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Favell, A orcid.org/0000-0001-5801-6847 (2020) Crossing the Race Line:“No Polish, No Blacks, No Dogs” in Brexit Britain? or, The Great British Brexit Swindle. In: Duina, F and Merand, F, (eds.) Europe's Malaise: The Long View. Research in Political Sociology, 27 . Emerald , pp. 103-130. ISBN 978-1-83909-042-4

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CROSSINGTHERACELINE 1

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REFERONLYTOCORRECTPUBLISHEDVERSION

CROSSINGTHERACELINE:

“NOPOLISH,NOBLACKS,NODOGS”INBREXITBRITAIN?

OR,THEGREATBRITISHBREXITSWINDLE

ADRIANFAVELL

publishedin:

ResearchinPoliticalSociology,

specialedition(October2020),‘Europe’sMalaise:TheLongView’

editedbyFrancescoDuinaandFrédéricMérand

AdrianFavell,UniversityofLeeds

[email protected]

AdrianFavellisChairofSociologyandSocialTheoryattheUniversityofLeedsandtheauthorof

variousworksonmulticulturalism,migration,cosmopolitanismandcities,includingPhilosophiesof

Integration(Palgrave,1998),TheHumanFaceofGlobalMobility(Transaction,2006),andEurostars

andEurocities(Blackwell,2008).Acollectionofhisessays,Immigration,IntegrationandMobility,

waspublishedin2015(Rowman&Littlefield).


ABSTRACT:

InJune2016,aclearmajorityofEnglishvoterschosetounilaterallytaketheUnitedKingdomoutof

theEuropeanUnion(EU).Accordingtomanyofthepost-Brexitvoteanalyses,thesinglestrongest

motivatingfactordrivingthisvotewas“immigration”inBritain,anissuewhichhadlongbeenthe

centralmobilisingforceoftheUnitedKingdomIndependenceParty.Thearticlefocusesonhow–

followingthebitterdemiseofmulticulturalism–theseBrexitrelateddevelopmentsmaynowsignal

theendofBritain’spost-colonialsettlementonmigrationandrace,theotherpartsofaprogressive

philosophywhichhadlongbeenmarkedoutasaproudBritishdistinctionfromitsneighbours.In

successfullyracialising,lumpingtogetherandre-labellingas“immigrants”threeanomalousnon-

“immigrant”groups–asylumseekers,EUnationals,andBritishMuslims–UKIPleaderNigelFarage

madeexplicitaninsidiousre-castingofideasof“immigration”and“integration,”emergentsincethe

year2000,whichexhumedtheideasofEnochPowell,andthreatenedthestatusofeventhemost

settledBritishminorityethnicpopulations–ashasbeenseenintheWindrushscandal.Centralto

thishasbeentherejectionofthepost-nationalprincipleofnon-discriminationbynationality,which

hadseenitsfullestEuropeanexpressioninBritainduringthe1990sand2000s.Thereferendumon

Brexitenabledanextraordinarydemocraticvoteonthenotionof“national”populationand

membership,inwhich“thePeople”mightopenlyrollbackthevariousdiasporic,multi-national,

cosmopolitan,orhumanrights-basedconceptionsofglobalsocietywhichhadtakenrootduring

thosedecades.ThearticleunpacksthetoxiccocktailthatlaysbehindtheforcespropellingBoris

Johnsontopower.ItalsoraisesthequestionofwhetherBritainwillprovideanegativeexamplarto

therestofEuropeonissuesconcerningthefutureofmulti-ethnicsocieties.

KEYWORDS:

1. Brexit

2. Immigration

3. Mobilities

4. Diversity

5. Racism

6. Nationalism


INTRODUCTION:RACE,DIVERSITYANDBREXIT

OnecuriousfeatureoftheBritishEurophobiathattriumphedintheEuropeanUnion(EU)

referendumof2016—andbyextension,the2019generalelection—hasbeenitsimplacablebelief!

thatthenationhasasuperiortrackrecordtotherestofEuropeonracialandethnicdiversityand

anti-racediscrimination.Britainhasalwaysbelievedthatitisamoremulti-ethnicandmulti-racial

societythanitsneighbours,andisproudofthefact(Favell,1998a).Thisisofcoursealegacyof

empire,andthelatterclaimisnolongerstrictlytrue,ifiteverwas.WestEuropeannation-statesasa

wholehaveallgonethroughadramatic“transitiontodiversity”thathasgeneralisedquestionsthat

wereoncemoredirectlyencounteredinpost-colonialmovementstoBritain,France,andthe

Netherlands,themostobviousformerempires(Alba&Foner,2015).Manynowhavehigher

percentagesofmigrant-originpopulation;manyhavefarbetterrefugee-receptionrecords;allhave

becomemulti-racial.!

Still,theBritainofthe1990sand2000s—or,atleast,London,asmemorablycharacterised

byanthropologistSteveVertovec(2007)—couldindeedclaimtobethehomeof“super-diversity.”

Inthe2000s,BritainledthewayinenablingfreedomofmovementofCEEnationalsafteraccession

in2004.Tothestronglyanchoredvaluesofitsanti-racistinstitutions,itaddedthelabourmarket’s

rigorousrecognitionofpost-nationalrightsofnon-discriminationtowardsEUcitizens.Awiderange

ofsubstantialEastEuropeanmigrantnetworkswasaddedtoitsalreadyopenand(whatwas

assumedtobe)tolerantglobaldiversity.ThewantondestructionofthisreputationbyBrexit,asIwill

narrate,posesvitalquestionsforEuropeasawhole.WillEuropeanneighboursrespondtoongoing

migrationsandmobilitiesinthecontinentwithasimilarreactionaryrollbackofthefragile

multicultural,post-national,cosmopolitanorhuman-rightsbasedconceptionsofsocietythathave

takenrootinrecentdecades?OrwillBritain,whichwasapioneerintheserespects,becomea

salutaryexampleofhowdangeroustheabandonmentofthesevaluesmaybe?


Thereislittletosuggestthatpost-Brexit,Britainwillbecomeanylessdiverse—unless

perhapstheUnionitselffailstohold.Itsporous,off-shore,highlyglobalised,service-driveneconomy

generatesahugedemandformigrationandcross-bordermobilitiesandtransactionsofallkinds;any

plausibleBritishgovernmentisveryunlikelytoadoptthekindofnationalistsocialdemocracy

proscribedbyWolfgangStreeckinGermanytogetagripontheinherentpopulationfluxoflate

capitalistneo-liberalism(Streeck,2017;onthisdebate,seeParker,2017).Oneoftheironiesofthe

virulentanti-“immigration”politicsthat,asIwillargue,drovetheLeavevotetovictory,isthatits

triumphwillverylikelylandBritainwithfarhigherlevelsofunregulated“neo-liberal”immigration

thanwaseverlikelyunderthehatedobligationsofEUfreedomofmovement.Notleast,thisis

becauseitisnowforcingoverthreemillionindefiniteandhighlymobileresidentEUnationalsto

nowbecomethepermanent“immigrants”theyhadbeenfalselypicturedtobe(Favell&Barbulescu,

2018).

Theever-entrepreneurialpoliticianspilotingtheproudIsland-Nationoutintothemid-

AtlantichavepinnedtheirvisionoffutureBritishdiversityonessentiallycolonialfantasies:ofa

newlyminted“globalBritain”replacingEuropeantrade,andtheislandbecomingthemetropolitan

centreofarevivedCommonwealthoffavouredtradingnations(Dorling&Tomlinson,2019).This

willsomehowbetiedtoapoints-basedimmigrationforhigh-endglobaltalent(only)—asifBritain

were,infact,insize,capacityandphysicallocation,Canada,Australia,orevenSingapore,andasifit

neededNobelPrizescientistsmorethanitneededplumbers,agriculturalworkers,builders,box

packers,cleaners,sexworkers,bellboysandtaxidrivers.Thisdelusionisinfactexactlywhattheir

counterpartsbelievedwaspossibleforBritaininthe1950sasitresistedjoiningtheEU(Milward,

2002).Yetthesamepoliticianstoldopenliesabout“takingbackcontrol”on“immigration”tocarry

theLeavecampaignoverthe50%lineinthereferendum,intheprocess,asIwillfurtherargue,

shreddingthesociety’spost-warsettlementonmigration,multiculturalism,andrace.Thisvictory

cameafternearlytenyearsofTheresaMay’s“hostileenvironment,”thethenHomeSecretary’s

brandingofUKimmigrationpolicyasacarceralnightmareforirregularmigrants(Jonesetal,2017);


theWindrushscandal,whichthreatenedthedeportationofhundredsofelderlyWestIndianBritish

unabletoprovetheircitizenshipdespiteanentirelifetime’sresidencyinthecountry(Bhambra,

2016;Yuval-Davisetal,2019);spikesinreportedhatecrimeagainstEastEuropeansandSouth

AsiansthattrackedsupportforleavingtheEU(Devine,2018;Barbulescuetal,2019);andthe

sideliningfromallBrexitdebateofthewishesofEUcitizensintheUKandBritishcitizensintheEU

(FavellandBarbulescu,2018)—keyelementsinthenarrativethatIwilllayout.

Inthistoxicenvironmentofitsownmaking,thepost-referendumgovernmenthasfallen

overitselfinitsreassertionof“Great”Britainasastillwelcominghavenfordesirableimmigration

and“foreignfriends.”YetthishypocrisycannothidethatBrexithasalsoopenedaPandora’sboxof

old-styleracismandxenophobia.Upanddownthecountry,openlyracistargumentsabout

indigenous“Englishness”anditsindubitablewhitenesscanbeheardinpublic(andevenacademia)

again:thedarksideofcolonialbeliefsthathadbeenabsentinmainstreamBritishpoliticssincethe

silencingofthevirulentlyanti-immigrationConservativepoliticianEnochPowellinthe1970s(see

Favell,1998b;Hansen,2000).Andseen:astheproudwhiteandredStGeorgecrossisvisible

flutteringonchurches,cars,andgardenflagpoleseverywhere.ThetriumphantreturnofPowellism

tothecentreofBritishpoliticsisperhapsthemoststrikingdimensionofacontradictoryand

explosivecocktailofautarchicyetglobalistpoliticaldelusionthat,eventually,propelledBoris

Johnsontopower:theGreatBritishBrexitSwindle,asitcanbecalled(seealsoColes,2016).

Thishistoricalreversalisquiteashock,giventheviolentbirthpainsofmulticulturalrace

relationsinBritain,inthefaceoftheapocalypticismarticulatedinEnochPowell’sinfamous“Rivers

ofBloods”speechin1968,thatmosthadthoughtirreversible(seeBallinger,2018).Arethenostalgic

coreofelderlyLeavevoters,andtheirfantasiesofalostXanaduof50spost-warcommunity

(Lawrence,2019),alsonostalgicforwhiteraceriots,gollywogjokes,and“forrental”signsinhouses

everywherewiththebyline“NoIrish,NoBlacks,NoDogs”(nowamendedto“NoPolish...”)(Verma,

2018)?Britain’sreputationinternationallyonraceanddiversityrestedonthepragmatic,cross-party


consensusonmulticulturalrace-relationsandimmigrationthatendedallthat,againstthethreatof

Powellism,andwasfashioneduptofiftyyearsago(Favell,1998b;Hansen,2000).Thisprogressive,

inclusivenarrativehadevolvedinthe1990sand2000s,embracingideasofdiaspora,

transnationalismandhybridity,topositionBritainattheforefront,notonlyoftheglobaleconomy,

butalsothevanguardofanewkindofcosmopolitanism.Itsconfidence,aswiththeColgatesmileof

thenpremierTonyBlair,hasprovenfragile.Yetthisdefeatcannotbeattributedonlytothe

ConservativeParty.Thehostilerollbackcanbedatedfrom2000andearlyNewLabouryears—the

longdemiseofmulticulturalismandpost-nationalisminGreatBritainthatreacheditsdestination

withthetriumphofUnitedKingdomIndependencePartyleaderNigelFarage’sideasinthe2016

referendum.AsIwillnarrate,itwasapoliticalbetrayalbutalsoanintellectualone:withacademics

—someofthemnotionallyontheleft—leadingthewayinthetrashingofmulticulturalism,andthe

returnofanarchaic“immigration”discourse,thathasnotonlycastoutEuropeandEuropeans,but

alsocastdoubtonthetruemembershipofallnon-whiteandmigrant-originminoritiesinBritain.

HOWNIGELFARAGEWONTHEREFERENDUMOFJUNE2016

ItisalreadyforgottenintheblusterofbadChurchillianpastichethathascometodominatethe

rulingBritishConservativeParty,butwhenBritainwokeupat5amtothenewsofthereferendum

resulton24thJune2016,therewasonlyonefigureopenlycelebratingthevictoryinfrontofthe

media.AnowburiedDailyMailfrontpageproclaimed“We’reOut!”withtheUKIPvoiceofLeave

NigelFarageinanecstaticMussolini-likepose,holleringhisdelight(DailyMail,2016).Primeminister

DavidCameronwascontemplatinghisresignationspeech;TheresaMay,hissuccessor,wasbiding

hertime;andBorisJohnsonwasstillrunningsheepishlyawayfromthecameras.Therespectable

faceoftheLeavevotewasnowheretobeseen.

ItwasaremarkableturnaroundforFarage,whothenightbeforehadconcededthatLeave

hadfailed,andoneweekbeforehadbeenopenlydiscreditedandverballydistancedfromtheLeave


campaignafterheunveiledhisnotorious“BreakingPoint”imageonthesideofapromotionsvanin

frontoftheHousesofParliamentincentralLondon(foraphotoanddiscussionoftheincident,see

Kaufmann,2018:194-95).Thistastelessstunttookplaceasitturnedoutonthesamedaythata

youngwomanLabourMP,thepro-refugee-campaigningJoCox,wasassassinatedbyawhiterace

supremacistinaWestYorkshirehighstreet,intheNorthofEngland(Aspen2019).Theposterclearly

crossedalinethatthemainstreamapparentlyfeltwasasteptoofar:associatingEUmembership

andthemigrationitallegedlyfostered,withapatentlyracialised,fearmongeringimageofmass

asylumseeking.ThedeathofJoCox,whichinspiredamoratoriumoncampaigningforawholeday,

alsoseemedthelogicalconsequenceofthedriftofLeaveargumentsoverthemonthstowards

increasinglydogwhistletypepoliticson,especially,“immigration.”Yet,herehewas,Farage,aweek

later,vindicatedby“thePeople”,inareferendumwhichpublicopinionanalystswerequicktoshow

hadindeedbeensubstantiallyturnedinthefinalanalysisbytheissueof“immigration”asaproblem

ofEUmembership,ontheverytermsandconceptualisationthatUKIPhadbeenopenlycampaigning

forsincethelate2000s(Ashcroft,2016;Clarke,Goodwin&Whiteley,2017;Curtice,2017;Goodwin

&Milazzo,2017).

Itisnotfrivolousthentoarguethatitwastheapparentlybeyond-the-pale“BreakingPoint”

posterthatmayhavecapturedthemedianvoteinthereferendum—andhitasweetspotinthe

British(or,tobemoreaccurate,English)electorate,whomightotherwisehavestayedsolidlyaligned

withtheirpoliticalparty,economicarguments,orconcernsaboutBritain’srespectedplaceinEurope

andtheworld.

Thevividcolourphotoonthesideofthevan,asdiscussedbyKaufmannabove,isofa

curvingexodusofhundredsofapparentlyMiddleEasternmen—allyoungadultsormiddleaged,

darkskinned,apparentlylowerclassorpoor—walkingacrossacountrysidebordersomewherein

centralEurope(Guardian,2016).Theyaretightlypackedonaroad,andaccompaniedby(apparently

white)armedguards.Theposterheadlinesays“TheEUhasfailedusall,”andthebylinereads,“We


mustbreakfreeoftheEUandtakebackcontrolofourborders,”and“LeavetheEuropeanUnion,”

withabigtick.ThereisagrinningFarage,pointingattheposter.Inonephotoheiscaught

haranguingaRemainprotestertryingtodisruptthephotoop(Kaufmann,ibid).

Oneaspectofthephotomightbedeemedunfortunate.HadUKIPreallydoneitsbackground

researchontheimage,whichaGettyimagesphotographerhadclearlycomposedtoalludetoNazi

wartimepropagandaof“parasiterefugees”incentralEurope?(Guardian,2016).Itsmessagewas

powerfulenoughinanycase:theMediterraneanmigrationcrisishasbeensimilarlydominatedby

mediaimagesturninghumansintoinsect-likeswarms,orinthecaseofmigrantboats,packedon

boardlikeslavesaboardslaveships(Anderson,2015).Butherewasanabusiveimagespecificallyof

“EUimmigration.”ThekeypointwasthatFaragewasconfirminganovertenyearcampaignbyUKIP

toestablishanegativeimageof“EUimmigration”—whichmightbemoreeasilyracialisedinother

ways,andassociatedwithaburlyPolishworker,anEastEuropeanwomanmakingacoffeeonatrain

buffet;or,forthatmatter,ahightechorfinanceindustryworkerinLondon,oryoung,studenttypes

makingcoffeeatthesandwichshopPretaManger.

YetFaragehadtappedintosomethingthatwasinfactwellestablished,indeedreified,in

aggregatequantitativetermsbyacademicscholarship.Analystshadalreadybeenconfirmingthatso-

called“EUimmigration”wastherisingtideoftheLeavevote(Curtice,2017).Thetrendsconfirmed

somethingthathadfoundacademicjustificationalreadyayearbeforeinaprescientarticleby

NuffieldscholarGeoffEvans,togetherwithJonathanMellon(Evans&Mellon,2015),whichshowed

thatasthelineofnetEUmigrationhadcrossedandovertakenCommonwealthoriginmigration

monthly,itsprogresswasbeingtrackedbythelineofanti-EUreferendumvotingintentionsheading

inexorablytowardsvictory.Thispartoftheanalysiswassound.Atthesametime,Evansclaimedthat

“thepeoplewereperceptive”(2016a):unusuallysensitivetothevisible“facts”ofmigrationaround

them.Theproblemherewasthattherewasnoattempttosaywhoorwhatthese“immigrants”

were.EverydistinctionthatmightbemadewithinEUfreemoversandbetweenEUfreemovement


andotherformsofmigrationwascollapsedintheaggregate.Onthisbasis,overallmigrationhad

beenrunningannuallyatoverthreetimesthepublishedgovernmenttargetof100,000;no

governmentintwentyyearshadgotnearthetarget(Cohen,2017).Thenewfiguresannouncedby

theUKOfficeforNationalStatistics(ONS)inMay2016,andgivenprominentpresscoverage,with

so-calledEUimmigrantsrisingsharplyandmatchingnon-Europeanmigration,pushedthispoint

centrestage,andgaveLeavewhatmayhavebeenitsmostdecisiveshovetowardsthewinningline.

Evans’pointwasthatthesevoteswerecomingfromLabourPartyvoters(EvansandTilley,2017).

Theywouldn’tvoteforUKIPinageneralelection,buttheycouldbepersuadedtoalignwiththeir

viewsinaone-offpoll,ifthesaliencyofimmigrationroseenough:asitwas,intandemwiththeanti-

EUline.AndthelinethatEvanswasdrawing,ashesurmisedaftertheeventinevidencegivenata

seminarfortheParliamentBBCchannel(Evans,2016b),couldbedrawndirectlybackandlainatthe

feetofex-primeminister,TonyBlair,whohadtakenaninsistentpositiononacceptingthepossibility

ofmassCentralandEasternEuropeanmigrationintheearly2000s—and,itwassaid,notlistening

toLabourvoters.(EvansandTilley,2017).Again,thispointwasexactlywhatFarageandUKIPhad

beenarguingsincethelate2000s(Ford&Goodwin,2014).

Nottobeoutdone,inthewakeofONSfiguresinMay,anti-migrationdemographer,David

Coleman—alsoadistinguishedOxfordman—publishedamoreforthrightversionoftheargument

inaright-wingpublicationshowinginexorablyrisingmigrationfromoutsideandinsidetheEU

leadingtowardshispetfear—the“endofGreatBritain,”whichhehadpredictedwilloccurin2070

whenthenon-whitepopulation(asmeasuredbythecurrentBritishsurveyinstruments)would

exceedthe(presumably)truewhiteBritish(Coleman,2016).Adistinguished,ostensiblyleft-wing

economist,PaulCollier—alsoanOxfordman,aswerealloftheleadingprotagonists(alongwith

TheresaMay)intheConservativePartyscrimmageforpoliticalpowertheseyears(Kuper,2019)—

hadbeenmakingsimilarlyvisible,bestsellingargumentsaboutthenegativeconsequencesof

immigration(Collier,2013).ThesewereheavilyreliantonRobertPutnam’s(2007)highlycontestable

workontheimpossibilityofsustainingwelfareinhighlydiversesocieties.Collierstressedthe


thresholdofimpossibilityofwhatheclaimedastheunusuallyindigenousBritishnationalpopulation

everabsorbingsomanymigrantsofdifferentanddistantculture.Collier’scalculationsaboutthe

indigenousoriginsoftheBritishnationarebizarre,butColeman’sprojectionsarenotwrong—notif

youreadthestatisticson“immigrant”(i.e.,non-WhiteBritish)childreninearlyyears’educationa

certainway,assume(ahistorically)stablecategoriesofcolour-basedraceclassification,andthat

“race”isaproxyforimmigrantorigin(seealsoKaufmann,2018).Anti-racistorganisationssuchas

theRunnymedeFoundationprojectthesamegrowthinBritishminoritypopulations(Lievesley,

2010).Coleman’scataclysmicconclusionsabouttheconsequencesofthisforthenationwere

Powellismridinghighagain.

Butwhoorwhatwasthis“EUimmigration”givenahumanfaceintheFarageposter?Could

itbethesame“EUimmigration”towhichpublicopinionanalystswerereferring—withlittle

attempttodigintowhopeoplemightmeanorwhattheyhadinmind?“EUimmigration”wasinany

caseeveryone’sexplanationfortheresult.Thenightbeforetheresult,formerLabourleaderEd

Miliband—underwhoseleadershipthepartyhadembracedasupposedlyworkingclassfriendly,

andanti-“immigrant,”“BlueLabour”ethosof“Work,Family,Community”(Shabi,2019)—hadsaid:

“AsfarasLabourvotersareconcerned,therearetwoissues.Thereisobviouslyimmigration,but

beneaththatthereisawholesetofissuesaboutpeople’slivesandthefactthattheydon’tfeel

politicsislisteningtothem”(quotedinAsthana,Quinn,&Mason,2016).“Immigration”wasthe

dominantwordusedinjustificationsbyLeavevotersinapost-votewordcloudanalysisoftheBritish

ElectionStudypostedonTwitterbyMatthewGoodwin,anotherBlueLaboursympathiserpushing

Farage-istargumentation(reprintedinEvans&Menon,2017).Itwasevenconfirmedbymoresober

analysissuchasthestate-of-the-artworkbyJohnCurtice,orthewidelycitedpollsbyMoriandLord

Ashcroft.

Farage’sposterhadeffectivelyvisualisedthepotentialassociationsforeveryone.Itoffered,

assomuchintheBrexitcampaign,achancefor“thePeople”tofinallyandopenlysaywhattheyhad


been(infact)thinkingnowfordecades,but—itwasargued—unableto.Faragehadlongbeen

sayingthis.Multiculturalismhadimposed“politicalcorrectness,”andthenationhadbeenhollowed

outbyEUlawswhichallowedracially,culturallyandsociallydistant“foreigners”togetjobsonequal

terms,becauseoffreemovementlawsonnon-discriminationbynationality(Hodges,2015).Another

rapidlypackagedmassmarketBrexittome,EricKaufmann'sWhiteshift(2018),soughttojustifythe

continuedlifeofPowell'sideasintheseveryterms(seeTrilling,2019,whoreadsthisasan

archetypal“I’mnotracist,but...”argument).Itwasnothardfortheargumentstogomainstream

whentherehadbeenliterallydozensoftabloidfrontcoversthathadsincearound2004routinely

reported“EUimmigrants”asrapists,thieves,benefitsscroungers,floodsandinvasions,amongother

lessdramaticstropes(Shabi,2019).Itcouldallbepinnedon“EUimmigration.”

Yetthebiggerdelusionatworkhere,wasthatFaragewasreferringtothreekindsof

unwanted“immigrants”whowerenotevenformsof“immigration”inBritain.Themostblatantlynot

soweretheasylumseekersinthephotos.Literally,inthesensethatthesemenwerenevergoingto

beimmigrantsinBritain;theywerestuckonaborderincentralEurope.EUmembershipwastaking

careoftherest;anywhostruggledfurtheragainstincreasinglybarbedbordercrossingswouldbe

subjecttoseekingasyluminthefirstcountryofarrivalandconstantthreatsofrefoulement.Those

thatmadetheirwayfurtherWestwereeithergoingtoendinaGermanythathadofferedrefugeto

amillionofthem,orperhapsinaworst-casescenario,stuckinacampinCalaisalmostinsightofthe

whitecliffsofDover(seeCrawleyetal.,2018).Britain’sreceptionof35,000refugeesin2014/15

hardlyputitinthefrontlineoftheSyrianorMediterraneancrisisinanycase(Lambert,2016).And

thisofcourseleavesasidealegallysemanticbutvitalpoint.Theseasylum-seekerswerenot

immigrantsinlawbut,rather,potentialrefugeesentitledtoprotectionunderaninternationallaw

foundedtodealwithstatelessnessandpoliticalviolence.“EUimmigration”toBritainbeing

composedoftheseflowswasapurephantasm;associatingEUmembershipwithBritishexposureto

refugeeobligations,evenmoreso—althoughUKIPclearlyhadbenefittedfromyearsofnegative


mediaandacademicfocusondisastrousEUsecuritypoliciesintheMediterranean(Crawleyand

Skleparis,2018).

Thesecondassociationwasmetaphorical.ThesemenmightbeSyrians,buttheycouldbeEU

migrantsmovingtoBritainas“freemovers.”“TheEUhasfailedusall.”Couldtheseinsteadbethe

supposedlycountlessRomafromCEEcountriesinBritain?Therearecertainlysome,butfarlessthan

otherpartsofWesternEurope.Aren’tEUmoversoverwhelmingpoor,darkskinned,lookingfor

cheapjobsoreasybenefits?Emphaticallynot.AllcredibleeconomicresearchhasshownEU

migrantsinBritaintobeyounger,betterqualified,oftenfromhigherincomecountries,lesslikelyto

beunemployed,andnetcontributorstotheBritisheconomy(Gordon,Travers,&Whitehead,2007;

Dustmann&Fratini,2014;Portes,2016;Rienzo,2016).Ifnotthat,thenweretheynotthefutureof

EUmembershipwhenTurkeyjoins,asitwouldsoon?Again:nottrue.TurkeyisnotjoiningtheEU

anytimesoon,andTurksinanycasehavefairlyroutineaccesstoWesternEurope.Theydon’tneed

EUmembershiptobethelargestmigrantgroupinEurope.InLondon's"superdiverse"environment,

largenumbersofTurksinLondonmayoften"pass"aswhite,asdoBraziliansorRussians

(Wessendorf,2014).Onceagain,aracialisationwasatwork.Andagain,inlegalterms,ifthesewere

infactEUcitizens,andtheywerebeingautomaticallylabelled“immigrants,”theywerenothingof

thesort.Again,that’sthelaw.TheywereEUcitizenswhocouldchoosetoresideasnon-national

residentsinanotherpartoftheEU,withthefullrangeofEUcitizenshiprightsandbenefitsafforded

—justastheBritishliveinSpainorFrance.WhenweretheseBritisheverconsidered“immigrants”

inthesecountries?WhenhadtheirEUcitizenshiprightseverbeenchallengedbythefacttheymight

be“unwanted”bythe“people”ofthecountryinquestion(withBrexit,theywereabouttofind

out...;Kochenov,2016)?Wouldn’tthatbe“racist,”initsownway?Thispointhoweverwaslost

entirelyintheacademicFarage-ismrifeamongthepublicopinionanalysts—whocountandclassify

EUfreemovementinBritain,butnowhereelse,as“immigration.”


Thethirdassociationwassubliminal.Lookatthesefaces.Couldtheynotbethesamepeople

weseedrivingourtaxisinmajorcities?Or—thethinkinggoes—sittingaroundincafesingrim

Northerntownsplottingchildsexexploitationsrings?Thetropeofthe“groomingscandal,”inwhich

groupsofPakistaniBritishmenhavebeenconvictedforsexuallyabusingyoungwhitegirls,has

dominatedpressdiscussionofBritishMuslimsinrecentyears(JustYorkshirev.TheTimes,2018).

Thewarpedlogicbeingpresentedherecanbereadasfollows,howeverillogicalitis:'Thesemen

swarmingWestwardsaresurelyMuslims;ournationfacescontinuedflowsofMuslimsfromSouth

Asia;Muslimsareimmigrantsandthekindofimmigrantswedon’twantmoreof;theylooklike

thesemigrantsinEurope—andthereforeweneedtotakebackcontrolofthisfromtheEU.'British

Muslims,inotherwords,themostvisibleconsequenceofpost-colonialsettlementintheBritish

Isles,andwhichhascontinuedtobeasignificantflowtothecountry,werealsobeingmarshalledto

theanti-EUcase.UKIP,liketheConservativeParty,hasalwaystakencaretofindtheoddAsianor

Blackfacetopropupitsmulti-racialcredentials(Holehouse,2014).Butthegeo-politicsofrecent

years,thethreatofMiddleEasternwars,occasionalterroristattacksinBritain,andthealleged

ongoingradicalisationofMuslimyouth,hasmadeitmucheasiertothinkofMuslimsaspotentially

notgoodBritishcitizens.AndherewasFarageassociatingtheongoinglackofcontrolofBritish

MuslimswiththeEU.

Worsethanthis,FaragewassuccessfullycallingBritishcitizenswhohappentobeMuslims

“immigrants,”somethingwhichhasbeendefactounacceptableterminologytotalkaboutBME

(BlackandMinorityEthnic)orBAME(Black,AsianandMinorityEthnic)nationalsinBritainsincethe

1970s(onthesepeculiarBritisheuphemismsfortalkingaboutrace,ethnicityanddiversityinBritain,

seeBunglawala,2019).SuchhasbeenthesuccessofthisparticularFarage-ism,thatitisnotonlythe

publicopinionanalystswiththeircrudeaggregatesabout“immigration”thathaverepeatedand

disseminatedanabusivelanguage—notsurprisinggiventhegenerallackofattentionamongpublic

opinionscholarstoissuesofdistinguishingrace,ethnicity,migrationandcross-bordermobilities—


butasubstantialpartoftheprogressive,anti-racistlefthasalsofeltcompelledtoembracethe

stigma,toturnitaroundpositively.

Aninfluential,nation-buildingorganisation,BritishFuture,ledbyanactivistofmixedIndian

andIrishheritage,SunderKatwala,campaignsinfluentiallyforBritaintotakeapositiveviewof

“immigration.”Publicfundingsourceshavepouredmoneyintohisorganisationtobegina“national

conversation”onhowBritishpeoplefeelabout,andcanbeconvincedofthebenefitsof

“immigration”(Rutter,&Carter,2018).AleadingSomaliBritishpolitician,theyoungandcharismatic

formerSheffieldmayorturnedMEP,MagidMagid,wearsasignature“ImmigrantsMakeBritain

Great”T-shirt(Guardian,2019).Linkedpublicpostercampaignshavebeenmadewithindividualsof

variousbackgroundsproclaiming“Iamanimmigrant”andextollingtheircontributionstoBritish

society(seeonlinepostercampaign:'iamanimmigrant.net').Theanalogyforeveryonepresumable

is“America”—thatwell-knownbastionofmulti-racialtoleration—andthecuriouscolonialtropeof

Britainreinventingitself,afterallthathashappened,as“justliketheUSA”—abordertightisland,

abletoreconstituteitselfasan“integrationnation”ofimmigrants(seeFavell,2016,acritiqueof

Alba&Foner,2015;seealsoSchinkel,2017).

Wecanwelcometheworld—aslongastheybuyBritish.Thisallsoundsgood,untilits

myopicsenseofhistoryandminoritypoliticalstruggleinBritainisrevealed.Thelogicleadsstraight

totheWindrushtragedy,asIwillexplainbelow.Itwasalsowhyitwasperhapsnosurprise,as

leadingcriticalBlackstudiesscholarKehindeAndrewspointedoutinhispost-Brexitanalysis,that

BlackBritish—notknowntohavebeenhugelycomfortablewiththeEU,whichhasaracist

reputation—infactvotedlargelytoremain(Andrews,2017).AsAndrewssaid,hisfatherhad

explainedtohimhewashearingthingsaboutEastEuropeans,andotherrecentmigrants,that

soundeduncomfortablyfamiliartohim,reminiscentofthedayswhenEnochPowellwasstillriding

high.Hewasrememberingallthosesignsinwindows:“NoIrish,NoBlacks,NoDogs.”Whatthat

meantwas“NoBlacks=NoForeigners=NoImmigrants.”Britainhadcomealongwaysincethe


1960shadn’tit?Surelyithad.Yetonthedaysbeforeandafterthereferendum,Polishworkersand

RomaniancabdriversupanddownthecountrycouldbefoundlisteningtotheirLondon-based

diasporaradiostations,narratingoneincidentafteranotherofhatecrimeagainstCEEresidents

beingreportedtothepolice.Andevenmorealarmingly,alongwiththisspikearoundthedayofthe

referendumitself—aspikewhichwasgoingthroughtheroofthedayJoCoxwaskilled—itwasalso

apparentinthewiderstatisticsthatthelargemajorityofthosereportinghatecrimeincidents,which

hadrunatmuchhigherlevelsthroughoutthereferendum,wereinfactSouthAsianBritish(Devine,

2018;Barbulescuetal.,2019).

HOWBME/BAMEBRITISHBECAME“IMMIGRANTS”AGAIN:THETRIUMPHOFHOBBESIAN

POLITICALDEMOGRAPHY

AndsothelinethatwascrossedonthedayofJoCox’smurderbecamethelinethatwascrosseda

weeklater—asthemanyleadingBrexitanalystscitedabove(i.e.Evans,2016a;Curtice,2017;

GoodwinandMilazzo,2017;Kaufmann,2018)lineduptoconfirmitwas"EUimmigration"thathad

causedBrexit.Itwasalsooftenthensaid,alittlemorequietly,perhaps:andwell,maybeitisnotso

unreasonableafterallthatthemanontheClaphamOmnibusshouldfeelthatenoughwasenough,

thatmaybe“immigration”wasaseriousconcernforordinarypeople.Oneofthemostprominent

BlueLabouradvocates,DavidGoodhart,describedthisoutcome—predictedbyhisbooks,he

claimed—asvindicationofhisunderstandingthatcontrastedtheeffete,ungrounded,cosmopolitan

viewsofbigcityelites,the“anywheres,”withthesolid,commonsenseofthe“somewhere,”people

upanddownthecountrywhowerenowrightlyassertingtheirfeelingsabouttoomuchimmigration

andnotenoughBritishnessbeingimposedthroughintegration(Goodhart,2013;2017).His

formulationwasimmediatelyadoptedbythenewprimeministerTheresaMay.

Astrangethingthenhappenedamongthepublicopinionanalysts.Ratherthanreconsider

thewaysinwhichanartificialfearofimmigration,oftenfalselyclassifiedassuch,hadbeenstoked


bycrudeterminologyandaggregatemodesofanalysisthatshadowedtheFarage-istline,theynow

setabouttoargue,throughthesamestatisticalapparatuses,thatafterBrexit,thesaliencyof

“immigration”asaconcern(stillthesameunexploredaggregate),hadinfactstartedtodrop(Ford,

2017).TheimplicationwasthattheEUboilhadbeenlanced.Whoeverorwhateverthose“EU

immigrants”hadbeen—Polestakingourjobs,Romatakingourbenefits,SyriansswarmingWest,or

depravedBritishMuslimsabusingourteenagedaughters—whateverdarkfantasyof“immigration”

hasworkedtomaketheissuesosalienttoLeavevoters—nowthatwewereleavingtheEU,the

argumentwasnow,suddenly,that“immigration”wasgoingtobeok(Phillipsetal.,2018).

ThiswastheGreatBritishBrexitSwindle.ItwasalogicthatwasspeltoutbyBorisJohnson's

advisor,DominicCummings,duringthe2019election,withthefabricationsof"takingbackcontrol"

on"immigration"andmarginalisingresidentEUnationalsstillatitsheart(seeCummings,2019).The

Leavecampaignhadconvincedenoughpeoplethat“immigration”wassuchanexistentialthreat

whentheEUwasinvolved,thatitcouldliftthesolid35%anti-EUopinionandaddanother17%

readytogoalongwithUKIPonthisoccasion,todelivertheapprox37.5%oftheelectoratethat

wouldenableaplebiscitoryoutcometobeclaimedas“thevoiceofthePeople,”inperpetuity(the

logicputforwardbyEvans,2016b).Thiswasregardless,ofcourse,ofanylegalveracityinthe

discussionaboutfreemovement,migration,andmigrantsinBritain—orindeedanyother

perversionofdemocracythathadbeenaffectedtopullLeavetovictory.Now,itcouldsay:Oh,it

wasonlybecausewecouldn’t“control”allthose“EUimmigrations.”

Fromthismomenton,ofcourse,thegovernment—andnotablyBorisJohnson—soughtto

utterlyreverseitscourse,usingthepositiveresultsabout“immigration”thatseemtosuggestthe

realissuesmaylieelsewhere.Johnson’spro-immigrationrhetoricisparticularlystriking.Ofcourse,

now,asanIsland-Nationagain,Britainwouldbeabletonowchooseitsownpathon“immigration”:

withtherightpoliciesitcouldbepositionedtobenefitfromimmigration,bypointsandhighskill,

thatwouldinpracticebeselectivelycolourandculturecoded(UKGovernment,2020;Guardian,


2020).Nomatterthatithadnotdeliveredintwentyyearsonpromisesoftargets,orthat,excepting

ashortperiodbeforethereferendum,non-EUimmigration,ofamuchlessregulatednature,had

alwaysrunmuchhigherthanEUmigration.Nomattertoo,thattheuntenablepositiononEU

residentsinBritaininanycasemeantthatJohnsonhadfoldedonmostredlinesinhisdeal,andEU

citizenswouldbeabletostay,andindeedstillcome,untilanas-yet-undeterminedBrexittransition

date,andsettleenmassenowas“immigrants.”Themostscholarlyofthepublicopinionanalysts

supportingtheargumentaboutthedeclineinsaliencyof“immigration,”alsohadalesssanguine

insight.ItturnedoutthatthatthoseLeavevotersmostinclinedtobeanti-immigration,werealso

thosewithstronganti-raceequalityviews,andthemostangryaboutmulticulturalism(Sobolewska

&Ford,2019).Afuture“culturewar”wasstillbrewingonraceanddiversity.Andthatwhenasked

whotheypreferredas“immigrants,”whiteEuropeanswereclearlypreferabletonon-whitenon-

Europeans(Hix,Kaufmann,&Leeper,2017).Race,infact,wasakeyfactor—andnotaboutto

disappearwithBritainexitingtheEU(forthefullrangeofdiscussiononthisissue,seeBhambra,

2017;Virdee&McGeever,2018;Benson,2019).

Goodnewsforequalityfans,though.EUmigrants,onceBrexitwascomplete,wouldnowbe

subjecttothesamedraconianrulesasnon-EUmigrants:thesamehighsalaryrequirements,

discriminationagainstspouses,impeccablydocumentedresidencyrecords,nocriminalrecord,no

welfaredependency,etc.(Favell&Barbulescu,2018).This,surely,wouldbeabigdrawforthehighly

skilledwhowouldbebangingonthedoorofBritain’sshinynewpoints-basedimmigrationquotas?

ThosenotnegligiblenumbersofBME/BAMEBritish,whohadvotedforLeaveinthemistakenbelief

perhapsthatthecountrymightbecomelessracistafterkickingouttheEuropeans,givingthema

breakonfamilymigrationorCommonwealthconnections,wouldperhapsbedisappointed(Ehsan,

2017).Equalitywouldinsteadmeansimplythatall“foreigners”wouldgettreatedequallybadly,

althoughwiththesuspicionthatiftheywererich,orcamefromcertainoldCommonwealth

countries,theymightberathermore"wanted".Downtheline,itishighlylikelyBritainwillstrikeits


ownbilateralfreemovementdealsfornationalsfromcertaincountriesthatremain“white”inthis

sense.

TheinsistenceofthenewIsland-Nationashenceforthanationof(clearly,visibly)indigenous

Britishplus“ethnic”minoritiesof(visible,audible)“immigrantorigin”withnootherlongterm

residentnon-nationalspresent,andwiththispastandongoing“immigration”tobecelebrated,

underscoresthefearsthenprojectedintostrangestatisticalconstructionsofBritainbecoming

majority“non-WhiteBritish”atsomepointinthefuture.Sinceall“foreign-origin”personsareinthis

viewofpopulations,bydefinition,“immigrants”—andaslongasthis“foreignness”canbevisiblyor

audiblytraced(andcounted—throughBritishraceandcountryofbirthstatistics,backthrough

generations)—theywould,inthisconstruction,remain“immigrants,”markedoutassuchas

distinctfrom“indigenous”British.Thisleadstotheremarkablestatistics:that“immigrants”already

makeupover30%oftheprimaryschoolpopulation,andwouldcontinueclimbing(Departmentof

Education,2017,asreportedbyAlba&Foner,2015,interpretingrace/minoritystatisticsas

“immigration”statistics).

ThisispreciselythepointatwhichtheentirehistoryofBritishracerelationsandthe

inherentlymulti-racialcompositionofthepost-colonialnationdisappearsinanoddlytransposed,

Americanised,countryofimmigration,construction.Thosewithmemoriesenoughoftheearlyrace

andethnicityscholarshipwouldrecallalltheearlysociologyon“immigrants”inthe1950sand

1960s.Therewerethequaintbooksonthe“colouredquarter,”asoutdatedasAmericansociologists

ofthesameerareferringtoAfricanAmericansas“negroes”(Banton,1955).“Foreigners”were

(obviously)“non-white,”andtheirvisiblepresenceprovokedhostilityandresentment.Thisiswhere

theseachangeinBritishattitudeswassoapparent,asprogressiveviewshadtodistancethemselves

fromsuchnativism.Post-EnochPowellandthe“RiversofBlood,”thechildrenofthosefirstmovers

fromtheEmpire—whohadinfactneverbeen“foreigners,”couldalsoneverbecalled

“immigrants.”TheywereBlackBritish,AsianBritish(andlaterChineseBritish,AfricanBritish).The


parentsofthepost-wargenerationswhocameinsuchnumbersfromtheCaribbeanorSouthAsiain

the1950sand1960s,were—likethe“immigrants”inFarage’sposter—alsoneverimmigrants

(Bhambra,2016).TheywerebornandbredBritishsubjectsoftheEmpire,automaticallyBritish

citizens.Itisnothingshortofastonishingthatthishasbeeneffacedinthecontemporarydebateson

thecostsandbenefitsof“immigration.”Wehaveforgotten:theBritishEmpirewas“British.”British

subjectswere“British.”ThisistheinsidiousPowellitelogicofhowpreciselyolderBlackBritishwere

lefthighanddrybytheWindrushscandal.Sonowitisgoodtobelabelledan“immigrant”again?Is

thismeanttobeaconsolationtotheWindrushscandalvictims,atleast80ofwhichweredeported

whilehundredsofotherswereharassedforyearsbypublicauthorities?

Forsure,thesuccessivemodificationsofNationalityLawfromthe1960son,were

substantiallyaboutaddressingthispopulationanomalyinaworldofindependentnation-states—

theshrinkingoftheEmpireintoitsnation-stateislandcore(Dummett&Nicol,1990).Empire

“British”hadtobecome“foreigners”bythisoperation.Thisiswheretheanomalyofshrinking

empirecitizenshipisdirectlyanalogoustowhathashappenedtoEUcitizenswhenthelineofBritish

membershipcrossedthemonthedayofreferendum—theybecame“immigrantforeigners”again

(seeSigonawritingabouthisownexperienceintheintrotoGonzales&Sigona,2017;

Kostakopoulou,2018).WestIndiansandSouthAsianshadalreadyexperiencedwiththeadventof

NationalityLawinthe1960sthisdoublemovementofcitizenship—theirfamiliesoutsideBritain

becameforeignersagain,henceforthimmigrantswhowouldfaceallthedifficultiesofimmigration

controlandeventuallythe“hostileenvironment”—butforthosealreadyin,orabletomovefreely,

therewasthepromiseofrecognitionofBlackidentityasBlackBritish,aspartofanational

commitmenttointegration,andthenmulticulturalism,andthemovetoamulti-racialsociety.Fora

bloodbathinthestreet—thePowellitealternative—wasnotaviableoptionforthecountry

(Favell,1998b).


Orwasn’tit?ThereturnofPowellite“immigration”discourse,intheeraofUKIP,Farageand

Leave,toclassifyanddistinguish“foreigners,”indexedbycolourornationality,thatbydefinition

meanstheycanneverreallybeindigenous“true”ororiginalBritish(codefor“whiteEnglish”),is

thusoneofthemostegregiousanddisturbingoftheBrexitera.Anopen,globallyporous,multi-

racial,multi-nationalstate,usedtothesoundandfeelofmultiplediasporas,andbuiltonahard-won

historicalunderstandingofitsdiverseandterritoriallyambiguouscomposition,suddenlyfounditself

reinventingthenationasaborderedentitywithafixedpopulation,inwhichtheonlylegitimate

foreignerspresentwouldbethoseidentifiedaswanted“immigrants,”onthenarrowpathfrom

foreignertoimmigranttocitizen(Cohen,2017).

Itisneedlesstosay,ineverydaysociologicalterms,ahugelyunrealisticpictureofhowthe

Britisheconomy,societyorcultureasaglobalisedterritoryworks(Recchietal.,2019).Itmayseem

trivialorirrelevant,butanestimated35milliontouristsandvisitorscometoBritaineveryyear.One

mightsay—sowhat,theyarenotimmigrants.No,buttheyareforeignerspresentinthesociety,

theyhavecrossedborders,somestayforsubstantialtime.Theyarepresentintheeconomy,inthe

culture,intheeveryday;interactingwithBritishandothersinthestreetsandpubs.Theyclearlydo

notfittheideathatalllegitimateforeignersmustbe“wantedimmigrants.”They,likeallotherforms

ofinternationalmobilities,arekeptinvisibleandoutofthe“immigration”equationbyaborder

regimewhichdesignatestheircategory,andthespecificrightswhichallowthemfreedomas

foreignersontheterritory(Mezzadra&Nielson,2013).Itisallclearuntilatouristoverstays,assome

do,andbecomespartofanirregular“migration.”Othermobilepopulationsarebusinesstravellers,

orservicepersonnelunderGATSregulations,workinglongstretchesoftime.Stillothersarelong

termorpermanentresidents.Thesearealsonotimmigrants,althoughtheymightseemlikethem.

Suddenlythenumbersofsuchpeoplemoreorlessregularlypresentintheterritoryishigh:infact,

thereareasmanyas8millionforeignresidents,notcountingthosetemporarilypresent(Rienzo&

Vargas-Silva,2017).Conceptually,though,thisisinvisibleintheIsland-Nationconstruction.EU

membershipaddedafurtherlevelofcomplexitytothis—morethan3.5millionoftheforeign


population—throughfreemovementofpersonsonthelabourmarket,extendedtofamiliesand

dependents.Underthefourthfreedom,theytoowerenotimmigrantsinthecountry(Favell,2014).

Thepointhereisthattherhetoricofbeingaborderednationabletodefinitivelydecidewho

isallowedtobepresentontheterritoryandwhoisnot,iswildlyinaccurate.Non-nationalsare

alwayspresentinsignificantnumbers.TheEUnon-nationalshavebecomesubjecttoapolitical

decisiontodecidetheywerenotinfactlegitimateasnon-nationalresidents,buthadtobesubject

asforeignerstoimmigrationlaws.Thisisindeedaquestionofsovereignty,asNigelFaragewouldbe

righttoclaim.Residentandnon-residentnon-nationalsaresubjecttoBritishlaw,buttheirstatusis

alsogovernedbyinternationalrules.Refugeesareanothercase—abletoclaimrightsagainstthe

state(Bosniak2006).Familyreunificationisanotherexample.Verylargenumbersofpersonscan

claimtherighttobepresentorremainasanon-national.Itisanillusionofaparticulardemocratic

sortthatthenationhasfinaljurisdictionoverthesequestions.AdecisioncouldbemadeintheEU

referendumtocutoutonesuchpopulation.Itwasnotabletospeakonthequestion,anda

restricted“nation”ofvoters,the“People,”wasallowedtosaywhocouldbepresentintheterritory

inthiscase.Butthe“People”cannotdecidehowtheeconomyworks,howcultureworks,orevenin

theend,despitethesovereigntistdelusion,ofhowdemographywithinaparticularterritoryworks.

ThisobviouslyHobbesiannotionofsovereigntyhasbeenastrongfeatureoftheBrexitvote

—inpart,whyechoesoftheEnglishCivilWar,andthehistoricalcontestoversovereignty,have

beensopresentintheReferendumandBrexitstrugglesinparliament.Thedeterminingfeaturesof

thereferendumillustratedtheoperationofaparticularkindofpoliticaldemographyatwork—an

attemptbyahighlyglobalised,transnationallyembeddednation-statetoassertsovereigncontrol

overaspectsofmobilitiesandfreemovementthatareanintegralpartoftheeconomyinwhichit

hasinvesteditself,andwhicharemattersembeddedinwidergovernancestructures—thebalance

ofinternationalhumanrights,economicobligations,theloosenessofpopulationcontrol.AsIhave

suggestedandwillarguebelow,thereislittlechancethatthismodeofeconomyoritsporousness


willchange,althoughitmaybecomemoreporousandfreemovingifBritainsignsuptosomeofits

globalfreetradeaspirations.Thedynamicsofintra-EUmigrationwillchange,ofcourse,sincethe

supplyofworkerswillchange(asithas,seeGrierson,2019).Thereferendumwasanattemptto,at

once,gainsovereigncontrolovertheEuropeanpopulationpresentinBritain,andshoreupthe

barrierstothe“unwanted”immigrantsevokedinFarage’sposter.Theoperationherewastocasta

newdefinitionoverwhowasawantedorgoodmigrantandwhowasnot:apureoperationof

politicaldemography,invoking“thePeople”todecidedemocraticallywhoisthetrueBritish

population,whoisa(i.e.,European)foreigner,andwhichforeignersmaybeselectedandvisibly

acceptedas“immigrants”(seeAnderson,2013).ThefantasyisofacleanlypolicedHobbesianisland,

withaperfectbinarybiopoliticsofwantedandunwantedimmigrants—andcitizens(Tyler,2010).

“Good”immigrantsarethose“new”Britishcelebratedinthesportingimagesofmulti-racialathletic

victories,orthepostercampaignsextollingtheircontributionstothenation—potentiallyasgoodas

the“true”Britishwhohavedemocraticallyhadtheirsay.AndonceEUcitizensbecomegood

“immigrants,”theytoocouldhappilystayonthesesameterms(FavellandBarbulescu,2018).

Ofcourse,assomehavefoundtotheircost,thelinecanmoveintheotherdirection.Every

other“migrant”presentontheterritoryisan“unwanted”“foreigner”andsubjecttothe“hostile

environment.”Everyothercase,isa“bad”immigrantinrelationtothe“good.”Alotofnon-

nationalsonUKsoilmightfeelcomfortablewiththisregime—theirrightsaresecuredbyother

internationalrightsagreements,ifnothumanrights.TheymaybeOKiftheydonotseemtobe

migrants(usuallycolourcoded)—likeiftheyare“tourists.”Butyouneverknow.Touristscanbe

mistakenfor“unwantedimmigrants”onthestreet.Aforeignvisitor(astudent?atemporaryintern?

anurse?)canbetreatedthesamewayasanirregularforeignmigrantworker.Toparaphrase

TheresaMay,BrexitmeansBrexit,andahostileenvironmentisahostileenvironment(seeJoneset

al,2017).


Andso,thespotlightturnsagainonthoseelderlyBlackBritish,thepioneerWindrush

generationandtheirchildren,whocametotheBritishIslesorwerebornhereatatimewhenthey

werestillpartoftheEmpire.Hostileenvironmentsbasedonwatertightbureaucratic

implementationarearatheraliensystemforaUKsystemessentiallybasedonequaltreatment,

informalrecords,andnonationalIDsystem.AndthuswhenretiredWestIndianBritishwentalong

togetsomehelpwithbenefitsorsomeessentialmedicaltreatment,lookingandsoundingBlackand

notsounlikecertainrecent“immigrants”—inthenewbiopoliticalenvironment,wherethey

couldn’tproduceanydocumentation,theyneverhadapassportoranythingtoprovetheirlong

termrighttoresidency,suddenlyhundredsweresuddenlyatpreyofthehostileenvironment,ina

Kafka-esquetwistofirony(seeYuval-Davis,Wemyss,&Cassidy,2019).Theyhadlivedherealltheir

livesinBritainandtheywerebeingthreatenedwithbeingdeportedtoacountrytheyhadneverset

footin.NotonlywasBritainnowcallingpeoplelikethem“immigrants”whenbeforetheywereBlack

orWestIndianBritish;nowtheycouldfeelthelinecrosstheminawaythatmadethemthewrong

kindof“immigrant”again,“bad”or“unwanted”—merelybecausetheyweremissingapieceof

paper.Thesovereignstate,believinginitsownabsolutesovereignty,spoke.Gohome.NoDogs.No

Polish.NoBlacks.

WHATEVERHAPPENEDTOTHEFUTUREOFMULTI-ETHNICBRITAIN?

ThesuccesswithwhichtheFarage-ismlatenteveninmuchostensiblyprogressivethinkinghas

renderednon-whiteBritishminorities“immigrants”againposesthelongertermquestionof

whateverhappenedtoalandratherbetterknownforitsprominentcommitmenttoanti-racist

legislationandconceptionsofmulti-ethnicsociety.Secureinitsmulticulturalracerelationsinthe

1980sand1990s,theBritishusedtosnortwithderisionatthepersistentFrenchobsessionof

discussingtheirlongterm,post-colonialethnicandracialminoritiesintermsofimmigrationand


immigrés—inotherwords,thedominantidiomofLePénisme—fromthehigh-mindedvantage

pointofsuper-diversityandagloballysavvy“coolBritannia.”

Understandingwhathashappenedrequiresalongerhistoricalview.Therollbackinfact

datesfrom2000andtheverypublicdestructionofideasassociatedwithaspecialRunnymede

CommissionontheFutureofMulti-EthnicBritain,whichpublishedwhatbecameknownasthe

ParekhReportintheautumnofthatyear(Parekhetal.,2000).Althoughitwasnottopofthe

agenda,theearlyyearsofNewLabour(from1997)sawanopenwillingnesstoreviseandupdatethe

post-colonial,multiculturalnarrativeofpost-warBritainthatnowwashavingtorespondtothe

pressuresandtransformationassociatedwiththedramaticnewmigrationsofthe1900s.Inthese,

thepost-colonialBME/BAMEBritish,andthe“Black”(andsometimesdistinctiveAsianorMuslim)

politicsassociatedwiththesegroups,wasonlyonepartofthechallengeofsuper-diversity,which

alsoposednewquestionsintermsofintersectionality,multipleormixedidentitiesandtheglobal

dimensionsofmetropolitanmigrationscomingtoBritainfromallcornersoftheplanet(Vertovec,

2007).Amongthese,Europeanpopulationswerenotyetforemostinthisreflection,assomuchof

theintra-EUmigrationofthe1990swasyoungandprofessionalandtherefore(largely)“invisible,”

andstillmostlyWestEuropean(Favell,2008b).ButthetransformationoftheBritisheconomyintoa

servicesandflowsdriven,globalswitchpoint,wascreatingaverynewprofileoflowerendmigrants,

withawidertransformationofthelargeBritishcitiesmixedinwithongoingfamilymigrationsfrom

outsidetheEU.ThiswasparticularlythecasewithLondon,aparadigmatic“spaceofflows”in

ManuelCastells’terms(1996),akeyglobalcity,andarguablythequintessentialone.

TheCommissionputtogetherundertheleadershipofmulticulturalphilosopherBhikhu

Parekh,aformerChairofCRE,includednumerousstalwartsoftheBritishracerelationsindustry.

Amongthem,though,weretwootherprominentacademicsandtheorists—whowemightsurmise

providedagooddealoftheintellectualsubstanceofthereport:TariqModood,avocalcriticofhow

racerelationshadfailedtorepresentMuslims,andastrongbelieverinthepotentialofa


multiculturalliberalnationalisminBritain;andStuartHall,nowinhislaterperiodofthinkingafter

theculturalturninMarxismandthe“newtimes”ofthe1980s,aradicalcosmopolitanand

decolonialthinkeronidentity,diasporaandhybridity—anditsexpressioninanti-racistpolitics

(Parekhetal,2000).

OthersontheCommissioncertainlywerelessradical.Butwhatemergedshowedthestrong

imprintofconsideredtheoreticalreflection.Thefutureofmulti-ethnicBritain,theyargued,wasa

multi-racialfuture,reconcilingtheanti-racismofBlackpoliticswithemergentMuslimconcernson

culturalracism,thathadbeenattheforefrontofdiscussionsincethe1989Rushdiescandal(the

Muslimmobilisationagainsttheauthorofascandalousnovel,TheSatanicVerses;seeFavell,1998b).

Thereportembracedsuper-diversity(thetermhadnotyetbeeninvented,evenifitsconditions

werevisible)asmulti-ethnicity,andidentifiedtheresidualresistanceinBritaintothe

transformationsinitsmidstwithissuesconnectedtothehistoricalnarrativeofBritishnationalism.

TheimperialvisionofthenationneededtochangeinordertoseeBritainasanemergentglobal

spaceofdiasporasandhybridity—onewithadifferenthistoricalnarrative,thatmightrecognisethe

evilsofacolonialpast,andembraceaspectsofthesocietyfoundoutsideitsbordersamongitsown

populations.Inthissenseitwasapost-nationalvision,embracingnon-discriminationbynationality,

culture,raceorethnicity,acceptingthelongertermconsequenceofleavingbehindillusorynotions

ofanindigenouswhitecountrythathadnowtoopenitselftothefulleffectofglobalmigration,

mobilitiesanddiversity.Thereportimaginedthenationasa“Communityofcommunities”—hence

hedgingthequestionofnationhoodas“multiculturalism-in-one-nation”(Favell,1998b;seealso

Uberoi,2015).Wasitone—ormultiple?Thereportmadeseveralrecommendationsconcerningthe

officialrecognitionofmulticulturalism,andtheinstitutionalisationofamoregeneraland

intersectionallyflexibleEqualityActthatwouldmainstreamracialdiscriminationfullyalongsideall

otherformsofanti-discriminationlegislation—andofferbetterprotectiononcultureandreligion

(thiswaseventuallypassedin2010).Thereportwasupbeataboutthecountry’sabilitytotranscend


persistentracialdisadvantage—itstransformativeagendaondiversityandculturecould,itsaid,still

beradicallyanti-racist.

Itwasontheviewofnationhoodthatthereportattractedthemostattrition.Thereport

notedtheimpactofdevolutionandglobalisationintheUKanditsposingproblemstoBritainasa

unifyingsingularunit.Itsawthemigrantandminoritydiversityasaresourceinthebuildingofa

moremultiplecommunityofcommunitiesbeyondtheoldideaoftheUnion—initsway,aresponse

toold“Black”politicschallengethatthere‘Ain’tnoBlackintheUnionJack(Gilroy,1987).This

undoubtedlywasitspositivenationalmessage—itsuggestedBritainhadacapaciousnessand

experiencethatcouldcontainthesetransformations.InadvanceofitslaunchtheDailyTelegraph

firstreportedawell-knownright-wingpolitician,AnnWiddecombe(whohaslatterlybecomea

prominentfaceoftheBrexitParty),thentheshadowHomeSecretary,makingpositivenoises.She

noted,apparentlyapprovingly,that“Wehavecomelightyearsinthiscountrysincethe1970sandI

amverypleasedtohearsomeoneelserecognisingthis.People’sattitudeshavechangedalot,and

althoughIamnotsayingthateverythingisperfect,racerelationsareextremelygood”(Bentham,

2000).

Acoupleofdayslater,though,withthelaunchexpectedbythenHomeSecretaryJackStraw,

theTelegraphhadmadeapivot,perhapssensingadifferentseachangeinplay.Sincethelate1980s,

withtheRushdieAffair,andthescandalaboutaconservativeheadmasterRayHoneyfordcriticising

Muslimdemandsineducationschools(1985),therehadbeengrowingsympathyforthecritiqueof

multiculturalism(Favell,1998b).ParekhandModoodweretwoofthemostvocaladvocatesof

Britishmulticulturalism.Buttherewerealsomanyonthe“raceandclass”farleftwhohatedthe

culturalturn,joiningawaveofconservativenationalistcritiqueofthecompromisesover

conservativeMuslimdemandsduringthe90s(Joppke&Morawska,2003).

TheDailyTelegraphnowsetaboutisolatingthereport’smostsweepingstatements,those

stillcriticalofBritain’sperformance(Johnston,2000).Thereportcontainednegativeviewson


Britain’streatmentofasylumseekers,abouttheharsheffectsofimmigrationcontrolonBritish

minorityfamilies,andnotedstillvirulentpocketsofeverydayracismaroundthecountry.Thehistory

ofBritain,thereportsaid,wasnotrecognisingminoritiesinthestory—theimperialhistoryofthe

Irish,AfricaandAsiancolonies,wasleftout.Forthisreason,BritainandBritishstillhadracist

connotationsofimperialdominationinitsself-conception,theyargued;anditwasadamanttoothat

EnglandandEnglishnesshadexclusiveracialconnotations.Britishnesshadtobecomehyphenated,

hybrid,decentered.

TheDailyTelegraphnowframedthisastreason(Johnston,2000).Accusingthereportof

brandingBritain“racist,”itlaunchedabroadattackonthemulticulturalaimsofthegovernment.

OtherNewspapers,includingtheDailyMail,theSunandtheSundayTimesjoinedintheattacks.

MembersoftheCommissionwereattacked,withParekhandHallsingledoutforabuse;Runnymede

receiveddeaththreats(forthedetailedaccount,seeMcLaughlin&Neal,2004;Neal&McLaughlin,

2017).Withindays,theLabourgovernmentdistanceditselffromthereport,settingitselfonanew

neo-nationalistcoursethatoverthenextfewyearswouldseeitre-embracinganideologyof

nationalintegrationinsteadofmulticulturalism,newconditionsonnaturalisationandcitizenship,

evertighterimmigrationcontrolsandtargets,andeventuallyamuscularliberalismandheavyanti-

radicalisationpolicing(suchas“Prevent”)inthefaceofMuslimextremism.(Jonesetal,2017).This

continuedintotheanti-“immigration”BlueLabourpoliciesofEdMiliband(seeShabi,2019).The

“hostileenvironment”infactpre-datedTheresaMay,ifnotinname(Jonesetal.,2017).Thefocus

ongoodracerelationsandmulticulturalinclusiondriftedawayparticularlyintoaconcernwiththe

socialisolationofMuslimcommunities(theCantleReport,2001,aftertheAsianriotsofthatyear)

andpotentialMuslimterrorism(afterthe2005Londonattacks).

Ironically,theParekhReporthadstillreconceivedBritishdiasporicdiversityalmost

exclusivelyagainstapost-colonial,Commonwealthbackground.Inparticular,Modood’snationalist

versioncontinuedtobeserviceablethroughtheNewLabouryearsandintotheCameron“one


nation”era.AspectsofthisarestillvoicedbythelikesofBorisJohnson—theyarecomfortablewith

thiskindof(post)colonialvision(Sullivan2019).TheDailyTelegraphcouldhavereadthereportthat

way.Buttheoneitlatchedontocouldbepersonalisedintheradical(andpolitically“Black”)inputof

StuartHall,anditwasmuchmoreunsettling—ashadbeenthecontinuedwritinginthisveinbyhis

mostwellknownfollower,PaulGilroy(1993;2004).Thatracewasa“slidingsignifier”from

phenotypetoculture,thatthediasporicexperienceofslaveryhadpost-nationalaswellasdecolonial

implications,thathybridityledbeyondthenation-state,andthatthemostprofoundsourceof

racisminthemodernworldisnationalismandnation-building(Hall,2017;seealsoValluvan,2019).

InotherwordsthatwhiteracismlayattheheartoftheGreatBritishUnion,infact(as,infact,

Powell,hadalsoeffectivelyargued).

TheDailyTelegraphinasensehadreaditright(withreferencehereagaintoJohnston,

2000).Itcouldindeedbesaidthattherewasasub-stratumoftreasonatworkinthisargument.It

wasanattackonthefictionofBritainasanIsland-Nation.Curiously,atthispointintime,again,

readingthestatisticsinacertainway,thenewspapercouldclaimwithasoberface:whyshouldwe

listentotheseradicalmulticulturalclaims,whenonly4millionofBritishwereofethnicminority

origin(wellunder10%)?Theeffectsofnewmigrationsandthefreemovementofthe2000shadnot

yetshiftedthedemographicgroundundertheirfeet(onthisseeVertovec,2007).

Tosatisfyeconomicdemandonmigration,Labouralsochangedpath.Thequestionof

economicdemandwasturnedtowardstheEU;towards,ineffect,migrantswhowere“white,”

“Christian,”aswellasgenerallyyoung,welleducated,hyper-mobileandflexible,andveryunlikelyto

staylongterm.BritainbrokefromthecautiousEUpackin2004byopeningitsdoorstofree

movementaccession,afternotoriouslyunderestimatingitslikelyappealtoEastEuropeanworkers

(Dustmannetal.,2003;seeRegout,2016).Alargenumberofthesemoverswereinfactafter-the-

factregularisation—LondonhadalreadybecomeatransnationalEastEuropeaneconomy

(Garapich,2008).AsthefiguresrosetooveramillionPolish,largenumbersofRomanians,Baltics


andotherCEEnations,andtotals—addinginalltheWestEuropeans—ashighas3.7million

residentsbythetimeofthereferendum(Vargas-Silva&Fernández-Reino,2019).Thisofcourseonly

addedtoVertovec’ssuper-diversemix;italsoaddedanewkindofpracticalEuropean-scaled

transnationalismthatwasagoodillustrationinitsownwayofHall’sradicaldiasporichybridity

(Favell,2008b).Thismix,ofoldandnewminorityandmigrantpopulationsintheglobalcity,isthe

onecelebratedinHackneyandLambeth(Wessendorf,2014)—andwhichdeliveredthecitya

Muslimmayorin2016,andmassivepro-Remainmajorityinthereferendum(despitealltheresident

continentalEuropeansnothavingavote).ItwasalsotheonecelebratedasthetrueidentityofGreat

BritaininthefamousOlympicsopeningceremonyof2012—thelasttimeperhapstheworldhas,

universally,lookedat“Great”Britainaffectionately,beforeitbecameembroiledintheangstfulauto-

destructionandimperialrollbackofthereferendum.ThepointabouttheBritainfoundbynewEU

residentsinthe2000swasthatitscultureofanti-discrimination,andtheinstitutionsthatbuttressed

it,wasonebuiltonthelongandhardwoncommitmenttomulticulturalism,multi-racialequalityand

itspost-national,transnationalandcosmopolitanshiftbeyondthenation,firstsignalledby(aspects

of)theParekhReport.RigorousimplementationoftheEU’scorevalueofnon-discriminationby

nationality,slottedrightinalongsidenon-discriminationbyrace,religion,gender,ageanddisability,

inthepracticesofprivateandpublicorganisations,inserviceprovisionandpublicculture,and

largelyspeakingineverydaylife.NotonlydidthismakeBritainthemosthighlyEuropeanisedsociety

ononekeymeasure:openandunqualifiedequalaccesstothelabourmarket(Favell,2014).Italso

putBritainatthecoreofEuropeanvalues,havingalsodeeplyinfluencedtheEUinitsthinkingon

anti-discrimination(Gerhards,2007;Givens&EvansCase,2014).Itwasthisthathasbeenripped

apartbyFarage-ismandthereferendumitwon.TheintentofFarage’smanifestoagainstanti-

discriminationhadalwaysclear,eventotheDailyTelegraph(Hodges,2015).

CONCLUSION:IRONIESOFTHEPOST-BREXITIMMIGRATIONISLAND


Foralltheirrecklessnessover“immigration”,andtheirapparentwillingnesstoripupthepost-war

settlementonraceandmulticulturalism,thepoliticiansthatnowpilottheIsland-Nationarevery

cautiouslydownplayinganyfurtherreactionarydriftontheseissues.Theyaremen(andafew

women)whoknowtheyhaveopenedaPandora’sbox—andtheyarehappytositonthelidalittle

longerifitcangetthemthroughanotherelection.Johnson’sblusteringappeasementtoLondon’s

super-diverse,immigranteconomyhasplotteditspathtowardsthefictionofahighendonly“good”

immigration;anti-stateglobalfreemarketeers(ironically)conjuringupawholenewstateapparatus

todirecttheselectionandallocationofmigrantstoeconomicdemand.Theygloatovertheworking

classSouthAsianbusdriverfatherfromRochdaleoriginsofthelibertarianmillionairebankerSajid

Javid,thePakistaniBritishpoliticianbroughtintocleanuptheWindrushScandal,nowpromotedas

ChancellortofrontthebusinessdealsofglobaltradethatwillfollowBrexit.Heandhiscolleagues

seemtoseenocontradictioninthevisionofanIsland-Nationthathas“takenbackcontrol”on

“immigration,”butseekstothrowopenitsbordersandregulationtoeverynewbusinessdealopen

ontheplanet.

NoiseshavebeenmadeaboutnewtradeandmobilityrelationswiththeNew

Commonwealth,butthereisnopoliticalappetiteforthis,andnosupportamongstLeavevoters.

ReciprocalaccessforPakistanisandIndiansintheUKisasaddelusionthatmotivatedsomeBritish

SouthAsianstovoteLeave.Anymigrationthathappensfrompoorerpartsoftheworldwillhappen

evenmoredramaticallynowthanithasinrecentyearsthroughinformalandillegalchannels.The

increasinglyflexibleandstratifiedeconomyof“globalBritain”isverylikelytooffermanymoresuch

opportunities;again,diametricallytheoppositeofwhatLeavevotersthoughttheywerevotingfor.

TheshinynewimmigrationpolicypromisedbyJohnson,willbeevenmoreexplicitlybasedona

biopoliticsofselective“good”immigrants,thecolourofmoney,andveryalsolikelystratified

racially,toreflectBritishimperialpreferencesintheworld(seeagainGuardian,2020).Ashasalso

becomeapparent,BritaincanbarelyextractitselffromEUfreemovement,leadingtotheenormous

ironyofthe300,000+ayearnetmigrationbeingboostedbyaoneoff3millionnewimmigrant


settlement,asEUnationalsareforcedtonaturalise—orgohome(FavellandBarbulescu,2018).

Theselectiondynamicsofcourseareobvious.Thoseatthetopend,whocould,haveindeedgone

backtothecontinent.ThisagainwasnotpartoftheLeavevoterspreferencesetwhentheythought

of“takingbackcontrol.”Itconstitutesamassivenew“immigration,”amongalotofEuropean

nationals(mostofwhomwhocanretaintheirnationality),whohavelittleincentivetofeelor

becometrulyBritish,exceptinaresentfulinstrumentalway:notagreatmodelofcitizenship,for

sure.Maybetheirchildrenwillfeeldifferently—despitetheverydifficultcircumstancestheyhave

beenborninto,andtheroutinexenophobiathathasbeenreportedbybulliesinschoolplaygrounds

(Zontini&Però,2019).TheirsettlementisnotabadthingforBritain;farfromit.Itisamassive

humancapitalboost.Butagain,itisdiametricallytheoppositeofwhatLeavevoterswereconvinced

theywanted.

Theswindlecontinues.BothMayandJohnsonwereconvincedbythekindsofarguments

advancedbyGoodhart,GoodwinandKaufmann,thatthelocusofBritishpoliticalcultureandthe

outcomeofBritishelections,laywithloweducated,xenophobic,angry“workingclass”whitemen,

whoapparentlypopulatetheNorthofEnglandinlargenumbers.TheLabourParty,alittlemore

romantically,hasalsobeenpulledinbythislogic(seeChakrabortty,2019,discussingEvans&Tilley,

2017).Thepost-industrialNorthandsomeagriculturalregionsaregoingtogetsomefinancial

attention—abungofafewmillionquid,andalotoftalkandpoliticalstunts(UKGovernment,2019)

—whenitwasalreadythebiggestbeneficiaryofEUsubsidies,andhasthebiggesttoloseasaregion

fromlosingEUmarkets(“NewSPERIresearch,”2016).Meanwhile,NorthernIreland,whichdepends

initsownway,onthecarefulinstitutionalpreservationofmulticulturalpluralism,hasasalways

beenforgotten.

Scotland,however,hastakenadifferentlineonmigrationanddiversity.Doubtlessitwould

facesomeofthesamechallengesinwinningoveramajoritywhitepopulation,butamulti-ethnic,

multi-raciallineisagoodonewhenitsmainethnicdivisionisareligiousone.ReconceivingScotland


withthepositivelegacyofmulticulturalism-in-one-nation—ateaseinEuropeandintheworld—

wouldwork,andwithitspopulationprofilefacingsharpdemandsformigration,itcouldpotentially

thrivewithfreemovement.CertainlyitcancountonalotmoreEnglishescapingnorth.

Multiculturalism-in-one-nation,however,isnotanoptionfortherumpEnglandthatmaybe

leftiftheUnionsplits.AlltheBlackEnglishfootballersandMuslimcricketersintheworld,arenot

goingtopaperoverthefacttheSt.GeorgeEnglishnationalismmobilisedracismandxenophobiato

getitselfacrossthereferendumline,andthattheUnionistmissionofGreatBritainisnowinthe

handsofanexclusivelyEnglishnationalistConservativepartyanditsvotingconstituency,thathas

takenFarage-ismtohisheart,whilestillrefusingtoclaspNigeltoitsbosom.Farage’sentirecareer

wasmotivatedbyresentmentforhisexclusionfromtheConservativeParty.Post-empiremythswill

notholdtogetherthemassivelysuperdiverse,diasporanationofangryindigenouswhite“nationals”

andangryandmistreatedminoritiesandnewcitizens—notleastwithagunghoglobalbusiness

model,basedonservicesindustrythatwillonlycreatemoreunmanagablemigration,flowsand

mobilities,profitingfromcasualisation,flexibilisation,andinformalisation,andheldtogetherbya

cynicalbiopoliticalgovernmentality,thatisallaboutfacilitatingdifferentiatedflowsthrough

stratificationandcategoricaldiscrimination(Morris,2015).Itislightyearsfromacountryproudto

haveinstitutionalisedthemostcomprehensivesetofraceequalityandanti-discrimination

provisionsinEuropefornationalsandnon-nationalsalike.Themodel,ofcourse,istheUS,and

“smokeandmirror”immigrationpolitics(Massey,Malone,&Durand,2002)—thatboostsallthe

businessopportunitiesofmigrantexploitation,viaracialisedhierarchiesofaccessandexclusion,and

adeportationregimedesignedtokeeplowendmigrantsavailableyetpermanentlyvulnerable(de

Genova,2010).Theonethingthismodelneverdeliversislessmigration:althoughitcreatesgreat

anti-immigrationtheatre,whenittalkstoughandbuildswalls.Meanwhile,ofcourse,theexclusive

focusonevaluatingmigrationfromthereceivingsideonly,andattemptstorestricttransnationalism

andback-and-forthtransactionsthatsustainreturninvestmentsandremittances,onlydrivesglobal

inequalityfurtherup,anddevelopmentinsendingcountriesdown.


Meanwhile,backhome,someofthepoliticians’noisesbeingmadeaboutdoinggoodbythe

Britishworkingclassmayhaveasocialdemocraticair,butthisishardlyasinceregoal.Toreimagine

theBritisheconomyasonethatmightprotectBritishworkers,orgivethemimprovedlabour

conditions,wouldrequireatransformationinatotallydifferentdirection,towardsthekindofleft

nationalistprogrammethathasbeendefinedinGermanybyStreeck(2017).Itwouldneeda

manufacturingeconomy,andGermanstyleindustrialsystem;itwouldneedeffectiveunions,who

couldsecurehigherpayandbetterconditionsforBritishworkers;therewouldneedtobenewstate

imposedredtape,interveningintocompanies,controllingtheirhiringprocesses,imposingquotas

imposingnationalpreferencesovereconomicdemand;theywouldneedtothrowoutalotofanti-

discriminationlaw.AseriesofthingsantinomicaltothepathoftheBritisheconomyinthelastfive

decadeswould,inshort,needtohappen,tocreateaprotectedBritishworkforcewithhigherpay

andbetterconditionsandbenefits.ItisveryimprobableanyConservativegovernmentcouldbe

sincereaboutthesegoals;itishighlyunlikelyaLabourgovernmentwouldbeabletodeliveranyof

them.Thedemandformigration,inaflexible,highlyopeneconomy,islikelytoremainhigh,unless

onegovernmentoranothercrashestheeconomy—whichsomehaveseenastheultimategoalof

thenodealhardcore,whoseemtowantaresettabularasaforthenewglobalBritaintoemerge.

TheexperienceofmigrationanddiversityinBritaininthe1990sand2000sshowedthat

whatiseconomicallyandculturallysustainableinapositivevisionofnationaltransformationis

differentfromwhatispoliticallysustainable.Thosethatwantedtotransformthenationinanother

direction—tore-installanimperial,colonialBritainfreedfromreconcilingitsplaceintheworldwith

Europe—havetakentheopportunityofferedbythenormativepowerofsovereigntistthinking.It

wascarriedbyitseasiestandmostpowerfulexpression,a50%+onevote,thatcanbeclaimed

foreverasthe“voiceofthePeople.”Thisisofcoursenottheonlymodelofdemocracythatmightbe

conceivedforaglobalpoliticaleconomy,andcertainlynottheonlymodelofpoliticaldemography.It

appearsfarfromviablegiventhecontradictionsitcontainswithinitsIsland-Nationmentality,andis

likelytobeexplosivegiventheunavoidabledemographicdirectionofpopulationchangeand


diversity.Itisheldtogetherbyalgorithmsofsocialmediaobfuscation,anopendestructionofvalues

oftruthandsincerityinthepublicsphere,andawild,tabloidmedia-led,ridingofpopulist

resentmentagainstprofessionalpoliticians,lawyers,bureaucratsandintellectualsinfavourof

authoritarianpopularsovereignty(see,again,Cummings,2019).

TheGreatBritishBrexitSwindlehasusedtheseideasandvaluesbutdeliveredpowertoan

evennarrower,global-businessfixatedelite,withnointentionofrestrictingtheflowsandmobilities

thathaveunleashedtheseforces.TheproudIsland-Nationsailingoffintothemid-Atlanticwill

indeedbeapowderkeg—oncethePowellismthatdeliveredthisresultfindsithasnowheretogo,

andnoEuropelefttoblame.AsBritainsailsawaytoitsfate,amorehopefulfutureforEuropean

multi-ethnic,multi-racialsocietywillhavetobelookedforelsewhere—toFranceorGermany,to

theNetherlandsorSweden;societieswiththeirowndeepanddivisivediversitydilemmas,butalso

societies—perhaps,wemayhope—withagreaterawarenessandmemoryofjustwhereallofthe

darkstuffofimperialnationalismcanlead.

Appendix

ThepresentarticleisaversionofapaperoriginallypresentedatSt.Antony’sCollege,Oxford,and

thensubsequentlyatUniversityofQueensland,Brisbane,LoughboroughUniversity,UCLA,European

UniversityInstitute,Florence,andUniversityofParis-SorbonneIII.Ithankaudiencesattheseevents

fortheirresponses.ItalsodrawsupontheworkoftheESRC‘GovernanceafterBrexit’project

NorthernExposure:Race,NationandDisaffectionin“Ordinary”TownsandCitiesafterBrexit,for

whichIwouldliketothankfellowteammembers,outsidepartners,andcolleaguesattheUniversity

ofLeeds.


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