Correa - Otomí rituals and celebrations Crosses Ancestors and Resurrection.pdf

8/11/2019 Correa - Otom rituals and celebrations Crosses Ancestors and Resurrection.pdf

1/16

Otom Rituals and Celebrations: Crosses, Ancestors, and ResurrectionAuthor(s): Phyllis M. CorreaSource: The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 113, No. 450, Holidays, Ritual, Festival,Celebration, and Public Display (Autumn, 2000), pp. 436-450Published by: American Folklore SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/542041.

Accessed: 25/09/2014 16:26

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at.http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of

content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms

of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

American Folklore Societyis collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal

of American Folklore.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Thu, 25 Sep 2014 16:26:05 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=folkhttp://www.jstor.org/stable/542041?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/stable/542041?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=folk


2/16

PHYLLIS M.

CORREA

Otomi Rituals and

Celebrations

Crosses,

Ancestors,

and

Resurrection

In thecasepresentedn thisarticle, nelderly esidentfromruralcommunitynundated

by

a

large

dam

built

n

the late 1960s in

centralMexicocontinueso

celebrate

variety

of

rituals

and

ceremonies

throughout

he

year.

With

hisfamily

and

afew

closefriends,

he venerateshe

community'sfounding

ncestors

nd

sacred

images

n

his homeon the

outskirts

of

San

Miguel

de Allende. As a

result,

despite

the loss

of

the

original

community

nd the

dispersal

f

its

inhabitants,

he

traditions,values,

and

beliefs

conforming

o a

general

Mesoamerican

pattern

with a

particular

Otomi

configura-

tion-which

emphasizes

he

worshipof

crosses,

Saint

Michael

the

Archangel,

Saint

James,

the

four

cardinaldirections nd

winds,

sacrifice,

military

conquest,

and the

ancestors-aretransmittedo the

extendedfamily

memberswho reside ogether.The

article

proposes,

herefore,

hat

popular

eligion

n

Mexico,

while

retaining

central

ore

ofprehispanic

lements nd

beliefs

hatforms

he

basisfor

ts

ideology

nd

cosmology,

s

not

necessarily

onservativer static.

t

is

continually

reated

nd

re-createds traditions

are transmitted

oth

orally

and

through articipation

n

ritualsand

ceremonies,

hile t

simultaneously

esponds

nd

adjusts

o

changes

aused

by

external nd

internalfactors

that

constantly

estructurehe

relationships

nd

patterns

of

participation

f

individuals

and

groups hroughout

he

region.

THROUGHOUT

THE

YEAR,

LIFE N

THE

CITY OF

SAN

MIGUEL DE

ALLENDE

and

the

surrounding

area

in central Mexico

is

continuously punctuated by religious

celebrations.

Partici-

pants

in

these celebrations

are

mainly peasants

and

residents of

traditional

urban

neighborhoods (barrios).

hese

celebrations

orm

part

of

a

religious complex

that still

retainsa

high degree

of

indigenous

beliefs, attitudes,

and

values,

which,

according

to

Moedano

(1972:603),

preserves

a

specific

Otomi

configuration

despite

450

years

of

contact

with

Hispanic

culture.

In

fact,

he

speculates

that the

syncretism

n

Otomi

religion throughout

the

region

was in

general

superficial

and a means to avoid severe

repressionby religiousauthorities, ormanyof the traditional itualswere and continue

to

be

conducted

at

night

in

places

not

usually requented

by

outsiders.

Others,

such

as

Femrandez

1941:9-10),

have

emphasized

the

Catholic

aspects

of

the traditions

and

rituals

while

recognizing

the

persistence

of certain

pre-Christian

lements.

Phyllis

M.

Correa

is

Professorf Anthropology

t Universidad

utonoma

de

Queretaro,

Mexico

Journal

of

American olklore

13(450):436-450.

Copyright

?

2001,

American Folklore

Society.

This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Thu, 25 Sep 2014 16:26:05 PMAll use subject toJSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


3/16

Correa, Otomi

Rituals and

Celebrations

The

persistence

of native

ideology, according

o

Lopez

Austin,

was not the

primary

concern

of

the

Spanish conquerors,

and

he asserts hat as

long

as the

conquered

people displayed

a veneer

of conversion and as

long

as the coercion was maintained

and

native

thought

and customs did not

present

the

dangers

of

subversion,

resistance o

oppression,

aversion to

political

reform,

or

signs

of

religious

scandal,

urvivalof

Indian

ideology

was tolerated

(1988:17).

In an

earlierarticle

(Correa

1998),

I

formulate

a

slightly

different

explanation

of both the

persistence

of these culturalmanifestations nd

the

integration

of Christian

elements. On

an

ideological level,

there

is

a

centralcore of

concepts

and

principles

that

provides

the basic framework

within

which

emergent

patterns

are

reconfigured

and

integrated

(Fariss1984:8).

From

a

political standpoint,

indigenous eaders egitimizedtheirnew positionwithin the colonial orderthroughthe

organization

of

the

worship

of a cross or

saint

from

which

groups

derived their

identity,

displaying

an

adaptive

and

politically

astute

response

to

conquest

(Earle

1990:116-117).

On a functional

evel,

this

adaptive

and

appropriative esponse

served

to

maintain

cultural

stability

and

perhaps

had a

revitalizing

effect as well

(Carlsen

and

Prechtel

1991).

At the time

of the

Spanishconquest,

a

separate

thnic and

linguisticgroup

from the

Nahuatl

(of

which the Aztecs

were

members),

the

Otomi,

with a

reputation

for

militaryprowess

and

acculturated

nto

the

general

Mesoamerican cultural

pattern

of

high civilization, occupied the northern and eastern border zones of the Aztec and

Tarascan

Empires.

As

subjects

of

these

empires,

the

Otomi

acted

as

protectors

of the

borders

against

ncursions

by

the nomadic

groups

generically

called Chichimecs to the

north and

east and also

appear

o have

interacted

with them for trade

purposes

as

well.

The

areabetween the two SierraMadre mountain

ranges

north

of the

Mesoamerican

culturalarea was

mainly occupied by

those nomadic

groups

and was called the

Gran

Chichimeca

(Great

Chichimec

Region)

by

the

Spanish.

The

location where

San

Miguel

el Grande

(now

San

Miguel

de

Allende)

was establishedheld

strategic mpor-

tance

for the

expansion

of

Spanish

domination into an area not

under

the

control

of

the

prehispanicempires

and also

played

an

important

economic and commercialrole

throughout

the colonial

period

as a

supply

center

for the

gold

and

silver

mines

discovered n

Guanajuato

andZacatecas

o the north.

Otomies

from

Jilotepec

Province,

to the north

of the

Valley

of

Mexico,

were active

participants

n the

conquest

of

both

Queretaro

and

Guanajuato

during

the

early

colonial

period

as allies of the

Spanish

and

provided

the

earliest

colonizers, who,

together

with

groups

of

pacified

Chichimecs,

created a

network

integrating

local

communities into

a broader

social, economic,

and

political system

that also served

as

the basisfor a

regional

identity.

Today,

this

network is maintained

primarily

hrough

the

reciprocal

participation

in

religious

celebrations

throughout

the

area and the

existence of

a

hierarchy

of

groups

and

individuals

nvolved in

the

organization

of these

celebrations.

The

Laja

River,

a

tributary

f

the

Lerma-Santiago

River

system,

ies four

kilometers

to

the

west of

San

Miguel

de

Allende and

was the main zone

of

Otomi

occupation,

ncluding

several raditional

arriosof

the

city

itself In recent

decades,

the

use of

the

Otomi

language

has

virtually

disappeared

in

Guanajuato,

and

it

is

virtually

impossible

to

distinguish

he

Otomi

from

mestizo

peasantsand

residentsof marginal

urban

neighborhoods

who

generally

do

not

participate

n the

religious

complex.1

437



4/16

Journalof

American

Folklore113

(2000)

The rituals and ceremonies

described n this article that

form

part

of the Otomi

religiouscomplex

took

place duringHoly

Week in

the

familychapel

of Don

Agapito

R.,

a

formerresident

of the

ranch

of

Tirado,

which was inundated

by

a

large

dam built

in the late 1960s.

When forced to

leave,

Don

Agapito,

who

is

now close

to

90

years

old,

purchased

a

large

lot

on

the

outskirtsof town

near

the railroad tation

where

he

and

his extended

family

reside.

A

small

chapel

was built to house

religious

objects

he

recovered

from

the two

chapels

of Tirado

consistingprimarily

of a

number

of

crosses;

statues

of Saints

Michael

and

James,

to whom the

chapels

of the ranchwere

dedicated;

and several retablos

f saints. Retablos

are

religious

pictures

of

saints drawn

on

tin or

scenes

describing

the

miraculous

deed of

a saint

to

whom the

petitioner

turned

in a

time of need. The second type can be found on the wallsof manychurchesand shrines

offered as

an

expression

of

gratitude

o

a

specific

image.

Crosses,

with distinct characteristics

nd of

differing

types,

are

central to

Otomi

religious

traditions,

which revolve

around

the cross

as a

symbol

of the four

winds and

four cardinal

directions,

as

well

as

the

veneration of

the

ancestors

and

their

relationship

to

fire,

the

sun,

military

conquest,

andsacrifice.Saint Michael the

Archangel

and

Saint

James,

the

patron

saint

of the

Spanish

reconquest

of

the Iberian

Peninsula,

are both

important

figures

within the

Otomi

religious

configuration

as

divine

warriors.

Of the

retablos

in Don

Agapito's chapel,

one

depicting

San Isidro

Labrador,

called

the

demanditaliterally, he littlepetition ),is the most important.SanIsidro,whose feast

day

is 15

May,

was

celebrated

elaborately

n

the

former

community

of

Tirado

and is

the

principal

patron

saint of

numerous

ruralcommunities around San

Miguel.2Appar-

ently

a

large

oil

painting

of this saint

was taken

by

anothermember of the

community

and

is housed

in their

family chapel.

Don

Agapito

and his

familyperform

rituals and celebrationson

various

occasions

throughout

the

year,

and

in

September,during

the celebrations

o Saint Michael

the

Archangel,

the

patron

saint

of

the

city, they

continue

to make

the

offering

for

the

ancestors

n the name

of the

community

of Tirado.

According

to

Don

Agapito,

as

long

as he

lives,

he will

maintain

these traditions

and

hopefully

his

family

will

continue

them. To

quote

him,

Everythingchanges,

but

the traditions

go

on.

If

one

person

is

missing,

there

is another

'to

pick up

the word.'

This statement reflects

the central

thesis of

this article:

hat

popularreligion

in

Mexico,

while

retaining

a centralcore

of

elements

and beliefs

that forms

the

basis for

its

ideology

and

cosmovision,

is not

conservative

or

static

but, rather,

adapts

n

response

to

changing

circumstances

nd

is

continually being

created

and re-created

as traditions

are transmitted

both

orally

and

through

active

participation

n ritualsand ceremonies

to new

generations.

Further-

more,

this central

core

of

elements

and beliefs is

more

closely

related

to

a

prehispanic

configuration,

n this

case

Otomi,

and

Catholic elements

adopted

or

appropriated

ave

been

reworked

to conform

to that

generalconceptualization.

The central

ssuesto be

examined

revolve

around

questions

of

continuity (what

remainsstable

and

why)

and

change,

which

in this

particular

nstance

was the

dissolution

of

a

rural

community

as

the result of

a state

project

(the

building

of a

dam).

It is

hoped

that this

example

can

shed some

light

on

how external

pressures

an

disrupt

he

community-wideorganization

of

religious

celebrations

and

yet,

on

an individual

and familial

evel,

can be

maintained

and

transmitted.

To understand

he context of Otomi

popular

religious

traditions

n

438



5/16

Correa,

Otomi Rituals

and

Celebrations

the zone

within which the

specific

rituals

analyzed

are

performed,

t is first

necessary

o

have

a

general

overview of the

ceremonies, symbolic elements,

and

cosmology

as

manifested

n this areaof central

Mexico.

The SacredCross

of

Calder6nPass

The

primary

focal

point

of

popular religion

among

the

Otomi

who inhabit the

communities

along

the

Laja

River

in the

State of

Guanajuato, ncluding

the

city

of San

Miguel

de

Allende,

is

the

Sacred

Cross

of

CalderonPass.

This

particular

ross

ntegrates

a number of

traditional

urban

neighborhoods

and ruralcommunities both

within

the

township and throughoutmuch of the centralhighlands,primarily he Bajio region to

the

south,3

in

a network based

on the

worship

of

crosses,

other

religious

saints and

images,

and sacred

places.

According

to the

story

transmitted rom

generation

to

generation,

on

14

September

1531,

non-ChristianizedChichimecs

confronted

Christianized

Otomi

and

Chichimec

captains

n an streambednear Calderon

Pass n a

bloody

battle that lasted 15

days

and

nights

until

suddenly

t

grew

darkand

a

shining

cross

appeared

n

the

sky.

Upon seeing

this

supernaturalign,

the

non-Christianizednatives

stopped fighting

and

cried

out,

El

es Dios

[He

is

God].

The

supernatural ppearance

f the crossmeant that

they

should

surrenderand

accept

the Catholicfaith,

making peace

with their native brotherswho

had

fought against

hem.

A

crosswas carved out of stone and taken

to

the

high part

of

the

pass

where

a

chapel

was built.

This

stone

cross

is about four feet

tall and

rests

on

a

small

pedestal.

It has been

covered

with a thin

layer

of tin

that

is

painted

a dark burnishedbrown

and

covered

with diverse

figures

representing

he

passion

and death of

Christ,

two human

figures

who look

like native

dancers,

he sun and

moon

at

each

point

of

the horizontal

axis,

a

bloodied

dagger

at the

base,

the sacredheart of

Christ,

and a

pair

of severed

feet and

severed hands with

the

palms

showing. Despite

their

relationship

o

Christianbeliefs

(the

hands

and

feet

of

Christ

had nails

driven

in

them when he was

crucified,

and his

heart was

pierced

to

be sure

he

was

dead),

in

prehispanic

imes the feet

and hands

of

sacrificial ictims were sent to the

principal

ords,

while the head and heart could

only

be eaten

by

the

high priests

or

emperor

(Gonzalez

Torres

1994:294).

On

a

short

crosspiece

at the

very

top

of the

cross

s

a mirror

encrusted

n the stone with the

letters

I N

R

I. The

cross itself is

topped

off with

a small metal

crown.

A

very

important

feature of the

cross

is the

tiny

head of

Christ

carved

from wood

and

inserted

in a

hollow

precisely

at the

intersection

of

the two

axes,

making

t

look as

though

the

figure

of Christ is

completely enveloped by

the

cross. This

style

of the

Christ

figure being

inserted within

the material of the

cross,

whether

it is

made of wood

or

stone,

is

relatively

common

in

the areas

nhabited

by

the

Otomi.

The

wooden crosses

of this

type

are also

covered almost

completely

with

mirrors

painted

with the

figures

of the

passion

of

Christ

and,

in

some

cases,

also

showing

the

hands, feet,

and heart

of Christ.

Calderon Pass

s

sacred

not

only

because it

overlooks a

river

valley

to

the

north and

another

to

the

south,

a

location that

forms a

natural

opening

and is also a

sort

of

natural

crossroads,

but

also because of its

location near

where

the battle of

1531 took

place.

Many

important

locations in

Otomi sacred

geography

have

been

blessed

by

blood

439



6/16

Journalof

AmericanFolklore113

(2000)

being

shed in a

violent

way.

Energy

emanating

rom the

souls of the

dead creates

an

opening

to

communicate

with

supernatural eings

and

provides

the

power

used

by

practitioners

o

perform

magic.

These locations as well as the

tops

of

mountains,

crossroads, aves,

and

points

of

the

five

cardinal

directionsare

all

called

puertos,

which

literally

ranslatedmeans

passages

r

openings. 4

To

better understandthe

general complex

of

Otomi

religious

traditions,

which

revolve around the

worship

of the

Sacred Cross of Calderon and

the rituals

described

in

the

family

chapel

of Don

Agapito,

I

will

briefly

describe the two

celebrations

coinciding

with the

beginning

and end of the annual

agricultural

ycle

in which the

cross

plays

an

important

role: 3

May

and

the

festivities or Saint

Michael the

Archangel

at the end of September.

Celebrationsfor

the

Sacred Cross

during

the

Month

of

May

The

Day

of

the Sacred

Cross,

on 3

May,

begins

a

cycle

of

celebrations or crosses

n

homes,

in

chapels,

on

hills,

and

at

roadside shrines

throughout

the month in rural

communities

and urban

neighborhoods.

On the

night

of

2

May,

the

cycle

is initiated

with velaciones

nightlongvigil

characteristic f Otomi celebrations

with

clear

connota-

tions

of

being

a wake

for

the

dead)

in

many

chapels, ncluding

the

chapel

at

Calderon

Pass.

During

these

nightlong

vigils,

membersof differentcommunitiesarrive n

groups

to honor

the

cross,

carrying

heir

own

images,

crosses,

and

offerings

uch as flowers and

candles.

Upon

their

arrival,

they

are

received

by

the individuals

in

charge

of

the

celebration,

and

together they

enter the

chapel

accompanied by

the

clanging

of the

chapel

bell

to

be blessed

(or

more

accurately,

cleansed,

or the ritual s

called

limpia)

by

their

spiritual

eaders

and

to make their

offerings

of candles and flowers. Because

people

travel from other

communities,

they

come

prepared

o

spend

the

night,

and

usually

food, coffee,

and

liquor

are

offered.

During

the

night, copal

(a

native

incense

made from

pine

resin)

s

burned,

and the

people sing

hymns calling

on

the

four

winds,

four

cardinal

directions,

and the

acnimas,

r

souls,

of the ancestors

o

protect

and

bless

them,

accompanied

by

musicians

who

play

mandolin-like instruments

made out of

armadillo hells

(calledconchas).5

Because the cult has

been

relatively

solated and because of

the

strong

magical

and

shamanic

elements

involved, outsiders,

ncluding

other

peasants

n the

township

who

do

not

participate

n

the

cult

itself,

frequently

believe the

participants

re

witches

and

should be avoided.

Individuals

who

practice

black

magic

also consider

he

Sacred

Cross

of

Calderon

Pass as their

principal

source of

supernatural nergy,

but those

who

activelyparticipate

n the cult

rarely

claim to do

harmto others.

In

fact,

it is considered

to

be

very

harmful f such

people participate

n the ritualsand ceremonies

because

the

celebrations,

particularly

he

ones

in

September, emphasize

reconciliation

and

the

forgiveness

of offenses

rather

han

vengeance.

During

the

night,

an

important

ritual

element called

the custodia

guardian)

is

decorated with flowers

and

cucharilla,

arts

broken

off

the base of

the xotol

cactus,

which are

white and

shaped

like

spoons. According

to

informants,

the custodia

represents

he

monstrance

used

in the Church to

display

the sacred

Host;

it

always

accompanies

a cross

during

its celebration.

The

custodia,

which is about two

feet

high

440



7/16

Correa, Otomi

Rituals and

Celebrations

and standson

a

base,

is made of wood and has

eight

spikes radiating

out from

a

round

mirrorwith the head of Christpaintedon it in the center.At the end of each of seven

spikes

s a

rhomboidal-shaped

mirrorwith

a

painting

on

it;

the

spike

that

radiates

o

the

top

is finished

off

with a cross. Its round

shape

and

function as

guardian

makes it

possible

to

infer on

one

level that the

custodia also

symbolizes

the shields

the

Otomi

warriors

used to

protect

themselves.The

spikes

radiating

ut from the round

mirror

n

the center resemble the

rays

of the

sun. The

symbolic

relationship

of the

sun,

which

can be seen

in

this element and its

meaning

as

protector

or

shield,

reflects he belief

in

Mesoamerican

osmology

that

warriorskilled

in

battle or

sacrificed

go

to

assist

he

Sun

God

in its

daily

battle

against

he

celestial

gods

of the

night represented

by

the starsand

moon in order for it to complete itsjourney across he skies and ensurethe survivalof

the world.

Celebrations

or

Saint

Michael the

Archangel

in

September

At the end of

September,

celebrations

or

Saint

Michael

provide

the

context for

ceremonies

and

rituals

n

which

the

Sacred Cross is a

principal

element.

The

patron

saint's east

day

fallson 29

September,

coinciding

with

the end of the

mythical

battle of

conquest

of the native

groups

of

this area

by

Christianized

Otomi

and Chichimecs.

The traditionalcelebrationsonce

again

begin

with a

nightlong

vigil

in the

chapel

at

Calderon

on the

night

of 14

September,

which coincides with

the

beginning

of the

legendary

battle

and is

alsothe

vigil

for the Catholic feast

day

called the Exaltationof

the

Sacred

Cross,

which falls on 15

September.

The

following

day,

members of the

community

of La

Cieneguita

take

the SacredCross on a

preestablished

ilgrimage

o

several

tops

in the

city,

other

ranches,

and

finally

heir

community,

where it

stays

until

it is taken

to the

city

on the

main

day

of the

celebrations or Saint

Michael

to

lead

a

procession

of traditionaldancesknown as

the Entranceof the

Xfuchiles. 6

Before the

procession,

which

takes

place

late on

Saturday

afternoon,

the

cross is

brought

to

a location

on

the road to

the

railroad

tationfor an hour

or

two,

while the

different

dance

groups

from

many

parts

of Mexico

and other

groups

from the rural

communities and urban

neighborhoods,

with

their

respective images

and

offerings

called

xuchiles,

ather

for

a

ceremony

called the Encounter.

During

this

ceremony,

copal

incense is burned

while

spiritual

eaders cleanse the

participants

who ask for

forgiveness or

offenses

they

have

caused each other

during

the

year,

commemorating

the

reconciliation hat took

place

between

Christianized nd

non-Christianized

natives

more than 450

years

ago.

After

thisbrief

encounter,

the

dance

groups,

members

of the

religiousorganizationsrom the ruralcommunitiesandurbanneighborhoodscarrying

their

offerings,

the

Sacred

Cross with its

decorated

custodia,

the

statue of Saint

Michael,

and other

sacred

images

and ritual

items,

as well as

different

groups

of

musicians

bands,

he concherosith

armadillo hell

instruments,

pairs

of men

who

play

flutes

and

drums,

etc.),

proceed

to

the main

church at

the center of town in an

impressivedisplay

of color and

sound,

just

about

the time

when

the sun

is

setting.

The

Entrance of the

Xfuchiles

receives

its name from

the

offerings

called

xuichiles

preparedby

different

communities to be

stood

in

front of

the main

church as

offerings

to their

dead

leaders

who died in

the battle

of

conquest

or

were

founders of

the

441



8/16

Journal

of

AmericanFolklore113

(2000)

communities

and

barrios

and who are

believed to be buried in

the church

atrium.Each

community

or

neighborhood, including

Tirado,

has

a

traditional

place

in

front of the

main

church to

stand its

offering

to honor

the souls

of

its dead

leadersand

captains.

These

offerings

are made

on

rectangular

rameworks

formed

by

two

tree trunks

ranging

rom 12

to

20 feet

long

and

crosspieces

f about four to five

feet wide.

On

this

frame,

a

bed

of small reeds woven

together

with

cord

is

formed.

A

variety

of

designs

using

a

bright,

round,

orange-colored

lower of two or

three

inches in

diameter,

called

cempaxuchil

a

large

variety

of

marigold),

and

the

shiny

white

heart of the

xotol cactus

shaped

ike

a

spoon,

which

they

call

cucharilla,

re

then

woven

on

this base.

(A

xuchil

made

during

the

May

celebrations,

however,

uses white and red

carnations nstead of

the orange-coloredmarigolds hat only flower in the late summer and early fall.)Also

used are some

long purplish-colored

wild

plants,

such as

amaranth,

nd

fennel,

a

green

plant

used for medicinal

purposes,

as

well as

offerings

for the

dead such as

tortillas,

bread,

and

even

Coca-Cola.

It is believed that

the

xuchiles

represent

he stretchers sed

to

carry

he dead

from the

battlefield

and the cucharillas

represent

the skulls of the

dead.

Marigolds

were the

flowers offered

to dead warriors

and

leaders;

heir

shape

and

color also

represent

he

sun. The fact that the cucharillas

epresenting

he

skulls of the dead are

distributed n

rows,

that the xCuchil

s constructed on a

framework between two

trunks,

and the

offeringis stood in front of the temple makes it possibleto infer that it is a symbolic

representation

of a

tzompantli,

he rack

set

up

in front

of the

pyramidsby

the Aztecs

where the skulls

of sacrificial ictims were

placed

on

a kind

of

palisade

n

rows between

two or

more thick

upright poles

or

trunks.

Although

the skulls were

considered

trophies,

they

were

also

full of

the

supernaturalnergy

of

the victim which

could

be

propitiated

and act

as

protectors

of the

individualswho had

captured

them and

sent

them to their death

(Gonzalez

Torres

1994:284).

Many

of those who

participate

n the

procession

are

not members of a dance

group

but, rather,

hold

positions

within the

cargo systems

of their local communities

or

have

a

particular

evotion to the SacredCross.7

They

carry

mall

religious mages

and crosses

that are venerated

n

their

communities,

copal

incense,

and short reed

staffs

decorated

with cucharillas

cut

into flowerettes

or

longer

ones

that

represent

lances with the

cucharillas

ut

like

fringe,

almost

giving

the

appearance

of feathers.It is believed

by

some

participants

hat

the shorter

staffs

represent

he

candles

carried

during

a funeral

procession,

but

from

images

found

in

codices

(native

picture drawings),

the shorter

staffs

also look

similar o

representations

f war clubs

used in

battles.

The

longer

staffs

are

crossed,

placed

in front of

certain

crosses,

and tied

to

the

points

of their

crosspieces,

whereas

frequently

he short

reed staffs

are leaned

against

he crosses.Numerous

small

wooden

crosses

representing

he souls

of the

dead

captains

of

the

conquest

and other

important

ancestorsare

carried

by

their

descendants.

The different

dance

groups

and

groups

representing

communities

or

neighborhoods

also

carry

cloth banners

with

images,

emblems,

slogans

such

as

Union,

Conformity,

and

Conquest,

and

the name

of the

group

to

identify

them.

In each

group,

the

captain

or head carries he staff

of

command,

also called

la

pasion

the

passion),

hat has been

passed

down

from colonial

times.

The

passion

s

a short

wooden

pole

that has a metal cross

at the

point

with a red

flag

attached

o

it;

ribbons

of

different

colors,

usually

red,

white,

and

green,

are tied

to

442



9/16

Correa,

Otomi

Rituals and Celebrations

the shaft at

the

base

of the

cross.

Generally,

he

principal

eaders of the

communities

and traditional

neighborhoods

are chosen

from the same

family

as the

previous

eader,

and

the

position

is held for

life,

although

other

positions

in the

cargo

system

are held

only

for one

year.

The successor

may

be

designated

by

the leader

during

his lifetime

but must be

ratified

by

the

other leaders

of the

region.

If there is no suitable male

descendant,

the leaders

of

all

the communities

and traditional

neighborhoods

chose

a

successor

by

consensus

to hold the

position

for life.

The

principal

characteristic

ought

in

a

leader

is

humility;

the

person

should not

be

ambitious,

which

really

means

greedy

or

self-serving.

As

a

final

remark,

t

is

important

o

point

out that

the

Otomi

who

participate

n

the

celebrations for Saint Michael are in fact primarilyhonoring the Sacred Cross of

Calderon

Pass

and their ancestors.

Although

Saint

Michael is one of the most

impor-

tant saints and

is the

guardian

of

Christ,

he

is

still not

the central focus of these

celebrations

n the

eyes

of

the

participants

hemselves.

When asked which is most

important,

he

cross

or Saint

Michael,

the woman who

was the

current

guardian

of

the

Sacred Cross

immediately responded,

Well,

which

goes

first? In the

eyes

of

the

general

population,

however,

Saint

Michael

is the

primary

focus for

the

celebrations,

which last for several

weeks.

Rites

of

Death and Resurrection

Don

Agapito

was

born

in 1911

in

the rural

community

of the

Ranch

of

Tirado,

one

of the

many

properties

mainly

within the immediate

surroundings

of

the

city

of

San

Miguel

owned

by

a well-to-do

family

up

until the

1960s.

Although

Don

Agapito

claims

hat

his

family

did not seem to

have had a

specialposition

with the

estate,

he

was

selected as

a

trusted

employee

when

his

father

died

around 1927.

First,

he was

in

charge

of

overseeing

the numerousorchards

n the

properties,

which included

some

of

the best

agricultural

and in the

township

with abundantwater

resources,

and

later

he

became the

main

administrator f

Tirado,

which had about 65 heads of

family

and

a

total

population

of

approximately

300 inhabitantswhen

it

was inundated and aban-

doned

in

September

1970. At that

time,

Don

Agapito

moved to the

parcel

of

land he

had

purchased.

The

original parcel

has been

subsequently

subdivided,

and other

membersof the

family

have made

independentdwellings

on

each side

of Don

Agapito,

who shares the center

portion

with his

adoptive grandson

Ramon and his

family,

which

consists of

eight

children

(although only

five still

live at

home)

and one

grandchild.

This

family,

which

in

his words

provides

him

warmth and

participates

with

him in

religious

celebrations,

s

in

reality

related to his

deceased

wife; however,

they

affectionately

and

respectfully

call

him

abuelo

(grandfather)

nd do

not

readily

admit

that he is not in fact their

grandfather.

The

layout

of

the house lot reflects the

rural

origins

of its

occupants.

There

are

several

small

separate

structuresused

for

living

and the

chapel.

Don

Agapito

has his

own

room,

while Ramon and

his

family

live

in

a

separate

wo-room structurewith

very

little

furniture

and

two double

beds. Close to a

well in the

center

of

the

lot,

there

is a

separate

oom used as a

kitchen. The

remainderof the

large

ot has

several

areas

or

differentactivities or uses: a

corralfor small farm

animals;

a

small

garden

where

Don

443



10/16

Journal

of

AmericanFolklore113

(2000)

Agapito

plants

corn, chiles, beans, flowers,

and

fruits;

and a

larger

covered

space

that is

a kind of

workshop.

There

is

a smallcement

structure o hold water

(pila)

with a

space

for

washing

clothes and dishes

that is

supplied

with water from a well on

the

property.

Water

is

brought up

by

bucket and

placed

in a shoot

leading

to the

pila. Despite

the

fact that

they

are within

city

limits,

their house has no

runningpotable

water

or

sewage

connection.

The

chapel

bell

from

Tirado

hangs

in

one

large

tree,

and in

another

tree

there is a

plain

wooden cross about three feet

high,

which

protects

the

inhabitants

of

the residence.

One

of the

principal

tructures s the

chapel

itself,

a room of

about nine feet wide

by

15

feet

long.

Its southern wall forms

part

of

the

outer wall on

the

street.

The door of

the chapel,which is inside the compound to the left of the main door thatopensto the

street,

faces east

with the altaron the west wall. The

door

to

the

chapel

s

locked most

of

the

time,

and

only

Don

Agapito

has a

key.

Most

people

realize

that

the

objects

contained

therein have not

only

spiritual

value

but

commercialvalue as

antiques,

and

Don

Agapito

mentioned that some items

disappeared

when he was in the

hospital

for

an

injury

he suffered o

his

leg

about

ten or 15

years

ago.

In addition

to

the

ritualsof

Holy

Week described

below,

the

family

also

performs

rituals o honor Saint

James

on 25

July

(Don

Agapito

has

a masssaid at a

church),

they

bring

a cross

(called

he

SantaCruz del Buen

Temporal, meaning,

the SacredCross

of

the

Good

Rains )

from a hill on the road

to

Tirado severalmiles

away

in

August

for

ten

days,

and

they

maintainthe traditionof

preparing

he

xuchil

to

be

placed

in

front

of

the

main

church

during

the celebrations o Saint Michael in

September

n the name

of

the

former

community

of Tirado. Because

they

do not have the

large

oil

painting

of

San

Isidro

Labrador,

hey

do not

hold

any

celebrations on

15

May,

nor

do

they

cooperate

with the

person

who has

the

painting

n

any

type

of

celebration.

The

rituals

that

Don

Agapito

refers to as the

laying

down

of the

crosses

(or

putting

the crosses

o

rest )

ake

place

in

two

separate

tages

or

parts.8

On

Thursday

morningof Holy Week the two largercrosses hatusuallyoccupy each sideof the altar

were

laid

on the floor in front of

the altar: he Cross of SaintBernard

on

the

right

and

the

other

cross

on the left.

The Crossof SaintBernard

has

a

figure

of Christ

hanging

on

it,

and

the

cross

tself is carvedto look

like a twistedcord and

painted gold.

According

to

Don

Agapito,

this

cross

was

in the

chapel

dedicated

o SaintMichael and

represents

the

founder

of that

chapel,

an individual

named

Bernard.

The other cross also has

a

figure

of

Christ

hanging

on

it and

was

in the

chapel

dedicated

to Saint

James.

It

represents

he founder

of that

chapel,

but Don

Agapito

cannot remember

its name.

Both

crosses,

which are made

of

wood,

are about four feet

tall

and

are called

the

Founders. Accordingto Don Agapito,the faces of the Christfigureson crosses,not

just

his

crosses,

represent

ndividuals

who held

special positions

or

played

important

roles.

He

claims

that

they

arelike

pictures

of the

person

in

order to be

remembered

since

there

weren't

any photographs

then.

This still occurs

today.

In

1993,

the

guardian

of

the Sacred

Crossof

Calder6n

Pass,who,

according

to

oral

tradition,

was

a

direct

descendant

of

one

of

the

Chichimec

captains

who

participated

n the

mythical

battle

near

Calderon

Pass

n

1531, died,

and his widow

had

a crossmade.

The

face of

the

Christ

figure

is a

remarkably ood

resemblance.

444



11/16

Correa,

Otomi

Rituals

and

Celebrations

A

small

cross,

called

Santo

Cristo

(Christ

the

Saint),

was

placed

on a

small

raised

board

at

the head

of the two

crosses,

which

were then covered

almost

completelywith

flowers,

manzanilla

chamomile),

used

as a tea to cure

digestive

problems,

and

another

plant

called

mastranto,

lso

used for

medicinal

purposes.

The latter two are

basic

elements

in

many

ceremonies centered

on

Holy

Week.

Manzanilla,

which

flowers

at

this time of

year,

is

distributed

o

people

who

visit the altarsmade

for

Christ

in

the

local churches on

Holy

Thursday

as well.

Also

placed

on the altar and

the bed

of

flowers,

manzanilla,

and

mastranto,

under which the

crosseswere

buried,

were tins

of

new wheat and

corn,

oranges

which

were

usually

wrapped

n

tinfoil

or decorated

with

gold paper flags),

and

votive candles

in

small

glasses.

All

of these

elements are

typical

components of altarsmade for any reason at this time of the year.9Two large stick

candles were

placed

on either side

near the heads

of the

Christ

figures,

giving

the

impression

of a casketwith

candles

on each

side-typical

of wakes in

Mexico.

Only

Ramon and his

wife were

involved in

carrying

out these

activities,

while

Don

Agapito

sat

on a bench and made

suggestions

or

comments

about

where

things

should

be

placed.

An

elderly

man

stopped

in

to

greet

Don

Agapito

but did

not

stay

to

help,

and

later an

elderly

woman

came with a

bundle

of

manzanillaand

some

vases.

Her

deceased

husbandwas from

Tirado,

and she

had

continued

to make

offerings

to the

crosses and

participate

n

some of the

rituals.

Once

the crosses

were

covered,

they

remainedthatway until Saturday ight.

On

Saturday

night

at

midnight,

the

crosseswere

uncovered,

cleaned

off,

and

placed

once

again

in their

usual

locations

on either

side

of the

altar.Under

normal circum-

stances the

family

attended,

and

while the

crosses

were

being

resurrected,

ireworks

were

set off

and the bell in

the

yard

was

rung.

In

1997,

however,

only

Ramon,

his

wife,

and

their

youngest

child,

who

was

sleeping

on

a

bench,

accompanied

Don

Agapito

because n the

afternoon

a

pickup

truck had

backed

up

and

knocked down the

outer wall of

their

residence near the

entrance.

Fortunately,

no

one was

injured,

nor

was

the

chapel

itself

damaged,

but

apparently

he

rest of

the

family

went to bed

early.

That same

day

there had

been a

fairly

serious train

accident just

beyond

the train

station,

and at

midnight

the

street n

front

of

the house

was

still

full of

soldierssent to

assist he

injured.

As on

Thursday,very

little in

the

way

of ritual ook

place.

Once the

crosseswere

returned

o their

places

on

the

altar,

a

rosary

was

recited,

as is

customary

during

a

wake

and

during

the

nine

days

following

a

death.

When

Don

Agapito

mentioned the

ritualof

putting

he

crosses o

rest,

referring

o

the

crosses

called

the

Founders,

during Holy

Week,

I

felt that

there

might

be a

special

significance

that

would

help

shed

further

ight

on the

complex

of

popular

religion

in

the

area. In

the

churchesof San

Miguel,

a

ceremony

calledthe

Adoration

of

the

Cross,

performed

on

Good

Friday

after

the

Stationsof the

Cross,

in

which

the

cross is taken

off

the altar

and

placed

on the

floor while

all

the

priests

recite

prayers,

eems to

provide

the

prototype

for the

rituals

performed

by

the

community

of Tirado in

the

past

and

by

Don

Agapito

in

the

present.

Although

the

ceremony

in

Don

Agapito's

chapel

lacked

elements

typical

of

the

velaciones in

the

region

prior

to

important

feast

days,

which

include the

burning

of

copal,

the

singing

of

hymns

to the

four

winds and

the

ancestors,

and the

limpias,

t

did

deepen my

understanding

of

another

aspect

of

how

Catholic

traditions

have

been

445



12/16

Journal

of

American

Folklore113

(2000)

reworked

into the Otomi

configuration.

The crossesused

in

the rituals

performed

n

Don

Agapito'schapel

do

not

symbolizeChrist,but,

in

fact,they

are

directly

relatedto

the ancestorsof

the

inhabitants

of

Tirado and the

founding

of the

community repre-

sented

by

the

building

of the

chapels.

At

least

n the case

of these

particular

rosses

and

many

others),

Christ

has

coalesced

with the

prominent

ancestors,

reflecting

their

sacredness

s well. These crosses

are

not mere

symbolic

representations

f the

animasor

souls of

these

important

ndividuals,

ike the small

plain

wooden

crosses,but,

rather,

were

made to resemble

the individuals hemselves

(as

mentioned

previously).

It would seem that

the

process

of

intertwining

deities and humans has been

carried

over from the

prehispanic

past. According

to Carrasco

1987:143-144),

a

great

deal of

confusionhas been generatedbecausemanygods of the Mesoamericanpantheonwere

in fact

merely

avocations

(separate

dentities)

of

a more

major

deity,

and each

one had

separate

east

days

and

distinct

ways

of

being

represented.

To add to the

confusion,

the

characteristics

f

important

ndividualswere

also

integrated

nto the

characteristics

hat

distinguished

he

deity, making

it

unclear

whether individuals

mentioned

in

myths

and

legends

were

mythical

characters

r real

people

deified

in this

way.

It is also

possible

o

discern

a connection

among

the most

important

deities

(Carrasco

1987:139-141;

Gonzalez

Torres

1994:141-161),

which were

especially important

among

the Otomi:

the Sun God

and

the Fire God

and

their

relationship

o

the Old

Father,

who was

the

founder

or

creator.

In Otomi

religion,

the Old

Fatherwas

fire and

therefore

related to

the

sun,

the

largest

fire

in

the

sky.

The

principalgod

of the

Otomies

was

Otonteuctli,

the Lord of

the

Pine. This

god

had

another avocation

as

Lord

of

the

Torch,

reflecting

his

relationship

o the God of

Fire and

to

the Old

Father

(or

founder).

Thus,

Christ

would be

the Fire God

in his avocation

as the

Sun,

a

symbolism

that is

present

in

Catholic

doctrine.

As the

Fire

God,

Christ

would

therefore

be

connected

with or

related

o the founder

or

Old Father.

Warriors

killed

in

battle or

sacrificed

and other

important

spiritual

and

military

eaderswere

believed

to

go to the sun to assist t in its battleagainst he celestialbodies of the night in order to

complete

its

daily journey

across

the

sky.

As

a

result,

it is

possible

to discern

the

interconnectedness

among

diverse

elements

that are still

apparent

n

the

traditions

of

this

zone:

the

sun,

deification

of

warriors

and

leaders,

and

veneration

of the ancestors.

On

several

occasions,

Don

Agapito

reiterated

the

importance

of his

images

and

crosses

because

they

were

made

from

the

palo

sagrado

sacred

pole),

that

is,

they

are

made

of

a

special

kind

of wood.

Therefore,

not

only

do the statues

and

crosses

have

important

ymbolic

content

as

images,

the

actual

material

hat

they

are made of

(wood)

apparently

refers

directly

to

the

principal

deity

of

the

Otonmi,

he Lord

of

the

Pine.

During

celebrations

o

this

deity,

a wooden

pole

is raisedandan

image

of the

deity

is

placed

on the

top

(Sahagun

1969).

It should

be

pointed

out,

however,

that

wooden

crosses

are subordinate

o the Sacred

Cross

of

Calderon

Pass,

which

is made of

stone.

Possibly,

the

hierarchical

distinction

relates

to

the belief

among

Chichimec

groups

(which

Otomies

and

Aztecs

considered

themselves

to

have been

originally)

hat

their

ancestors

were

descended

from

giant

rocks

or

became

rocks

when

they

died.10

Once

again,

however,

there

is

a

relationship

among

Christ,

crosses

made of

eitherwood

or

stone,

and

the ancestors

as

important

objects

of

veneration.

As

previously

mentioned,

446



13/16

Correa,

Otomi

Rituals

and

Celebrations

the

xuichiles

n

September

are offered to

the

ancestors,

not to

God,

and

yet

they

have

somehow become

part

of God.

The

interrelatedness f

the

concepts

of death and resurrectionalso

forms

an

integral

part

of the Mesoamerican

cosmology

(Gonzalez

Torres

1994:198-217;

Matos

Moc-

tezuma

1975).

Life

and

death

were

united

among

these

groups

of

agriculturalists

nd

warriors,

ncluding

the

Otomi.

They

observed

the

cyclical

birth,

growth,

death,

and

rebirthof the

plantsthey depended

on,

and from their

daily

observations

ncorporated

this

basic

idea into their view of

the

world and the

cosmos. The

cyclical

nature

of

the

naturalworld was

projected

onto the

supernatural

world

as well.

According

to

their

view of the creationof

the

universe,

the destructionof each

previous

era

(at

the time of

the Spanishconquest they were in the period of the FifthSun) included the death of

the deities. As Soustelle

states,

The

era of the Fifth Sun was

dominated

by

this

theme

of

death

and

resurrection,

of the

sacrifice

necessary

or the lives of

the celestial

bodies

and

the Universe. In

order

to

create

the

sun,

it was

necessary

o

spill

blood,

liberate

he

vital life forces

(1977:556);

the

spilling

of human

blood was

necessary

or the

sun's

continued survivalas

well.

According

to Gonzalez

Torres,

the annual

sacrifice

of

deity

impersonators

t

major

celebrationswas

in

a sense a

re-creation

of

myths

in

which

gods

were

assassinated

n

order to be

reborn

n the

future. These sacrifices

were

offered

by

the

community

in

order to establishand

interchange

mana, which,

depending

on the

type of sacrifice,had distinctfunctions.... By means of the periodicalsacrificeof the

gods

the

continuity

of

their

existence

in

their

sacreddomain was

ensured,

since

every

sacrifice

meant resurrection

Gonzalez

Torres

1994:217).

In the

past,

the ritual

of

putting

the

crosses o rest had

been

performed

n

each of

the

chapels

of Tirado.Each

cross

was

placed

on the

floor

in

its

chapel

and covered with

flowers,

manzanilla,

and mastrantoas if in a

coffin,

and

candles

were

placed

at each

side. Tins

of

new

wheat and

corn,

votive

candles,

and

oranges

wrapped

in

foil were

placed

on the altarand on the

beds of

flowers and

plantscovering

the

crosses. The

rosary

and

prayers

were recited as is

done

during

a

wake,

and

people

accompanied

he

crosses n a

nightlongvigil

as

they

would

a

dead

member of their

community.

It was

also

the

custom to

cover

the

other

figures

on the

altarwith a

large

purple

cloth in

a

sign

of

mourning,

which is not done

by

Don

Agapito

and his

family.

According

to

Don

Agapito, originally

the

raising

up

or

resurrecting

of

the

crossestook

place

on

Good

Friday

during

the

day

but about

40

years

ago

it

was

changed

to

Saturdaynight

at

midnightby

order of the

Pope.

In

order to

collect the

items needed

for the

celebration,

here were

people

in

charge

of

the

chapels

(mayordomos)

ho

went

to

the

people

of

the

village

asking

for alms

primarily

o

buy

the candlesand

flowers

needed

to make an

altar.The

community

was

divided in

two

parts,

with each

part

paying

devotion to one of the

crosses.Funds

for

local

celebrations

re still

collected

in

rural

communities n the

same

way today.

People

in

neighboring

villages

who

usually

attendthe

celebrationalso

provide

alms ither in

money

or

goods.

Most

of these

networks

of

cooperation

and

reciprocal

relationsare

reinforced

by

kinship

ties as well.

According

to

Don

Agapito,

it

is

necessary

o

have the

will

or desire

(voluntad)

nd

for the

people

to be in

agreement

(conformidad)

n order

to

properly

carry

out

the

celebrations.

Union

among

the

people

is the

key,

and

groups

that

cooperate

or

communities that

maintainties

of reciprocal

relationsare

considered

447



14/16

Journalof

AmericanFolklore113

(2000)

to

be of

the

same word. Not

only

is

spiritual

union

necessary

or the

celebrations o

be

successful,

but

union,

in

terms of

active

participation

nd

economic

cooperation,

s

crucial,

even

though

each

person

and

every

family

give

whatever

they

are able. The

distribution

of

food

among

the

participants

nd

guests,

which is

an

integral part

of

community

celebrations,

has

always

been

a matter of

cooperation,

and

frequently

he

owners of ruralestatesdonate several

animals or the

community

celebrations.

Despite

the

importance

of

looking

into the

symbolic

and

ideological

content of

the

ceremonies,

rituals,

and beliefs to

find certain

connections

across

time,

the rituals

hat

continue

to be

performedby

Don

Agapito

and his

family acquire

significance

because

they

also

demonstrate

how

these traditions

persist

despite

dramatic

changes

n

specific

circumstances r the entire context within which they had alwaysbeen performed n

the

past.

In

this

case,

the

changes

include

the total destructionof

a close-knit

commu-

nity

integrated

by

ties of

kinship

and

reinforced

through

a network of

reciprocal

obligations

and mutual assistance o conduct

the ceremonies that

ensured the survival

of

the

community

year

after

year by

propitiating

and

giving

thanks to

the deities and

ancestors

who

control

the

forces

that

directly

affected the

people's

lives. As Don

Agapito

stated,

he

is unable to

perform

he rituals

exactly

the

way

they

had

been done

in the

past

because

he is alone. He

complied

with

his

self-imposed

obligation

of

honoring

the crosses

and statues he best he

could

on an

individual

basis

considering

his

lack of resources.He continued to venerate the ancestorsof the community through

the ritualof

putting

the crosses o

rest,

and even

though only

his immediate

family

usually

would

participate

n

the

preparation

f the

xuchil for the

September

celebra-

tions,

they

did

it in the

name of

the

community

of Tirado.

Except

for this

symbolic

offering

made each

September,

Tirado no

longer

exists,

for

former residentsno

longer

live in close

proximity,

and

more

important, hey

do not maintain

ties of

cooperation

and

mutual

obligation

as

in the

past

to

perform

what

used

to be

community

ceremo-

nies and

rituals.

Conclusion

The

ceremonies

and rituals

hat took

place

in Don

Agapito's chapel

were

virtually

closed,

not

because

others

were

systematically

xcluded

but because

the

community

that

formed

the context for

them

has

disappeared.

Don

Agapito adopted

he

sacred

images

and

crosses and

has

continued

to

perform

the

rituals

hat

the

community

as a

whole

performed

n the

past,

only

now as an isolated

unit of

family

and

close

friends.

Because the entire

network

of

organization

and

support

that was a

fundamental

element

for the realization

of

the celebrations

n the

community

no

longer exists,

the

rituals and ceremonies

have also become

simple,

and there has been no

attempt

to

re-create he

most elaborate

celebration

or San

Isidro

n

May.

Furthermore,

he sacred

items,

which

were

formerly

community

property,

now

belong

to

Don

Agapito

and

will

probably

be

inherited

by

his

adopted

family.

As Don

Agapito

pointed

out,

things

are

always changing,

but

there is

always

someone

to continue

celebrating

he

rituals

and

ceremonies.

Despite

the

very

different

context,

family

nsteadof

community

and

urban

nsteadof

rural,

hese ceremonies

and

rituals ontinue

to fulfill

culturallymeaningful

eligious,

ocial,

and

economic

objectives.

448



15/16

Correa, Otomi

Rituals and Celebrations

The

coresidence

of several

generations

n the same household

facilitates

ccess

by

the

extended

family

to the

meaning

of these traditions

and how

to

maintain

them

from

Don

Agapito.

It

seems

likely

that

the

persistence

and efflorescence

of these

traditions

and

beliefs

that

have been the

basis

of a local and

regional

dentity

for

centuries

despite

the

continually

acceleratingpace

of

the

processes

of

globalization

could

alsobe

a

form

of

resistance

o

cultural

homogenization

through

increased

contact

and

assimilation.

This

is reflected

by

the fact that

even the

younger

members of

the

family

who

would

normally

be most affected

by

external

influences and

ideas

claimed that

they

would

continue

the traditions

of their ancestors.

Overall,

although changes

occur

for a

variety

of

reasonsand

relationships

etween individuals

and

groups

are

restructured,

hey

have

not in factaffected he basicideologythatthe cult restson or the degreeof religiosityof

the

participants.

Notes

11am

using

mestizo o

indicate

cultural

rather than

actual racial

or

biological

distinctions,

for

Indian,

Caucasian,

and

African

physical

characteristics

re

mixed

throughout

the

population.

As one

informant

who

did

not

participate

n the

religious

complex

of

the Santa

Cruz

stated,

We are all

Indians,

but some

are

more

than others.

She

was

referring

o

the

retention of

cultural

beliefs

and

practices

rather

han

physical

or linguistictraits.

2Saint

Isidore

(San

Isidro

Labrador)

was a

Spanish

serf

who

never

failed

to

attend

Mass each

morning

before

going

to work in

his fields.

The

other serfs

criticizedhim

for

being lazy

and

complained

to the

lord,

who

investigated

and

found that

his

fields

were

being

cultivated

by

two

angels.

From that

day

on,

he

put

San

Isidro

in

charge

of all

of his

lands. San

Isidro

was known

for

his

generosity

to

the

poor

and his

religiosity.

His

saint's

day

is held in

the

middle

of

May

at

the

very

beginning

of

the

annual

agricultural

cycle.

3The

Bajio

is a

large

geographical

region

formed

by

former

lakebedsand

interconnected

by

the

Lerma

River,

which

originates

n

the

high

mountainsnear

Toluca and

flows

westward

toward

the

Pacific

Ocean.

The

Laja

River is a

tributary

f

the

Lermaand

runs from the

north to the

south

just

a few

kilometersfrom

the

city

of

San

Miguel

de

Allende.

The

Bajio

is

one

of the

principalagricultural

ones of

the

country,

and

at the time

of

the

Spanish

conquest,

the Lerma

River

formed

the

boundary

between the

Tarascan

Empire

to

the south

and

the

nomadic

Chichimec

groups

to the

north.

4Puerto

enerally

refers

to an

opening-a

mountain

pass

or

harbor-but it

also

has

Documents

Correa - Otomí rituals and celebrations Crosses Ancestors and Resurrection.pdf