rebellion and young people do not find the transition to adulthood difficult. Sexuality is not treated as a taboo subject in Samoa and is not a source of rebellion.

Page 20: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Mead: Gender Differences in New Guinea

Three different cultural groups in the Sepik region of New Guinea:

Arapesh Society– both men and women were gentle, responsive and

cooperative.

Tchambuli Society– men were gentle and dependent while women were dominant and impersonal.

Mundugumor Society– both men and women were aggressive, violent and power seeking.

Western ideas about gender traits were contradicted by all three societies, and therefore cannot be universal.

Page 21: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Indonesia

Page 22: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Mead: Childhood in Bali

Mead and her husband Gregory Bateson using field notes, still photos and the first use of film and participant drawings to record culture.

Documented teaching and learning, and child care such as bathing practices that they believed shaped personality.

Page 23: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Mead: Childhood Cognition Animism = the belief that objects, plants and animals have spirits and can take purposeful

action through this spirit. All things have a supernatural/magical component.

In Western culture, children think animistically while adults do not.

In Pere Village on Manus in New Guinea adult belief systems were very animistic.

Mead hypothesized that children should also think animistically as Western children do.

35,000 children’s drawings were collected.

Children depicted realistic things in their drawings, not supernatural things and their animistic thinking increased as they grew older.

This was the reverse of what happened in Western society, and therefore animistic thinking in children was shown NOT to be a universal trait.

Page 24: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Edward SapirEarly proponent of studying the relationship

between culture and personality through “psycholinguistics”.

Hosted the first academic seminars on culture and personality at Yale University in 1930.

Believed that language was an influential shaper of personality as grammatical structures and vocabulary shape thought.

Page 25: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

The Neo Freudians

Erik Erikson studied the impact of child-rearing on adult personality in the Sioux.Cradleboarding caused great frustration that resulted in suppressed rage that translated into adult cruelty, aggression, and ritualized self torture for warriors.

Geoffrey Gorrer studied swaddling of Russian peasant children resulting in generalized rage combined with guilt for feelings against parents that resulted in alcoholism and religiosity.

Page 26: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

The Neo Freudians

Geza Roheim used the Oedipal Complex to explain agricultural practices. - Trobriand boys jammed phallic shaped yams into the earth in their frustration over oedipal issues, and when yams grew, the society began to plant food crops.- Clearing forest for gardens with axes was a metaphor for father castration.

- Egyptian ploughs “penetrated” the earth, and the ox that was used to pull it was a castrated animal.

Page 27: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Abram Kardiner

A Neo Freudian who dropped the Oedipal focus.Inferred from cultural information that there was a

“basic personality structure” for every culture” based on:1. Primary Institutions = shape basic personality structures (child rearing institutions that discipline, inhibit, gratify children)

2. Secondary Institutions = result from basic personality structures (religion, taboosystems, rituals, folktales) and satisfy needs & tensions created in the individual by primary institutions and shape primary institutions.

Page 28: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Abram Kardiner

Page 29: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Cora DuBois

Fieldwork on Alor Island in IndonesiaDerived the concept of “modal personality” from

test data (most common personality traits).Data was biographies, dreams, children’s drawings

and projective tests.Blind analysis of projectives by two individuals.Personality characteristics: suspicious, sneaky,

insecure, apathetic.Babies abandoned in the village each day while

the mother goes to work in the fields, fed only while the women were in village.

Page 30: Culture and the Individual Early Anthropological Work

Ruth Benedict

Patterns of Culture (Southwestern Zuni, Northwest Coast Kwakiutl, Melanesian Dobu) Configurations of personality traits

The Chrysanthemum and the Sword (Japanese) National Character