Cultural Identity, Explanatory Style, and Depression in ... · Depression and the Navajo Defining depression is profoundly complex, especially in the case of adolescents from non-Anglo

R E S E A R C H R E P O R T

Cultural Identity, Explanatory Style,and Depression in Navajo Adolescents

TRACI R. RIECKMANNOregon Health and Science University

MARTHA E. WADSWORTHUniversity of Denver

DONNA DEYHLEUniversity of Utah

This study investigated the interrelationships among cultural identity, explanatory style,and depression in Navajo adolescents. A total of 332 (197 female, 135 male) Navajoadolescents completed 7 self-report measures. These data were used to create, via struc-tural equation modeling, a series of factor models and full structural models. Analysesindicated that current factor structures for explanatory style and depression are ad-equate for use with Navajo adolescents. Increased control and predictability and limitedduration of stressful encounters were both predictive of decreased symptoms of depres-sion. Higher levels of Navajo cultural identity had a modest effect in terms of reducingdepression. Other factors, such as perceived discrimination and urban/reservation do-micile, are important to study to provide an increased understanding of depressionamong Navajo adolescents.• American Indian • adolescent • depression • cultural identity

A growing body of literature exists regardingthe nature, causes, consequences, and cor-relates of mental illness among EuropeanAmerican youth, but very little is knownabout mental illness among American Indi-

ans. We currently lack basic informationabout symptomatology, theoretically soundconceptual models, and interventions forAmerican Indian adolescents. Adverse socio-demographic factors including poverty, vio-

• Traci R. Rieckmann, Department of Public Health and Preventive Medicine, Oregon Health andScience University; Martha E. Wadsworth, Department of Psychology, University of Denver;Donna Deyhle, Department of Education, Culture, and Society, University of Utah.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Traci R. Rieckmann, Depart-ment of Public Health and Preventive Medicine, Oregon Health and Science University, 3181S.W. Sam Jackson Park Road, CB 669, Portland, OR 97239. E-mail: [email protected]

Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology Copyright 2004 by the Educational Publishing FoundationVol. 10, No. 4, 365–382 1099-9809/04/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/1099-9809.10.4.365

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lence, and cultural trauma (forced reloca-tion and acculturation, societal prejudice,and systematic genocide) suggest thatAmerican Indians are at heightened risk formental illness and chronic stress (Hawkins& Blume, 2002; Paniagua, 1994; SixKiller-Clarke, 2002). Depression is the most com-mon diagnosis among teenage girls whoseek services through Indian Health Servicemental health outpatient clinics (Beiser &Attneave, 1982). Learning problems, con-duct disorders, substance abuse, runningaway, and suicide attempts are also reportedat very high rates and are thought to be con-sequences of depression and alienation inAmerican Indian adolescents (Choney, Ber-ryhill-Paapke, & Robbins, 1995; U.S. Officeof Technology Assessment, 1990). Finally,interpersonal stress and depression havebeen identified as risk factors for suicideamong American Indian youth (Dinges &Duong-Tran, 1993; Dinges & Joos, 1988).

Although these limited data suggest thatdepression and its consequences may be asignificant mental health problem, researchon depression in American Indian adoles-cents suffers from two primary limitationsthat prevent firm conclusions in this regard.First, studies focusing on American Indianshave tended to adopt unmodified conceptu-alizations of mental illness developed for Eu-ropean American samples and have failed toexamine cultural variables that might affectdepression in American Indian youth (Joseet al., 1998). Second, significant variationsexist among American Indian tribes, limit-ing the generalizability of findings and sug-gesting the need for tribe-specific, locallybased projects. In the current study, we fo-cused on adolescents living on a reservationin the Southwest.

Cultural Identity

Cultural identity is an important factor toconsider regarding the mental health statusof ethnically diverse individuals (Garza &Lipton, 1984; Helms, 1992; Rowe, Behrens,

& Leach, 1995). For example, it has beensuggested that African Americans who havea strong, positive African American identityare likely to have better mental health thanthose whose racial identity is less positive(Butler, 1975; Pyant & Yanico, 1991). Thisrelationship has not been demonstrated em-pirically within American Indian communi-ties. Two significant factors in the absence ofresearch related to cultural identity andmental health in these communities arewithin-group heterogeneity (i.e., differencesamong individuals and tribes) and the con-textual nature of ethnicity. Thus, ethnicidentity may change depending on environ-mental conditions, specific events or experi-ences, individual processes, and participa-tion in political and social institutions(Stanfield & Dennis, 1993).

Navajo cultural identity is understood toincorporate the values, beliefs, and lifestylechoices that protect Navajo individualsthroughout their lives (White, 1998). Com-posed of family, spiritual, and environmen-tal components, this identity structureguides decision making and interactions.The goal of Navajo cultural identity is to re-inforce the teachings of Navajo forefathersand foremothers and to “make life uniqueand beautiful so that Navajo individuals maysee the corn pollen road of life and walk onthe Holy Peoples Path of Life” (Aronilth,1991, p. 20). More specifically, Navajo cul-tural identity has been defined as includingthree key components: family, spirituality,and environment. The family component,referred to as K’ei (relations) among the Na-vajo, signifies an individual’s personal iden-tity (belonging to a family) and his or herresponsibility within the community that heor she represents (White, 1998). The spiri-tual component establishes an individual’sconnection to spirits through his or herclan, Indian name, involvement in traditionsand ceremonies, and personal relationshipswith Navajo deities and divine nature (Rei-chard, 1950). Finally, the environmentalcomponent captures the importance of re-spect for, use of, and appreciation for thenatural processes of the universe (Aronilth,

366 R I E C K M A N N , W A D S W O R T H , A N D D E Y H L E

1991). Thus, the three components interactto form the basis of a Navajo individual’sworldview. According to Aronilth (1994),lack of cultural identity among Navajo youthhas a significant impact on rates of depres-sion and anxiety.

Depression and the Navajo

Defining depression is profoundly complex,especially in the case of adolescents fromnon-Anglo cultural backgrounds. Accordingto Topper (1987), many Navajo believe thatspiritual imbalance is the cause of illness.Thus, the etiology and understanding of de-pression from a Navajo perspective may bequite different than is the case from a WhiteWestern perspective. Reichard (1950) notedthat, among many Navajo, mental disease isidentified as the consequence of breakingtaboos. Thus, when individuals do not re-spect restrictions and expectations, prob-lems may surface. In general, for many Na-vajo it is understood that illness will occurwhen the clockwise rotating wind within anindividual (“wind soul”) is out of harmonywith other spiritual forces in the universe(Topper, 1987).

According to the Navajo way, a personmay suffer symptoms of depression becausehe or she is out of balance and in need ofcare (J. M. Martin, personal communica-tion, May 11, 1999). When Navajo individu-als neglect their responsibilities to spiritualbeings, they may find themselves sick, anx-ious, unproductive, or depressed. They mayalso suffer from mood disturbance whenthey are shunned by others because of theirlack of adherence to expectations. Accord-ing to J. M. Martin (personal communica-tion, May 25, 1999), these expectations aresets of beliefs related to how “Navajo” a per-son is, as well as his or her place in Navajosociety. Thus, individuals may be shunnedby others if cultural and spiritual expecta-tions are violated, leading to isolation, de-pression, and anxiety. Further, interpreta-tion of the term from English to Navajo

suggests that there is no direct translationfor depression. Navajo language and culturefocus on mental health or hozho nashado,which refers to having the ability to “loveand work” (White, 1998). Thus, descriptionsof low mood, irritability, and other symp-toms related to depression are often ob-scure, in that individuals manifest, experi-ence, and interpret their symptoms inunique, culturally bound ways.

Although research suggests higher thanaverage rates of suicide, drug and alcoholproblems, physical abuse, depressive symp-tomatology, and alienation from family andcommunity among American Indian youth(Beauvais, 1992; LaFromboise & Howard-Pitney, 1995; Manson, Beals, Dick, & Duclos,1989), there is an absence of current, com-prehensive depression prevalence rates(Manson, Ackerson, Dick, Baron, & Flem-ing, 1990). Among Navajo youth, there is apaucity of information regarding depres-sion, substance abuse, and mental healthstatus. Participative opinions, however,point toward high prevalence rates. For ex-ample, most adolescents who seek mentalhealth treatment at Navajo area IndianHealth Services facilities are diagnosed asdepressed (White, 1998). Evidence also sug-gests that depression among Navajo adoles-cents contributes to suicide, suicide at-tempts, and delinquency (Grossman,Milligan, & Deyo, 1991). Depression is con-sistently cited in the literature on AmericanIndian youth as a regular, almost commonoccurrence, yet there is little empirical evi-dence for this assertion and almost no re-search regarding the etiology of this disor-der. In addition, little is known aboutfamilial, sociocultural, and other variablesthat probably play a role in the developmentand maintenance of the disorder (LaFrom-boise, 1988).

Explanatory Style

According to Bechtold, Manson, and Shore(1994), “many, if not most, Indian/Native

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children and adolescents live in environ-ments and under circumstances involvingsignificant stress” (p. 101). Rates of aggres-sion, violent crime, and accidental deathsare higher on reservation lands than in thegeneral U.S. population (Centers for Dis-ease Control and Prevention, 2003; Robin,Chester, Rasmussen, Jaronson, & Goldman,1997). American Indian adolescents alsoface numerous chronic stressors, includingpoverty, discrimination, and forced accul-turation. Although significant variance sur-rounds the definition and measurement ofstress, this construct continues to resurfacein the literature on American Indian youth.

According to Lazarus and Folkman(1984), a transactional model can be used tounderstand the interaction among stressfulevents and the perceptions or explanationsindividuals have about these events. Whenpeople find themselves in a stressful envi-ronment, they are in a process of constantlyreappraising or explaining their relation-ships with that environment. Explanatorystyle refers to attributions of what caused astressful event and appraisals made aboutthe situation and its potential relevance. Ac-cording to Seligman and Peterson (1986),attributional style can be defined as the ha-bitual manner in which a person explainsthe causes of positive and negative events.The literature on attributions suggests threedimensions: internal versus external, stableversus unstable, and global versus specific(Joiner & Wagner, 1995).

Appraisal is defined as a nonstatic evalu-ation of an event that is taking place. Thecurrent literature identifies six appraisal di-mensions: (a) salience, (b) predictability,(c) control, (d) novelty, (e) duration, and(f) causality (Vitaliano, Russo, Weber, & Ce-lum, 1993). More specifically, salience canbe described as the personal importance ofan event. If the stressful encounter is notsalient, then there will be little or no emo-tion, and distress is unlikely. Predictability isunderstood as anticipation of a stressfulevent, and although this dimension is notwell researched, it appears that decreasinguncertainty of stressful events is associated

with more effective coping and positive well-being. Control refers to individuals’ percep-tions regarding their ability to influence ormaster a stressful encounter. Perceived con-trol is associated with improved psychologi-cal functioning (Deuser & Anderson, 1995;Jenkins & Pargament, 1988). Beliefs indi-viduals have about the controllability of astressful encounter influence their decisionsto master or change circumstances (Com-pas, Banez, Malcarne, & Worsham, 1991).Novelty is simply one’s familiarity with a situ-ation. Again, there is a limited amount ofempirical evidence regarding the psycho-logical impact of perceptions of novelty. Du-ration is the length of exposure to a stressfulencounter. It has been established that in-creased exposure or duration is related topoorer psychological functioning over time(Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Causality is anindividual’s explanation regarding what ledto or prompted a particular event.

An extensive body of literature suggeststhat a negative explanatory style is associatedwith self-reported and clinical depressionamong Anglo adolescents (Joiner & Wag-ner, 1995). More depressed children arelikely to explain or appraise failure experi-ences as internal or caused by them (“It’s myfault”), as long lasting, and as occurringacross situations (global). These same chil-dren appear to attribute successful events toexternal (“Someone else made it happen”)and event-specific (“It’s just this situation”)causes.

Overall, explanations made with regardto an individual’s interaction with his or herenvironment are likely to be culturallydriven. According to Deyhle and Swisher(1996), cultural beliefs, attitudes, and be-haviors can be observed in communicationpatterns, interrelational styles, and social val-ues. It appears likely that cultural identityinfluences an individual’s explanatory pro-cess. These constructs also correspond tofactors proposed in the indigenous stressand coping model, which expands the vul-nerability hypothesis and work of Dingesand Joos (1988) to include cultural buffersas moderators between stress and health sta-


tus (Walters, Simoni, & Evans-Campbell,2002). Thus, stressful experiences such asloneliness or abandonment may be ap-praised or explained differently by Ameri-can Indians than by European Americans,given their significant history of oppressionand collectivistic orientation. According toO’Nell (1996), loss of interconnectednessand attachment is extremely significant, be-cause history has threatened these “Indian”ways of being. Therefore, Navajo youth maymake causal attributions or appraisals re-lated to loss or separation that are influ-enced by this history.

Cultural beliefs may also influence ex-planatory processes in terms of causality andcontrol. According to Frisbie (1992), tradi-tional Navajo religion is concerned with liv-ing in harmony with supernatural powers(i.e., the universe is filled with living forcesthat have innumerable powers allowingthem to act both against and in favor of hu-man beings). From this perspective, it seemsthat “powerful others” may shift control ap-praisals toward an external response set. Inaddition, these expectations and culturalteachings affect individuals’ perceptions re-garding what led to or prompted an event(causality). According to Topper (1987) andJ. M. Martin (personal communication, May25, 1999), causation may be the result ofneglecting one’s responsibilities or of dis-harmony associated with other spiritualforces in the universe. This imbalance maybe connected with family, community, andenvironmental factors that Navajo youthmay or may not be directly aware of withoutseeking help or consultation through a“medicine person” or “hand trembler” (di-viner). Unfortunately, although theoretical-ly driven, these relationships have not beenexamined empirically.

Further examination of the characterand origin of depression among AmericanIndians is the foremost step in understand-ing the meaning of this concept and poten-tial directions for intervention (Shore &Manson, 1981). Although there are severalwell-established determinants of depression,explanatory processes have been repeatedly

examined as a critical construct within An-glo populations. The present study exam-ined the constructs of cultural identity, ex-planatory style, and depression in Navajoyouth residing in the Navajo Nation. Boththe absence of literature on and the lack ofoperationalization of these constructs inAmerican Indian communities point to theneed for explanatory and confirmatory ap-proaches designed to provide a better un-derstanding of their factor structures. Fur-ther, in keeping with current theoreticalconceptualizations of stress and the indig-enous stress and coping model, we exam-ined relationships among explanatory style,depression, and Navajo cultural identity(Walters et al., 2002). In hypothesized par-tial and full structural models, cultural iden-tity served as an independent variable, andexplanatory style and depression were de-pendent variables. Thus, on the basis (inpart) of the indigenous stress and copingmodel, Navajo youth with strong culturalidentities are likely to have more positiveexplanatory styles and should therefore ex-perience fewer symptoms associated withdepression.

Method

Participants

Three hundred thirty-two Navajo youth (135male, 197 female) participated in this study.One hundred sixteen (35%) of the partici-pants were in the 10th grade, 125 (38%)were in the 11th grade, and 91 (27%) werein the 12th grade; all were enrolled in publicschool in the Navajo Nation. Participantsranged in age from 14 to 20 years, with 41%14 to 16 years of age and 59% 17 to 20 yearsof age. Participant lists were generatedthrough a systematic random sample strati-fied according to gender and grade. Re-searchers met with selected students andsent home consent forms to be signed byparents or guardians. Students who re-turned signed consent forms then com-pleted written questionnaires at school. Par-


ticipants received two coupons for meals at alocal restaurant after completing their re-search materials.

Measures

BIOGRAPHICAL QUESTIONNAIRE. The bio-graphical questionnaire contained 31 self-report items and was used to capture demo-graphic data, including age, class standing,gender, religious preference, and acting-outbehaviors.

DIMENSIONS OF STRESS SCALE. The Dimen-sions of Stress Scale (DSS) is a 24-item self-report questionnaire designed to assess ap-praisals of personal relevance and control,stressor properties, and self-attributions (Vi-taliano et al., 1993). Each part of the scalebegins with a stated problem or stressfulevent that the participant is asked to imag-ine while responding to statements regard-ing his or her perspective and response tothe stressor. For this project, two vignetteswere presented, one of a family argumentand another prompting appraisal related topoor academic performance. The six DSSscales (8 items each) are (a) duration (theperceived length of the stressor), (b) pre-dictability (the level to which the person canpredict the outcome of the event), (c) con-trol (the extent to which the person has con-trol over the outcome), (d) causality (theextent to which the stressor is perceived asbeing attributed to the person), (e) salience(personal relevance), and (f) novelty (theextent to which the event is new). In thepresent sample, internal consistency esti-mates for the DSS ranged from .44 to .70.

NAVAJO CULTURAL IDENTITY MEASURE. Navajocultural identity was assessed with the NavajoCultural Identity Measure (NCIM; White,1998). This instrument, developed by a Na-vajo researcher, is composed of 152 itemscovering three dimensions of Navajo cul-tural identity: family, spirituality, and envi-ronment. The NCIM was developed throughpersonal interviews and interpretations ofNavajo philosophical and spiritual material,

and it is based on the ideals, values, andstandards of the Hozhooji Nahagha (“BeautyWay Ceremony”). The NCIM contains sixscales measuring family, spiritual, and envi-ronmental knowledge and family, spiritual,and environmental attitudes. Internal con-sistency estimates for the instrument rangedfrom .82 to .95 in this sample.

CHILDREN’S DEPRESSION INVENTORY. TheChildren’s Depression Inventory (CDI; Ko-vacs, 1985) is a 27-item self-report question-naire designed to assess cognitive, behavior-al, and neurovegetative signs of depressionin children. Although the CDI is not de-signed as a diagnostic tool, the instrument’sauthor suggests a cutoff score of 11 for de-termining depression. According to Reyn-olds (1986), the CDI has an alpha reliabilitycoefficient of .87. The internal consistencywas .87 for the total CDI scale used in thisanalysis.

MINNESOTA MULTIPHASIC PERSONALITY INVEN-TORY. Participants also completed the Min-nesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory–Adolescent Form (MMPI-A; Butcher et al.,1992). In view of the primary purpose of thisstudy, Scale 2 (Depression) and the depres-sion content scale were used to assess thecorrelation between components of Navajocultural identity and depression. Internalconsistency estimates have been shown torange from .40 to .89 across the basic validityand clinical scales (Butcher et al., 1992).More specifically, in the normative sample,Scale 2 (Depression) had internal consis-tency coefficients of .65 for boys and .66 forgirls. Test–retest reliability coefficientsranged from .62 to .82 across the contentscales; the retest coefficient of the depres-sion content scale, which was used in thisstudy, was .82. Internal consistency coeffi-cients in this sample were .60 for the clinicalscale and .75 for the content scale.

DSM–IV QUESTIONNAIRE FOR DEPRESSION.The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Men-tal Disorders (4th ed.; DSM–IV; American Psy-chiatric Association, 1994) questionnaire


was developed specifically for this project.This 37-item true–false measure was basedon DSM–IV criteria for major depression.The format of the questionnaire allowed stu-dents to simply circle true or false next tosymptoms listed after the prompt “Every dayover the last two weeks I have. . . .” Internalconsistency for the scale was good, with thealpha coefficient calculated at .83.

Data Analysis

Structural equation modeling (SEM) wasthe primary analytic strategy used in thisstudy. SEM allows for multiple measures of agiven construct and accounts for measure-ment error while allowing for analysis of me-diating relationships (Robitschek & Kashu-beck, 1999). A confirmatory factor analysiswith a maximum-likelihood estimationmethod was programmed with EQS struc-tural modeling software (Bentler, 1995).Model fit was evaluated and adjustmentsmade to the factor structure to determinethe best model for the data.

The data were examined for normality ofdistribution, adequacy of covariance, andminimal standards for sample size. This pro-cess revealed that some of the measuredvariables were not distributed normally, aviolation of the normality assumption re-quired for SEM (Tabachnick & Fidell,1996). As a result, linear z-score transforma-tions were used to equate the variance of thevariables while retaining each indicator’sdistributional qualities. Proposed measure-ment models were tested for each factor in-cluded in the final structural model. Good-ness of fit was determined through chi-square analyses, the Bentler and Bonett(1980) nonnormed fit index (NNFI), andthe Bentler comparative fit index (CFI).Even though chi-square statistics have a ten-dency to reject adequate models with largesample sizes, chi-square tests comparing thecovariance matrix of the specified modelwith the observed variables are reported as amatter of standard practice (Hu & Bentler,1995). The CFI is an estimate of the extent

to which sample variance and covariance arereproduced by the proposed model; valuesgreater than .90 indicate adequate fit(Bentler, 1995; Bollen & Long, 1993). Theo-retically sound measurement models withadequate statistical fit were used to generatepartial and full structural models in an at-tempt to further explore relationshipsamong the latent variables.

Results

Subscale scores and internal consistency es-timates were generated for each of the in-struments used in the study. Means, stan-dard deviations, and internal consistencyreliability estimates used are reported inTable 1 for the five scales from the DSS, theCDI total scale, the DSM–IV question-naire total scale, the MMPI-A clinical andcontent scales for depression, and six NCIMsubscales.

Navajo Cultural Identity Measure Model

A two-factor correlated Navajo cultural iden-tity model was proposed and tested. Themodel, presented in Figure 1, included cul-tural knowledge and cultural attitude. Eachof these factors was based on three subscalesmeasuring family, environmental, and spiri-tual domains of Navajo cultural knowledgeand Navajo attitudes. A modest correlationof .47 was observed between the knowledgeand attitude factors. In the case of bothscales, the highest loadings were for thespiritual subscales (.82 for knowledge and.90 for attitudes). The indexes for thismodel suggested an excellent fit, �2(8, N =332) = 43.30, p = .0000, NNFI = .92, CFI =.96. The chi-square value was significant butless than twice the number of degrees offreedom for the model, a common bench-mark for evaluating fit with chi-square tests.The other fit indexes also indicated a goodfit between the data and the proposedmodel of Navajo cultural identity.


Explanatory Style Measurement Models

Confirmatory factor analysis was used to ex-amine the fit of several proposed measure-ment models for the explanatory style con-struct. Factor loadings indicated that theDSS novelty subscale made little or no con-tribution to the hypothesized factor; thenonsignificant loading and the low alpha co-efficient (.44) suggested that this subscaledid not contribute common variance to theconstruct of explanatory style. It wasdropped from the model.

The final measurement model for ex-

planatory style is presented in Figure 2. Thismodel included two factors: (a) positive ex-planatory style (consisting of the DSS dura-tion, predictability, and control scales) and(b) negative explanatory style (consisting ofthe DSS causality and salience scales). Posi-tive explanatory style comprised stressfulevent perceptions relating to a shorter dura-tion and a predictable encounter that couldbe influenced by an individual (control).Negative explanatory style included the sa-lience or increased importance of the stress-ful situation and personal responsibility

Figure 1. Cultural identity model: �2(8, N = 332) = 43.30, p = .00, nonnormed fit index = .92,comparative fit index = .96. CI Attitude = cultural attitude; CI Know = cultural knowledge.

TABLE 1 Subscales: Number of Items, Means, Standard Deviations, and Alpha Coefficients

Scale and subscale No. of items M SD �

Dimensions of Stress ScaleControl 8 21.47 5.10 .67Salience 8 19.86 5.62 .70Duration 8 19.49 4.94 .61Causality 8 19.27 4.66 .62Predictability 8 16.63 3.83 .42

DepressionCDI total 27 10.00 7.56 .87DSM–IV 24 7.53 4.99 .83MMPI-A clinical 50 20.29 5.05 .60MMPI-A content 24 9.83 4.42 .75

Navajo Cultural Identity MeasureFamily attitude 27 106.67 16.69 .92Family knowledge 26 12.06 6.37 .89Environmental attitude 18 67.16 14.34 .95Environmental knowledge 18 5.00 3.91 .82Spiritual attitude 32 118.00 23.46 .95Spiritual knowledge 31 8.76 5.67 .86

Note. CDI = Children’s Depression Inventory; DSM–IV = Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed.); MMPI-A =Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory Adolescent Form.


(causality). Two observed variables, causalityand control, were allowed to load on each ofthe factors. The highest loading for the posi-tive explanatory style factor was observed forthe duration subscale(.99), and the highestloading for the negative explanatory stylefactor was observed for the salience sub-scale(.71). The cross loadings of causalityand control in this model may indicate thatincreases in personal responsibility translateto more positive explanations for eventsamong some Navajo youth.

These results also suggest that percep-tions of control influence both positive andnegative styles for appraising situations. Al-lowing these two variables to cross load onthe two explanatory style factors allowed themodel to converge and provided the best fitwith the sample data. The fit indexes, �2(3,N = 332) = 4.41, p = .22, NNFI = .98, CFI =1.00, suggested an excellent fit between thedata and the proposed model.

Depression Measurement Models

Figure 3 presents a one-factor depressionmodel that included four observed variablesfrom the DSM–IV questionnaire, total CDI,and MMPI-A content and clinical scales. TheDSM–IV questionnaire had the highest load-ing on the depression factor (.84), and theMMPI-A clinical scale had the lowest loading(.28). The fit indexes, �2(2, N = 332) = 16.60,p = .0003, NNFI = .87, CFI = .96, indicated anadequate fit between the proposed modeland the data.

Partial and Full Latent Structural Models

Figure 4 presents a latent variable model ofthe relationship between explanatory styleand depression in which it was hypothesizedthat individuals with positive explanatorystyles would have lower depression scores.The standardized regression coefficient of−.50 indicated that an increase in positive

Figure 2. Explanatory style model: �2(3, N = 332) = 4.41, p = .22, nonnormed fit index = .98,comparative fit index = 1.00.


explanatory style is associated with a de-crease in self-reported depressive symptoms.The negative explanatory style factor wasalso tested but was not significant (stan-dardized regression coefficient: .02), andthe Wald test suggested dropping thispath as a result of the lack of contribution tothe structural model. The fit indexes, �2(24,N = 332) = 89.99, p = .00, NNFI = .87, CFI =.91, suggested an acceptable fit between the

data and the proposed latent structuralmodel.

The relationship between cultural iden-tity and explanatory style was tested with thelatent variable model presented in Figure 5.The knowledge factor had a standardizedregression coefficient of .28, whereas the at-titude factor predicted the positive explana-tory style factor with a standardized regres-sion coefficient of .20. The fit indexes,

Figure 3. Depression model: �2(2, N = 332) = 16.60, p = .00, nonnormed fit index = .87, comparativefit index = .96. CDI = Children’s Depression Inventory; DSM-IV = Diagnostic and Statistical Manual ofMental Disorders (4th ed.); MMPI-A = Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory Adolescent Form.

Figure 4. Explanatory style (ES) and depression model: �2(24, N = 332) = 89.99, p = .00, nonnormedfit index = .87, comparative fit index = .91. MMPI-A = Minnesota Multiphasic Personality InventoryAdolescent Form; DSM-IV = Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed.); CDI =Children’s Depression Inventory.


�2(39, N = 332) = 103.41, p = .00, NNFI = .92,CFI = .94, suggested an adequate fit with thesample data. The findings point to a signifi-cant but weak relationship between attitudeand situational explanatory factors; how-ever, the relationship between culturalknowledge and positive explanatory factorswas stronger for Navajo youth.

The final full latent structural modelshown in Figure 6 tested the relationshipsamong (a) cultural identity, (b) explanatorystyle, and (c) depression. In this final model,the highest standardized regression coeffi-cient in relationship to depression was posi-tive explanatory style, at −.47. This relation-ship suggests that as Navajo adolescentsexperience increased predictability and con-trol in regard to temporary stressful events,they are less likely to report symptoms ofdepression. In addition, cultural attitudepredicted positive explanatory style, with aregression coefficient of .23. In turn, cul-tural attitude predicted depression, with a

standardized regression coefficient of −.11.The fit indexes, �2(83, N = 332) = 230.50, p= .00, NNFI = .88, CFI = .91, indicated anacceptable goodness of fit between thesample data and the latent variable model.The relationship between cultural attitudeand the positive explanatory style factor wassignificant, as was the relationship betweencultural knowledge and negative explana-tory style. The relationship between culturalattitude and depression in Navajo adoles-cents was significant but weak, most likelyowing to the effect of positive explanatorystyle mediating this relationship.

Discussion and Conclusion

In this study, we examined the factor struc-ture and interrelationships of the constructsof cultural identity, explanatory style, anddepression in Navajo youth. Previous work

Figure 5. Cultural identity and explanatory style model: �2(39, N = 332) = 103.41, p = .00,nonnormed fit index = .92, comparative fit index = .94. CI ATT = cultural attitude; CI KNOW =cultural knowledge.


suggested that depression, substance abuse,learning problems, suicide, and other self-destructive behaviors are significant prob-lems for American Indian youth. Althoughsound prevalence rates of depression arenot available for Navajo youth, research sug-gests that 2%–5% of European Americanadolescents suffer from major depressivedisorder (Lewinsohn, Hops, Roberts, Seeley,& Andrews, 1993) and many of these youthexperience recurring symptoms throughouttheir adolscence. (Lewinsohn, Clarke, See-ley, & Rohde, 1994). According to Nolen-Hoeksema, Girgus, and Seligman (1992),“At any given time, approximately 10%–15%of children in the general population willreport a moderate to severe level of depres-

sive symptoms” (p. 405). As reported by theU.S. Office of Technology Assessment(1990), depression and alienation are sig-nificant problems for American Indian ado-lescents, and several studies have suggestedhigh rates of self-reported depression (Bach-man et al., 1991). In the present sample of135 male and 197 female Navajo adolescentsfrom four different high schools, 14% of theparticipants exceeded the CDI cutoff scoreof 20 suggested for use with unselected orgeneral samples (Kovacs, 1992).

Further analyses of the depression con-struct for the structural modeling portion ofthis study included observed variables fromthe MMPI-A (clinical and content scales),CDI, and DSM–IV questionnaire. The final

Figure 6. Full latent structural model: �2(83, N = 332) = 230.50, p = .00, nonnormed fit index = .88,comparative fit index = .91. CI Attitude = cultural attitude; CI Know = cultural knowledge; ES =explanatory style; CDI = Children’s Depression Inventory; DSM-IV = Diagnostic and Statistical Manualof Mental Disorders (4th ed.); MMPI-A = Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory Adolescent Form.


depression construct supported a one-factormodel based on these four observed vari-ables that corresponded with the hypoth-esized model. Although results were consis-tent with expectations, it is significant tonote that the European American under-standing of the etiology and experience ofdepression employed in this study may nothave fully captured additional symptoms orunique conceptualizations relevant to oursample. For example, symptoms of depres-sion may manifest as stomachaches, othermedical ailments, or even spiritual discon-tent and lack of harmony and balance. Fur-ther, there is no direct translation in theNavajo language for “depression.” Conse-quently, some of the meanings inherent indescriptions of symptoms may also beunique to this population.

The final explanatory style construct re-sulted in two factors: (a) positive explana-tory style and (b) negative explanatory style.In this model, the duration variable fromthe DSS had the highest loading. Further,the control and causality variables loaded onboth positive and negative explanatory sets,suggesting their significance in the explana-tory process. These findings and the associ-ated positive explanatory factor coincidewith the available literature on depression inwhich perceived control, shorter exposureto stressful events, and increased predictabil-ity have been associated with more effectivecoping and positive well-being among Euro-American youth (Deuser & Anderson, 1995;Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). These resultsfurther correspond with the available litera-ture on European American youth, accord-ing to which perceived control plays a sig-nificant role in decision making aroundstressful encounters and is associated withimproved psychological functioning (Com-pas, Orosan, & Grant, 1993; Jenkins & Par-gament, 1988). According to Compas, Con-nor-Smith, Saltzman, Thomsen, andWadsworth (2001), coping incorporatesboth primary control, wherein efforts are di-rected toward changing the situation orone’s emotions, and secondary control,

wherein adapting to the situation isrequired.

Furthermore, there is an extensive litera-ture suggesting that a negative attributionalstyle including internal, stable, and globalattributions is associated with self-reportedand clinically diagnosed depression amongAnglo adolescents (Joiner & Wagner, 1995).The self-responsibility or causality variableused in this study may have captured theinternal locus and the increased salience ofthe stressful encounter that are likely to re-sult in elevated levels of distress (Vitaliano etal., 1993; Weiner, 1980). Thus, these ob-served variables correspond with a negativeexplanatory set. In addition, causality is de-scribed by attribution theory as an explana-tion made by an individual regarding re-sponsibility for an event, as well as theindividual’s ability to influence the event.According to Vitaliano and colleagues(1993), among European Americans, ap-praisals of causality and control influenceone another. The cross loading of these twoconstructs also corresponds with Weiner’s(1980) assertion that causality itself may beseparated into locus, duration, and control-lability in the explanatory process. Navajoyouth may experience increased personalresponsibility as positive because they per-ceive greater influence or control over theevent without seeking traditional healingthrough a medicine person or diviner,which would draw the problem to their fami-ly’s attention and demand more resources.Thus, the results of this study suggest thatthe relationships among control, causality,and explanatory style are also critical forNavajo youth.

In addition, a significant relationship wasfound between positive explanatory styleand depression. More specifically, Navajoadolescents who perceive higher levels ofcontrol, shorter event durations, and morepredictability in stressful encounters may beless likely to suffer from depression. The re-lationship between the positive style factorand depression accounted for a significantportion of the variance (25%) in the model,suggesting that this factor is important in


conceptualizing explanatory processes andtheir associations with depression amongNavajo youth. This finding corresponds withliterature on European American youthshowing that attributional style is correlatedwith depression in the case of both depres-sion diagnoses and self-reported depressivesymptoms (Joiner & Wagner, 1995; Lewin-sohn, Joiner, & Rohde, 2001). Further, theresults of this study correspond with previ-ous studies showing that the interaction be-tween negative events and explanatory styleis predictive of depression among older ado-lescents but may not hold in younger popu-lations (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 1992).

In this sample, the salience, or impor-tance, associated with a stressful encounterwas less predictive of experiences of depres-sive symptomatology. This may have beenrelated to structural issues, including pov-erty, racism, substance abuse, depression,and alienation, faced by American Indianyouth (U.S. Office of Technology Assess-ment, 1990). Their history of facing mul-tiple stressors may lead Navajo youth to be-come somewhat desensitized in terms ofdistinguishing how one stressful encounterdiffers from another. Further, it is possiblethat the stressful situations used in this studyto prompt responses (family argument andpoor academic performance) were not asmeaningful to Navajo youth as would havebeen Navajo conceptions of stress such as an“imbalance . . . precipitated by indulging inexcesses, having improper contact with dan-gerous powers, deliberately or unwittinglybreaking other rules, or by malicious inten-tions of unpredictable deities or evil humans[witches]” (Frisbie, 1992, p. 460).

These findings correspond with the re-sults of the full structural model includingcultural identity, explanatory style, and de-pression factors. The correlation betweenthe cultural knowledge factor and negativeexplanatory style was .27, whereas the cul-tural attitude factor had a correlation of .23with positive explanatory style.

Again, a decrease in self-reported de-pressive symptomatology was seen with in-creased positive explanations regarding the

control, predictability, and duration ofstressful events. According to French andPicthall-French (1998), the emphasis amongthe Navajo on “oneness” with nature and thetraditional “corn pollen road of life” or“beauty way” may serve to insulate those whoare fully enculturated from the “harsh reali-ties of their environment” (p. 104). Thus, asthe present findings suggest, increasing aNavajo youth’s sense of cultural awarenessand identity may serve to decrease isolationand increase skills and factors associatedwith resiliency and mental well-being. Ac-cording to Deyhle (1995), youth who main-tain strong Navajo cultural ties are more suc-cessful among their own society and in theAnglo world.

These findings also suggest that in-creased knowledge of the Navajo belief sys-tem may be associated with more personalresponsibility in relation to stressful events.For many Navajo, this knowledge is gleanedover time through experience, interactionswith cultural leaders, and participation intraditional events. Further, it is up to theindividual to live within cultural expecta-tions once he or she has attained the knowl-edge (Farella, 1993). The Navajo youth inthis sample may have been responding interms of their individual developmentallevel; that is, they were not fully educatedregarding all of the “ways” of the Navajo, yetthey were aware of the importance of obtain-ing this knowledge. Perhaps Navajo youthperceive the role of diagnosing and address-ing spiritual disturbances as the responsibil-ity of their Navajo forefathers and foremoth-ers, where they may turn when experiencingmood disturbance or anxiety.

Several limitations of the present studywarrant attention. For example, very littleliterature is available regarding explanatorystyle, cultural identity, and depression acrossethnic groups, and there is a complete lackof literature regarding appraisals and Na-vajo youth. In addition, a portion of thisproject was exploratory in nature; that is,culturally appropriate definitions of the con-structs described have not been clearly es-tablished in the literature. Similarly, existing


instruments designed to capture these con-structs have little or no available data from aNavajo sample, making the potential for cul-tural bias a significant factor in interpretingfindings (Dana, 1998).

Methodological limitations of this studyincluded the cross-sectional design and theself-report nature of the data. Although nec-essary to gain access to the sample popula-tion, participants were identified only bynumber, eliminating the potential for track-ing participants over time. Consequently,potential interpretations and findings arelimited; that is, a cross-sectional study can-not determine whether increased Navajocultural identity is a consequence of or apredisposing factor for depression. Further,the self-report measures used may have re-flected response bias stemming from sociallydesirable responding, a lack of awareness ofthe mental and emotional processes partici-pants were asked to identify, and attempts torespond in ways confirming or disconfirm-ing what participants believed was the pro-posed hypothesis. Longitudinal prospectivestudies that incorporate multidimensionalrepresentations of constructs (behavioralobservations and ratings by significant oth-ers) are necessary to confirm whether or notthe relationships identified here are consis-tent across situations and developmentalstages.

Overall, the findings of this study illus-trate that there are important relationshipsamong the constructs of cultural identityand explanatory style and their potential in-fluence on depression in Navajo youth.Given the current understanding that his-torical factors and cultural abuse may be re-lated to intergenerational mental healthstruggles for American Indians (McNeil,Kee, & Zvolensky, 1999), further researchregarding these dynamic processes is war-ranted. Subsequent research should exam-ine additional instruments to determinetheir applicability to Navajo and AmericanIndian populations. Empirically sound stud-ies are also necessary to provide an under-standing of the unique manifestation of ex-planatory processes, depression, and Navajo

cultural identity so that these constructs maybe appropriately operationalized. Finally, fu-ture research should explore the sequenceand interaction of explanations for, and re-sponses to, stress as generated amongAmerican Indian adolescents.

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Cultural Identity, Explanatory Style, and Depression in ... · Depression and the Navajo Defining depression is profoundly complex, especially in the case of adolescents from non-Anglo