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Vol.:(0123456789)1 3
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11896-020-09425-8
REVIEW ARTICLE
Cognitive Biases in Criminal Case Evaluation: A Review of the Research
Vanessa Meterko1 · Glinda Cooper1
Accepted: 8 December 2020 © The Author(s) 2021
AbstractPsychological heuristics are an adaptive part of human cognition, helping us operate efficiently in a world full of complex stimuli. However, these mental shortcuts also have the potential to undermine the search for truth in a criminal investigation. We reviewed 30 social science research papers on cognitive biases in criminal case evaluations (i.e., integrating and drawing conclusions based on the totality of the evidence in a criminal case), 18 of which were based on police participants or an examination of police documents. Only two of these police participant studies were done in the USA, with the remainder conducted in various European countries. The studies provide supporting evidence that lay people and law enforcement professionals alike are vulnerable to confirmation bias, and there are other environmental, individual, and case-specific factors that may exacerbate this risk. Six studies described or evaluated the efficacy of intervention strategies, with varying evidence of success. Further research, particularly in the USA, is needed to evaluate different approaches to protect criminal investigations from cognitive biases.
Keywords Cognitive bias · Confirmation bias · Police · Investigation
Introduction
Decades of research in cognitive and social psychology have taught us that there are limitations to human attention and decision-making abilities (see, for example, Gilovich et al. 2002). We cannot process all the stimuli that surround us on a daily basis, so instead we have adapted for efficiency by attuning to patterns and developing mental shortcuts or rules of thumb to help us effectively navigate our complex world. While this tendency to rely on heuristics and biases can serve us well by allowing us to make quick decisions with little cognitive effort, it also has the potential to inad-vertently undermine accuracy and thus the fair administra-tion of justice.
Cognitive bias is an umbrella term that refers to a variety of inadvertent but predictable mental tendencies which can impact perception, memory, reasoning, and behavior. Cogni-tive biases include phenomena like confirmation bias (e.g., Nickerson 1998), anchoring (e.g., Tversky & Kahneman 1974), hindsight bias (e.g., Fischhoff 1975), the availability
heuristic (e.g., Tversky & Kahneman 1973), unconscious or implicit racial (or other identifying characteristics) bias (e.g., Greenwald et al. 1998; Staats et al. 2017), and others. In this context, the word “bias” does not imply an ethical issue (e.g., Dror 2020) but simply suggests a probable response pattern. Indeed, social scientists have demonstrated and discussed how even those who actively endorse egalitarian values harbor unconscious biases (e.g., Pearson et al. 2009; Richardson 2017) and how expertise, rather than insulating us from biases, can actually create them through learned selective attention or reliance on expectations based on past experiences (e.g., Dror 2020). Consequently, we recognize the potential for these human factors to negatively influence our criminal justice process.
In an effort to explore the role of cognitive biases in crim-inal investigations and prosecutions, we conducted a litera-ture review to determine the scope of available research and strength of the findings. The questions guiding this exercise were as follows: (1) what topics have been researched so far and where are the gaps?; (2) what are the methodological strengths and limitations of this research?; and (3) what are the results, what do we know so far, and where should we go from here? * Vanessa Meterko
1 Science & Research Department, Innocence Project, New York, NY, USA
/ Published online: 23 June 2021
Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
Methods
We searched PsycINFO for scholarly writing focused on cognitive biases in criminal investigations and prosecu- tions in December 2016 and again in January 2020.1 We reviewed all results by title and then reviewed the subset of possibly-relevant titles by abstract, erring on the side of over-inclusivity. We repeated this process using the Social Sciences Full Text, PubMed, and Criminal Justice Abstracts with Full Text databases to identify additional papers. Finally, we manually reviewed the reference lists in the identified papers for any unique sources we may have missed in prior searches.
We sorted the articles into categories by the actor or action in the criminal investigation and prosecution pro- cess that they addressed, including physical evidence col- lection, witness evaluation, suspect evaluation, forensic analysis and testimony, police case evaluation (i.e., inte-grating and drawing conclusions based on the totality of the evidence), prosecutors, defense attorneys, judges, juries, and sentencing. Within each of these categories, we further sorted the articles into one of three types of sources: “primary data studies” describing experimen- tal or observational studies that involved data collection or analysis, “intervention studies” that were solution- oriented and involved implementing some type of inter- vention or training to prevent or mitigate a phenomenon, and “secondary sources” (e.g., commentaries, letters, reviews, theoretical pieces, general book chapters) that discussed cognitive biases but did not present primary data.
To narrow the scope of this review, we did not include articles that focus solely on implicit racial bias or struc- tural racial bias in the criminal legal system. The foun- dational and persistent problem of racial (particularly anti-Black) bias throughout our legal system—from polic-ing to sentencing (e.g., Voigt et al. 2017; NYCLU 2011; Blair et al. 2004; Eberhardt et al. 2006)—has been clearly demonstrated in laboratory experiments and analyses of real-world data and is well-documented in an ever-growing body of academic publications and policy reports (e.g., Correll et al. 2002; Chanin et al. 2018; Owens et al. 2017; Staats et al. 2017).
Results
Scope of Available Research and Methodology
Cognitive biases in forensic science have received the most attention from researchers to date (for a review of these forensic science studies, see Cooper & Meterko 2019). The second most substantial amount of scholarship focused on case evaluation (i.e., integrating and drawing conclusions based on the totality of the evidence in a case). Ultimately, we found 43 scholarly sources that addressed various issues related to the evaluation of the totality of evidence in crimi-nal cases: 25 primary data (non-intervention) studies, five intervention studies, and one additional paper that presented both primary data and interventions, and 12 secondary sources. For the remainder of this article, we focus solely on the primary data and intervention studies. One of the primary data studies (Fahsing & Ask 2013) described the development of materials that were used in two subsequent studies included in this review (Fahsing & Ask 2016; 2017), and thus, this materials-development paper is not reviewed further here. Table 1 presents an overview of the research participants and focus of the other 30 primary data and inter-vention studies included in our review.
One challenge in synthesizing this collection of research is the fact that these studies address different but adja-cent concepts using a variety of measures and—in some instances—report mixed results. The heterogeneity of this research reveals the complex nature of human factors in criminal case evaluations.
Eighteen of the 30 papers (13 primary data and three intervention) included participants who were criminal jus-tice professionals (e.g., police, judges) or analyzed actual police documents. An appendix provides a detailed sum-mary of the methods and results of the 18 criminal justice participant (or document) studies. Fifteen papers were based on or presented additional separate analyses with student or lay participants. Recruiting professionals to participate in research is commendable as it is notoriously challenging but allows us to identify any differences between those with training and experience versus the general public, and to be more confident that conclusions will generalize to real-world behavior. Of course, representativeness (or not) must still be considered when making generalizations about police investigations.
Reported sample sizes ranged from a dozen to several hundred participants and must be taken into account when interpreting individual study results. Comparison or control groups and manipulation checks are also essential to accu-rately interpreting results; some studies incorporated these components in their designs while others did not.
1 We used the following search terms and Boolean Operators: (crimi-nal OR justice OR police OR investigat* OR forensic* OR jury OR juries OR judge* OR conviction* OR prosecut* OR defense OR defender* OR attorn*) in any field (e.g., text, title) AND (“cogni-tive bias” OR “cognitive dissonance” OR “tunnel vision” OR “con-firmation bias” OR “interpretive bias” OR “belief perseverance” OR “asymmetrical skepticism”) in any field (e.g., text, title).
102 Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
Tabl
e 1
Ove
rvie
w o
f 30
pape
rs o
n co
gniti
ve b
iase
s in
crim
inal
cas
e ev
alua
tion
Rese
arch
focu
s
Aut
hors
(Yea
r)Lo
catio
nPa
rtici
pant
saSa
mpl
e si
zeH
uman
nat
ure
Envi
ronm
ent a
nd
cultu
reIn
divi
dual
ch
arac
teris
tics
Cas
e-
spec
ific
Inte
rven
tion
Ask
and
Gra
nhag
(2
005)
Swed
enSt
udy
1: P
olic
e;St
udy
2: S
tude
nts o
r co
mm
unity
Stud
y 1:
50;
Stud
y 2:
68
Dis
posi
tiona
l des
ire
for c
losu
re
Ask
and
Gra
nhag
(2
007a
)Sw
eden
Polic
e61
Emot
iona
l sta
te
Ask
and
Gra
nhag
(2
007b
)Sw
eden
Polic
e49
Asy
mm
etric
al
skep
ticis
mTi
me
pres
sure
Ask
et a
l. (2
008)
Swed
enPo
lice
117
Asy
mm
etric
al
skep
ticis
mTy
pe o
f ev
iden
ceA
sk e
t al.
(201
1a)
Swed
enPo
lice
104
Org
aniz
atio
nal
norm
s of
effici
ency
ver
-su
s tho
roug
h-ne
ssA
sk e
t al.
(201
1b)
Ger
man
ySt
udie
s 1 a
nd 2
: Stu
dent
s or
com
mun
itySt
udy
1: 4
7; S
tudy
2:
60
Cog
nitiv
e di
sso-
nanc
e; a
sym
- m
etric
al
skep
ticis
m
Type
of
evid
ence
Cha
rman
et a
l. (2
015)
USA
Stud
ents
or c
omm
unity
382
Con
text
effe
cts;
re
cenc
y eff
ects
Cha
rman
et a
l. (2
017)
USA
Polic
e an
d stu
dent
s or
com
mun
ity89
(pol
ice)
and
227
(s
tude
nts)
Con
firm
atio
n bi
as
Ditr
ich
(201
5)A
ustri
aPo
lice
Not
repo
rted
Vario
us c
ogni
tive
falla
cies
Dan
do a
nd
Orm
erod
(201
7)U
nite
d
Kin
gdom
Polic
e60
Leve
l of e
xper
ienc
eTy
pe o
f cr
ime
Eerla
nd e
t al.
(201
2)N
ethe
rland
sSt
uden
ts o
r com
mun
ity63
Feat
ure
posi
tive
effec
tEe
rland
and
Ras
sin
(201
2)N
ethe
rland
sSt
uden
ts o
r com
mun
ity18
8C
onfir
mat
ion
bias
; Fe
atur
e po
sitiv
e eff
ect
Fahs
ing
and
Ask
(2
016)
bN
orw
ay a
nd
Engl
and
Polic
e12
4Ty
pe o
f tra
inin
gLe
vel o
f exp
erie
nce
Tipp
ing
poin
tFa
hsin
g an
d A
sk
(201
7)b
Nor
way
Polic
e16
6Re
ason
ing
abili
ties
Tipp
ing
poin
tG
reen
span
and
Su
rich
(201
6)U
SASt
udie
s 1 a
nd 2
: Stu
dent
s or
com
mun
itySt
udy
1: 1
19; S
tudy
2:
127
Coh
eren
ce-b
ased
re
ason
ing
103Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
Tabl
e 1
(con
tinue
d)
Rese
arch
focu
s
Aut
hors
(Yea
r)Lo
catio
nPa
rtici
pant
saSa
mpl
e si
zeH
uman
nat
ure
Envi
ronm
ent a
nd
cultu
reIn
divi
dual
ch
arac
teris
tics
Cas
e-
spec
ific
Inte
rven
tion
Gro
enen
daal
and
H
elsl
oot (
2015
)N
ethe
rland
sPo
lice
60C
rimin
al In
vesti
gatio
n Re
info
rcem
ent P
ro-
gram
me
Haa
s et a
l. (2
015)
Switz
erla
ndSt
uden
ts o
r com
mun
ity12
7Tr
aini
ng a
nd c
heck
list
tool
Jone
s et a
l. (2
008)
Uni
ted
K
ingd
omPo
lice
12Re
view
tool
Ker
stho
lt an
d Ei
kel-
boom
(200
7)N
ethe
rland
sPo
lice
38G
roup
thin
kLe
vel o
f exp
erie
nce
Mar
kste
iner
et a
l. (2
010)
Swed
enPo
lice
107
Asy
mm
etric
al
skep
ticis
mO
’Brie
n (2
009)
/O’B
rien
(200
7)c
USA
Stud
ies 1
and
2: S
tude
nts
or c
omm
unity
Stud
y 1:
108
; Stu
dy
2: 1
09C
onfir
mat
ion
bias
Crim
e
seve
rity
Gen
erat
ing
alte
rnat
ive
hypo
thes
es,
chal
leng
ing
a hy
poth
-es
is, a
ccou
ntab
ility
to
proc
ess o
r out
com
e,
need
to p
ersu
ade
othe
rsPr
ice
and
Dah
l (2
014)
Can
ada
Stud
ents
or c
omm
unity
179
Rece
ncy
effec
ts
Ras
sin
(201
0)N
ethe
rland
sSt
udy
1: P
olic
ed ;St
udy
2: S
tude
nts o
r co
mm
unity
Stud
y 1:
118
; Stu
dy
2: 1
78St
udy
1: C
onfir
ma-
tion
bias
Stud
y 2:
D
ispo
sitio
nal d
esire
fo
r clo
sure
Ras
sin
(201
8a)
Net
herla
nds
Stud
y 2:
Stu
dent
s or
com
mun
itye
71Re
ason
ing
abili
ties
Ras
sin
(201
8b)
Net
herla
nds
Stud
y 1:
Stu
dent
s or
com
mun
ity;
Stud
y 2:
Pol
iced
Stud
y 1:
277
;St
udy
2: 4
5Pe
n an
d pa
per t
ool
Ras
sin
et a
l. (2
010)
Net
herla
nds
Stud
ies 1
–3: S
tude
nts o
r co
mm
unity
Stud
y 1:
79;
Stu
dy
2: 1
29; S
tudy
3:
182
Con
firm
atio
n bi
asC
rime
seve
rity
Sale
t and
Ter
pstra
(2
014)
Net
herla
nds
Polic
e26
(cas
e fil
es) a
nd
47 (i
nter
view
s)U
se o
f “co
ntra
rians
” an
d “c
ritic
al re
view
” pr
oced
ures
Sim
on e
t al.
(200
4)U
SASt
udie
s 1 a
nd 2
: Stu
dent
s or
com
mun
itySt
udy
1: 1
54; S
tudy
2:
344
Coh
eren
ce-b
ased
re
ason
ing
Wal
lace
(201
5)U
SAPo
lice
166
Con
firm
atio
n bi
asLe
vel o
f exp
erie
nce
Crim
e
seve
rity
104 Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
Most studies used vignettes or case materials—both real and fictionalized—as stimuli. Some studies did not include enough information about stimulus or intervention materials to allow readers to critically interpret the results or repli-cate an intervention test. Future researchers would benefit from publishers making more detailed information avail-able. Further, while the use of case vignettes is a practi-cal way to study these complex scenarios, this approach may not completely mimic the pressures of a real criminal case, fully appreciate how the probative value of evidence can depend on context, or accurately reflect naturalistic decision-making.
Notably, only two of the criminal case evaluation studies using professional participants were conducted in the USA; all others were based in Europe (Austria, Netherlands, Nor-way, Sweden, and the UK). The differences between police training, operations, and the criminal justice systems writ large should be considered when applying lessons from these studies to the USA or elsewhere.
Finally, all of these papers were published relatively recently, within the past 15 years. This emerging body of research is clearly current, relevant, and has room to grow.
Research Findings
The primary data studies address a constellation of con-cepts that demonstrate how human factors can inadvertently undermine the seemingly objective and methodical process of a criminal investigation. To organize these concepts, we used a taxonomy originally developed to describe potential sources of bias in forensic science observations and conclu-sions as a guide (Dror 2017; Dror et al. 2017) and adapted it to this collection of case evaluation literature.2 As in Dror’s taxonomy, the broad base of this organizing pyramid is “human nature,” and as the pyramid narrows to its peak, potential sources of bias become increasingly dependent on environmental, individual, and case-specific circumstances and characteristics (Fig. 1). Some authors in this collection address more than one of these research areas within the same paper through multiple manipulations or a series of studies (Table 1).
Human Nature
The “human nature” studies include those that demonstrate universal psychological phenomena and their underlying mechanisms in the context of a criminal case evaluation. Several studies focused on confirmation bias. Confirmation
a “Pol
ice”
par
ticip
ant s
tudi
es w
ere
thos
e th
at u
sed
polic
e pe
rson
nel (
incl
udin
g po
lice
office
rs, c
rimin
al in
vesti
gato
rs, c
rime
anal
ysts
, pol
ice
train
ees
or re
crui
ts) o
r a re
view
of p
olic
e do
cum
ents
(in
clud
ing
inve
stiga
tive
case
file
s or
dec
isio
n lo
gs);
“Stu
dent
s or
com
mun
ity”
parti
cipa
nt s
tudi
es w
ere
thos
e th
at u
sed
unde
rgra
duat
e stu
dent
s, gr
adua
te s
tude
nts,
law
stu
dent
s, U
S ci
tizen
s, or
a
gene
ral p
ublic
/onl
ine
sam
ple
b Fahs
ing
and
Ask
dev
elop
ed m
ater
ials
for t
hese
stud
ies i
n 20
13 b
y co
nduc
ting
sem
i-stru
ctur
ed in
terv
iew
s to
elic
it fa
ctor
s tha
t cou
ld d
isru
pt o
ptim
al d
ecis
ion-
mak
ing
in h
omic
ide
inve
stiga
tions
; us
ed c
onte
nt a
naly
sis t
o de
velo
p ca
tego
ries o
f tip
ping
poi
nts (
nam
ing,
arr
estin
g, o
r cha
rgin
g a
susp
ect,
choi
ce o
f mai
n hy
poth
eses
or l
ines
of i
nqui
ry) a
nd re
late
d si
tuat
iona
l (av
aila
bilit
y of
info
r-m
atio
n/ev
iden
ce, e
xter
nal p
ress
ure/
com
mun
ity im
pact
, int
erna
l pre
ssur
e/or
gani
zatio
nal i
ssue
s, tim
e pr
essu
re) a
nd in
divi
dual
(det
ectiv
e ex
perie
nce,
trai
ning
and
edu
catio
n, p
erso
nal c
hara
cter
is-
tics)
fact
ors
c O’B
rien’
s 20
09 p
ublic
atio
n in
clud
es a
sub
set o
f stu
dies
from
her
200
7 di
sser
tatio
n. C
onse
quen
tly, t
he n
umbe
ring
of s
tudi
es in
thes
e tw
o pa
pers
is d
iffer
ent:
publ
ishe
d “S
tudy
1” =
diss
erta
tion
“Stu
dy 2
” (N
= 1
08) a
nd p
ublis
hed
“Stu
dy 2
” = di
sser
tatio
n “S
tudy
3”
(N =
109
). Th
e 20
07 d
isse
rtatio
n al
so re
porte
d on
a S
tudy
1 (N
= 5
0), a
Stu
dy 4
(N =
123
), an
d a
Stud
y 5
(N =
96)
, all
with
stud
ent p
artic
ipan
ts a
s wel
l. Th
e nu
mbe
rs in
this
tabl
e ar
e ta
ken
from
the
publ
ishe
d pa
per
d In a
dditi
on to
pol
ice
office
rs, t
hese
stud
ies i
nclu
ded
othe
r crim
inal
justi
ce p
rofe
ssio
nal p
artic
ipan
ts (d
istric
t atto
rney
s and
judg
es)
e Ras
sin
2018
a al
so in
clud
ed a
Stu
dy 1
, a d
escr
iptiv
e an
alys
is o
f log
ical
reas
onin
g sk
ills i
n a
sam
ple
of 2
08 st
uden
ts a
nd 4
0 cr
imin
al tr
ial j
udge
s. Th
is st
udy
did
not a
ttem
pt to
ana
lyze
reas
onin
g sk
ills i
n re
latio
n to
asp
ects
of c
ase
eval
uatio
n, a
nd so
this
stud
y is
not
incl
uded
in th
e su
mm
ary
2 As Dror (2017) notes, the development of this taxonomy began in a paper in 2009 (Dror 2009) and was further developed in a 2014 paper (Stoel et al. 2014), with additional sources of bias added subsequently (in Dror 2015, and Zapf & Dror 2017).
Rese
arch
focu
s
Aut
hors
(Yea
r)Lo
catio
nPa
rtici
pant
saSa
mpl
e si
zeH
uman
nat
ure
Envi
ronm
ent a
nd
cultu
reIn
divi
dual
ch
arac
teris
tics
Cas
e-
spec
ific
Inte
rven
tion
Was
tell
et a
l. (2
012)
Aus
tralia
Stud
ents
or c
omm
unity
Stud
y 1:
50;
Stu
dy
2: 4
4H
ypot
hesi
s co
nfirm
atio
n
Tabl
e 1
(con
tinue
d)
105Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
bias, sometimes colloquially referred to as “tunnel vision,” denotes selective seeking, recalling, weighting, and/or inter-preting information in ways that support existing beliefs, expectations, or hypotheses, while simultaneously avoiding or minimizing inconsistent or contradictory information (Nickerson 1998; Findley 2012). Some authors in this col-lection of studies used other terms to describe this concept or elements of it, including “context effects,” the term used by Charman et al. (2015) to describe when “a preexisting belief affects the subsequent interpretation of evidence” (p. 214), and asymmetrical skepticism (Ask & Granhag 2007b; Marksteiner et al. 2010).
Eight studies with law enforcement personnel (Ask & Granhag 2007b; Ask et al. 2008; Charman et al. 2017; Ditrich 2015; Groenendaal & Helsloot 2015; Marksteiner et al. 2010; Rassin 2010; Wallace 2015) examined aspects of confirmation bias; one addressed the distinct but related phenomenon of groupthink (Kerstholt & Eikelboom 2007). The importance of this issue was demonstrated by a survey of an unspecified number of professional crime scene offic-ers conducted by Ditrich (2015), asking for their opinions
about the relative frequency and severity of various cogni-tive errors that could potentially negatively affect a crimi-nal investigation; based on their experiences, respondents highlighted confirmation bias (as well as overestimating the validity of partial information and shifting the burden of proof to the suspect). The other studies within this group used experimental designs to assess police officers’ evalua-tion of evidence. Charman et al. (2017) reported that police officers’ initial beliefs about the innocence or guilt of a sus-pect in a fictional criminal case predicted their evaluation of subsequent ambiguous evidence, which in turn predicted their final beliefs about the suspect’s innocence or guilt. This is not the only study to demonstrate that, like the rest of us, police officers are susceptible to confirmation bias. Ask and colleagues (2008) found that police recruits discredited or supported the same exact evidence (“the viewing distance of 10 m makes the witness identification unreliable” versus “from 10 m one ought to see what a person looks like”) depending on whether it was consistent or inconsistent with their hypothesis of a suspect’s guilt. Ask and Granhag (2007b) found that when experienced criminal investigators
c
Fig. 1 Organizational framework for case evaluation studies, adapted from Dror’s (2017) taxonomy of different sources of potential bias that may cognitively contaminate forensic observations and conclu-
sions. The specific factors listed in this pyramid are those that were examined in the collection of studies in the present literature review
106 Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
read a vignette that implied a suspect’s guilt (but left room for an alternative explanation), they rated subsequent guilt-consistent evidence as more credible and reliable than evi-dence that was inconsistent with their theory of guilt; similar results were seen in a study of police officers, district attor-neys, and judges by Rassin (2010).
Marksteiner et al. (2010) investigated the motivational underpinnings of this type of asymmetrical skepticism among police trainees, asking whether it is driven by a desire to reconcile inconsistent information with prior beliefs or by the goal of case closure, and encountered mixed results. The group who initially hypothesized guilt reacted as expected, rating subsequent incriminating evidence as more reliable, but in the group whose initial hypothesis was innocence, there was no difference in the way that they rated additional consistent or inconsistent information. Wallace (2015) found that the order in which evidence was presented influenced guilt beliefs. When police officers encountered exculpatory evidence prior to inculpatory evidence, guilt belief scores decreased, suggesting their final decisions were influenced by their initial impressions. Kerstholt and Eikelboom (2007) describe how teams tend to converge on one interpretation, and once such an interpretation is adopted, individual mem-bers are less able to examine underlying assumptions criti-cally. They asked independent crime analysts to evaluate a realistic criminal investigation with fresh eyes and found that they were demonstrably influenced when they were aware of the investigative team’s existing working hypothesis.
Studies in student and general populations examining confirmation bias and other aspects of human cognition (Ask et al. 2011b; Charman et al. 2015; Eerland et al. 2012; Eerland & Rassin 2012; Greenspan & Surich 2016; O’Brien 2007; 2009; Price & Dahl 2014; Rassin et al. 2010; Simon et al. 2004; Wastell et al. 2012) reported similar patterns to those described above with police participants. O’Brien (2007; 2009) found that students who named a suspect early in a mock criminal investigation were biased towards con-firming that person’s guilt as the investigation continued. O’Brien measured memory for hypothesis-consistent ver-sus hypothesis-inconsistent information, interpretation of ambiguous evidence, participants’ decisions to select lines of inquiry into the suspect or an alternative, and ultimate opin-ions about guilt or innocence. In a novel virtual crime scene investigation, Wastell et al. (2012) found that all students (those who ultimately chose the predetermined “correct” suspect from the multiple available people of interest and those who chose incorrectly) sought more chosen-suspect-consistent information during the exercise. However, those who were ultimately unsuccessful (i.e., chose the wrong person) spent more time in a virtual workspace (a measure of the importance placed on potential evidence) after access-ing confirmatory information. They also found that students who settled on a suspect early in the exercise—measured
by prompts throughout the virtual investigation—were com-paratively unsuccessful.
Other psychological phenomena such as recency effects (i.e., our ease of recalling information presented at the end of a list relative to information presented at the beginning or middle) and the feature positive effect (i.e., our tendency to generally attune to presence more than absence) were also examined in studies with student or general population par-ticipants. Price and Dahl (2014) explored evidence presenta-tion order and found that under certain circumstances, evi-dence presented later in an investigation had a greater impact on student participant decision-making in a mock criminal investigation. Charman and colleagues also found order of evidence presentation influenced ratings of strength of evi-dence and likelihood of guilt in their 2015 study of evidence integration with student participants. These results appear to provide evidence against the presence of confirmation bias, but recency effects still demonstrate the influence of human factors as, arguably, the order in which one learns about various pieces of evidence -whether first or last- should not impact interpretation. Several research teams found that a positive eyewitness identification is seen as more cred-ible than a failure to identify someone (Price & Dhal 2014, p.147) and the presence of fingerprints—as opposed to a lack of fingerprints—is more readily remembered and used to make decisions about a criminal case (Eerland et al. 2012; Eerland & Rassin 2012), even though the absence of evi-dence can also be diagnostic. Other researchers highlighted our psychic discomfort with cognitive dissonance (Ask et al. 2011b) and our tendency to reconcile ambiguity and artifi-cially impose consistency in a criminal case by engaging in “bidirectional coherence-based reasoning” (Simon et al. 2004; Greenspan & Surich 2016).
Environment and Culture
The three “environment and culture” studies with police per-sonnel (Ask & Granhag 2007b; Ask et al. 2011a; Fahsing & Ask 2016) revealed the ways in which external factors can influence an investigation. For instance, type of train-ing appears to impact the ability to generate a variety of relevant hypotheses and actions in an investigation. Eng-lish and Norwegian investigators are trained and performed differently when faced with semi-fictitious crime vignettes (Fahsing & Ask 2016). Organizational culture can impact the integrity of an investigation as well. Ask and colleagues (2011a) concluded that a focus on efficiency—as opposed to thoroughness—produces more cursory processing among police participants, which could be detrimental to the accu-rate assessment of evidence found later in an investigation. Ask and Granhag (2007b) observed that induced time pres-sure influenced officers’ decision-making, creating a higher
107Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
tendency to stick with initial beliefs and a lower tendency to be influenced by the evidence presented.
Individual Characteristics
Seven “individual characteristics” studies with police per-sonnel (Ask & Granhag 2005; 2007a; Dando & Ormerod 2017; Fahsing & Ask 2016; 2017; Kerstholt & Eikelboom 2007; Wallace 2015) plus two studies with student popula-tions (Rassin 2010, 2018a) examined ways in which personal attributes can influence an investigation. Varying amounts of professional experience may matter when it comes to assessments of potential criminal cases and assumptions about guilt. For instance, police recruits appear to have a strong tendency toward criminal—as opposed to non-crimi-nal—explanations for an ambiguous situation like a person’s disappearance (Fahsing & Ask 2017) and less experienced recruits show more suspicion than seasoned investigators (Wallace 2015). In a departure from the typical mock crime vignette method, Dando and Ormerod (2017) reviewed police decision logs (used for recording and justifying deci-sions made during serious crime investigations) and found that senior officers generated more hypotheses early in an investigation, and switched between considering different hypotheses both early and late in an investigation (suggest-ing a willingness to entertain alternative theories) compared with inexperienced investigators. An experimental study, however, found that professional crime analyst experience level (mean 7 months versus 7 years) was not related to case evaluation decisions and did not protect against knowledge of prior interpretations of the evidence influencing conclu-sions (Kerstholt & Eikelboom 2007).
Two studies examined differences in reasoning skills in relation to the evaluation of evidence. Fahsing and Ask (2017) found that police recruits’ deductive and inductive reasoning skills were not associated with performance on an investigative reasoning task. In contrast, in a study with undergraduate students, accuracy of decision-making regarding guilt or innocence in two case scenarios was asso-ciated with differences in logical reasoning abilities as meas-ured by a test adapted from the Wason Card Selection Test (Rassin 2018a).
Ask and Granhag (2005) found inconsistent results in a study of police officers’ dispositional need for cognitive closure and the effect on criminal investigations. Those with a high need for cognitive closure (measured with an estab-lished scale) were less likely to acknowledge inconsistencies in case materials when those materials contained a potential motive for the suspect, but were more likely to acknowledge inconsistencies when made aware of the possibility of an alternative perpetrator. In a replication study with under-graduate students, Ask & Granhag (2005) found that ini-tial hypotheses significantly affected subsequent evidence
interpretation, but found no interaction with individual need for cognitive closure. Students who were aware of an alter-native suspect (compared with those aware of a potential motive for the prime suspect) were simply less likely to eval-uate subsequent information as evidence supporting guilt.
In another study, when Ask and Granhag (2007a) induced negative emotions in police officers and then asked them to make judgments about a criminal case, sad participants were better able to substantively process the consistency of evidence or lack thereof, whereas angry participants used heuristic processing.
Case‑Specific
Four studies of police personnel (Ask et al. 2008; Fahsing & Ask 2016; 2017; Wallace 2015), one using police records (Dando & Omerod 2017), and three studies of student popu-lations (Ask et al. 2011b; O’Brien 2007; 2009; Rassin et al. 2010) examined “case-specific” and evidence-specific fac-tors. In a study of police officers, Ask and colleagues (2008) showed that the perceived reliability of some types of evi-dence (DNA versus photographs versus witnesses) is more malleable than others; similar results pertaining to DNA ver-sus witness evidence were found in a study of law students (Ask et al. 2011b).
Fahsing and Ask (2016) found that police recruits who were presented with a scenario including a clear “tipping point” (an arrest) did not actually produce significantly fewer hypotheses than those who were not presented with a tipping point (though they acknowledge that the manipulation—one sentence embedded in a case file—may not have been an ecologically valid one). In a subsequent study with police recruits, the presence of a tipping point resulted in fewer generated hypotheses, but the difference was not statistically significant (Fahsing & Ask 2017).
Other studies using law students (Rassin et al. 2010) or undergraduate students (O’Brien 2007) examined the influ-ence of crime severity on decision-making. Rassin et al. (2010) observed that the affinity for incriminating evidence increases with crime severity, but in one of O’Brien’s (2007) studies, crime severity did not have a demonstrable impact on confirmation bias.
Interventions
Taken together, this body of work demonstrates vulnerabili-ties in criminal investigations. Some researchers have sug-gested theoretically supported solutions to protect against these vulnerabilities, such as gathering facts rather than building a case (Wallace 2015) or institutionalizing the role of a “contrarian” in a criminal investigation (MacFarlane 2008). Few studies have tested and evaluated these potential remedies, however. Testing is an essential prerequisite to
108 Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
any advocacy for policy changes because theoretically sound interventions may not, in fact, have the intended effect when applied (e.g., see below for a description of O’Brien’s work testing multiple interventions with differing results).
Four studies have examined various intervention approaches with police departments or investigators (Groenendaal & Helsloot 2015; Jones et al. 2008; Rassin 2018b; Salet & Terpstra 2014). Jones et al. (2008) created a tool that helped an experimental group of investigators produce higher quality reviews of a closed murder case than those working without the aid of the review tool. Their arti-cle provides an appendix with “categories used in the review tool” (e.g., crime scene management, house-to-house enquir-ies, community involvement) but lacks a detailed description of the tool itself and the outcome measures. Importantly, the authors raise the possibility that a review tool like this may improve how officers think through a case because of the structure or content of the tool or it may succeed by simply slowing them down so they can think more criti-cally and thoroughly. Another approach that shows promise in reducing tunnel vision is using a pen and paper tool to prompt investigators to consider how well the same evidence supports different hypotheses (Rassin 2018b). In a study of actual case files, supplemented with interviews, Salet and Terpstra (2014) explored “contrarians” and found that there are real-world challenges to the position’s efficacy (e.g., per-sonal desire to be a criminal investigator, desire for solidarity with colleagues) and considerable variability in the way con-trarians approach their work, with some opting for closeness to an investigation and others opting for distance; individu-als also embraced different roles (e.g., supervisor, devil’s advocate, focus on procedure). The researchers concluded that, in practice, these contrarians appear to have exerted subtle influence on investigations but there is no evidence of a radical change in case trajectory. Similarly, members of criminal investigation teams in the Netherlands reported that, in practice, designated devil’s advocates tend to provide sound advice but do not fundamentally change the course of investigations (Groenendaal & Helsloot 2015). Groenendaal and Helsloot describe the development and implementation of the Criminal Investigation Reinforcement Programme in the Netherlands, which was prompted by a national reckon-ing stemming from a widely publicized wrongful conviction. The program included new policies aimed at, among other things, reducing tunnel vision (including the use of devil’s advocates, structured decision-making around “hypotheses and scenarios,” and professionalized, permanent “Command Core Teams” dedicated to major crimes). This deliberate intervention provided an opportunity for researchers to inter-view investigators who were directly impacted by the new policies. Groenendaal and Helsloot conclude that the main effect of this intervention was an increased awareness about the potential problem of tunnel vision, and they focus on an
unresolved a tension between “efficacy” (more convictions) and “precaution” (minimizing wrongful convictions). Their work underscores the importance of collecting criminal legal system data, as interveiwees reported their experiences and impressions but could not report whether more correct con-victions had been obtained or more wrongful convictions avoided.
Other studies have examined various intervention ideas with student populations (Haas et al. 2015; O’Brien 2007; 2009). Haas et al. (2015) found that using a checklist tool to evaluate evidence appears to improve students’ abduc-tive reasoning and reduce confirmation bias. O’Brien (2007; 2009) found that orienting participants to being accountable for good process versus outcome had no impact, and that when participants expected to have to persuade someone of their hypothesis, this anticipation actually worsened bias. More promisingly, she discovered that participants who were asked to name a suspect early in an investigation, but were then told to consider how their selected suspect could be innocent and then generate counter-arguments, displayed less confirmation bias across a variety of measures (they looked the same as those who did not name a suspect early). But another approach—asking participants to generate two additional alternative suspects—was not effective (these participants showed the same amount of bias as those who identified just one suspect).
Discussion
Zalman and Larson (2016) have observed “the failure of innocence movement advocates, activists, and scholars to view the entirety of police investigation as a potential source of wrongful convictions, as opposed to exploring arguably more discrete police processes (e.g., eyewitness identifica-tion, interrogation, handling informants)” (p.3). While the thorough examination of these discrete processes has led to a better understanding of risk factors and, ultimately, reforms in police practices (e.g., see the Department of Justice 2017 guidelines for best practices with eyewitnesses), a recent shift towards viewing wrongful convictions from a “sentinel events”3 perspective advances the conversation around these criminal justice system failures (Doyle 2012; 2014; Rossmo & Pollock 2019).
This literature review has identified a body of research that lends support to this holistic perspective. The stud-ies reviewed here address a constellation of concepts that
3 According to the National Institute of Justice (2017), a senti-nel event is a significant negative outcome that (1) signals underly-ing weaknesses in the system or process, (2) is likely the result of compound errors, and (3) may provide, if properly analyzed and addressed, important keys to strengthen the system and prevent future adverse outcomes.
109Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
demonstrate how the human element—including universal psychological tendencies, predictable responses to situ-ational and organizational factors, personal factors, and char-acteristics of the crime itself—can unintentionally under-mine truth-seeking in the complex evidence integration process. Some concepts are addressed by one study, some are addressed by several, and some studies explored multiple variables (e.g., demonstrating the existence of confirmation bias and measuring how level of professional experience plays a role).
Several contemporary studies have demonstrated the existence of confirmation bias in police officers within the context of criminal investigations. Other psychological phenomena have not been examined in police populations but have been examined in student or general populations using study materials designed to assess the interpretation of criminal case evidence and decision-making. This collection of studies also investigates the role of environmental factors that may be specific to a department or organization, char-acteristics of individual investigators, or of the specific case under review. At the environmental level, type of training and organizational customs were influential and are promis-ing areas for further research as these factors are within the control of police departments and can be modified. With respect to individual characteristics, a better understanding of advantageous dispositional tendencies and what is gained by professional experience, as well as the unique risks of expertise, could lead to better recruitment and training meth-ods. Case-specific factors are outside the control of inves-tigators, but awareness of factors that pose a greater risk for bias could serve as an alert and future research could identify ways to use this information in practice (see also Rossmo & Pollock 2019 for an in-depth discussion of “risk recipes”).
Charman and colleagues (2017) present a particularly interesting illustration of the way in which a criminal case is not merely the sum of its parts. In this study, the research-ers presented law enforcement officers with exonerating, incriminating, or neutral DNA or eyewitness evidence, col-lected initial beliefs about guilt, asked participants to evalu-ate a variety of other ambiguous evidence (alibi, composite sketch, handwriting comparison, and informant information that could be reasonably interpreted in different ways), and then provide a final rating of guilt. As hypothesized, the researchers found those who were primed with incriminating evidence at the beginning were more likely to believe the suspect guilty at the end. However, even those who initially received exonerating information and initially rated the like-lihood of suspect guilt as relatively low ended up increasing their guilt rating after reviewing the other ambiguous evi-dence. It appears that the cumulative effect of ambiguous evidence tilted the scales towards guilt. This unexpected outcome underscores the value of understanding how the
4 As Snook and Cullen (2008) assert, “it is unrealistic to expect police officers to investigate all possible suspects, collect evidence on all of those suspects, explore all possible avenues concerning the circumstances surrounding a crime, search for disconfirming and confirming evidence of guilt for every suspect, and integrate all of this information” (p. 72). Dando and Ormerod (2017) illustrate this real-world complexity when they describe an investigation that was delayed because a call for tips led to a flood of false leads, suggest-ing that more information is not always better. Further, though it addresses procedural justice in street policing rather than evidence integration in a criminal investigation (and thus was not included in this review), Owens et al. (2018) provide an example of a field study, complete with published scripts. Recognizing the automated think-ing and behavior that comes with job experience, these researchers tested an intervention to reduce the number of incidents resolved with arrests and use of force by implementing a training program aimed at encouraging beat officers to think more slowly and deliberately dur-ing routine encounters; they also assessed the cost of this intervention in the police department.
totality of evidence in a criminal case is evaluated, and has implications for the legal doctrine of “harmless error” rooted in assumptions of evidentiary independence (e.g., Hasel & Kassin 2009).
Consistently incorporating control groups into future study designs and including complete stimulus materials in future publications could build on this foundation. This would help future researchers fully interpret and replicate study results and would assist in determining what elements of intervention strategies work. Since the majority of these studies were conducted in Europe, it would be worthwhile to explore whether or not these results can be replicated in the USA, given the similarities and differences in our crimi-nal justice systems and the variety of approaches used to select and train detectives across police departments. Finally, valuable future research will move beyond the demonstra-tion of these human vulnerabilities and will design and test strategies to mitigate them in the complex real world.4 Vignettes and mock-investigations are clever ways of stud-ying criminal investigations, but it is worth remembering that these approaches cannot fully capture the dynamics of a real criminal investigation. Collaboration between academic researchers and criminal investigators could generate robust expansions of this work.
Evidence evaluation and synthesis in criminal investiga-tions is, of course, just one part of a larger legal process. In addition to police, defense attorneys, prosecutors, and judges have powerful roles in determining case outcomes, especially in a system that is heavily reliant on plea bargain-ing. Critically addressing the potential influence of cognitive biases throughout this system, and promoting and imple-menting proven, practical protections against these tenden-cies will advance accuracy and justice.
110 Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
App
endi
x. D
etai
led
Sum
mar
y of
18
Stud
ies
wit
h Po
lice
Part
icip
ants
or S
ourc
e M
ater
ials
Refe
renc
e, P
artic
ipan
ts, R
esea
rch
Focu
sM
etho
ds a
nd M
easu
res
Resu
lts
Ask
and
Gra
nhag
(200
5)•
Mat
eria
ls: H
omic
ide
case
a des
crip
tion
that
incl
uded
eith
er
info
rmat
ion
abou
t a n
amed
fem
ale
susp
ect’s
mot
ive
or in
for-
mat
ion
abou
t an
alte
rnat
ive
mal
e su
spec
t.
Rat
ings
of p
roba
ble
guilt
, stre
ngth
of e
vide
nce,
crit
eria
for p
roba
ble
caus
e, a
nd a
dequ
acy
of e
vide
nce
wer
e no
t ass
ocia
ted
with
NFC
S or
ca
se sc
enar
ioSt
udy
1e : N=
50 c
rimin
al in
vesti
gato
rs, m
ean
expe
ri-en
ce 1
2 ye
ars,
Swed
en•
Expl
anat
ory
Mea
sure
s: D
ispo
sitio
nal n
eed
for c
ogni
tive
clos
ure
mea
sure
d w
ith N
eed
For C
losu
re S
cale
(NFC
S); h
omi-
cide
cas
e sc
enar
io v
ersi
on (r
ando
m a
ssig
nmen
t).
All
parti
cipa
nts a
ppea
red
to b
elie
ve th
e ca
se d
etai
ls p
oint
ed to
war
d th
e fe
mal
e su
spec
t’s g
uilt
whe
ther
they
wer
e pr
esen
ted
with
her
mot
ive
or
with
an
alte
rnat
ive
susp
ect.
Indi
vidu
al C
hara
cter
istic
s•
Prim
ary
Out
com
e M
easu
res:
Rat
ings
of p
roba
ble
guilt
of
fem
ale
susp
ect,
stren
gth
of e
vide
nce,
crit
eria
for p
roba
ble
caus
e fu
lfille
d, a
dequ
acy
of e
vide
nce
for p
rose
cutio
n (1
to 9
Li
kert
scal
e); r
atin
gs o
f deg
ree
to w
hich
10
parti
cula
r cas
e de
tails
supp
orte
d in
noce
nce
of th
e na
med
fem
ale
susp
ect (
-4
to 4
Lik
ert s
cale
); as
sess
men
t of w
illin
gnes
s to
ackn
owle
dge
evid
ence
inco
nsist
ent w
ith g
uilt
hypo
thes
is (n
umbe
r of c
ase
deta
ils ra
ted
zero
or l
ower
, i.e
., co
nsist
ent w
ith in
noce
nce)
.
Bec
ause
of t
his a
ppar
ent g
uilt
bias
, res
earc
hers
als
o as
sess
ed p
artic
i-pa
nts’
will
ingn
ess t
o ac
know
ledg
e ev
iden
ce c
onsi
stent
with
inno
-ce
nce.
An
inte
ract
ion
betw
een
NFC
S an
d ca
se sc
enar
io w
as se
en in
th
is a
sses
smen
t: β
= −
0.03
, p =
0.2
0 fo
r sus
pect
mot
ive
cond
ition
an
d β
= 0
.04,
p =
0.1
8 fo
r alte
rnat
ive
susp
ect c
ondi
tion;
thus
, hig
h-N
FC p
artic
ipan
ts w
ere
less
like
ly th
an th
eir l
ow-N
FC c
ount
erpa
rts to
ac
know
ledg
e in
cons
isten
cies
whe
n pr
esen
ted
with
a su
spec
t mot
ive
but w
ere
mor
e lik
ely
to d
o so
whe
n pr
esen
ted
with
an
alte
rnat
ive
perp
etra
tor
Ask
and
Gra
nhag
(200
7a)
• M
ater
ials
: Ass
ault
case
b des
crip
tion
sugg
estin
g th
e vi
ctim
’s
fath
er w
as g
uilty
+ tw
o w
itnes
s sta
tem
ents
. Sec
ond
wit-
ness
stat
emen
t was
eith
er c
onsi
stent
or i
ncon
siste
nt w
ith th
e hy
poth
esis
that
the
vict
im’s
fath
er w
as re
spon
sibl
e.
Resu
lts in
dica
te e
mot
iona
l sta
te m
ay a
ffect
how
ope
n-m
inde
d a
crim
inal
in
vesti
gato
r is.
N =
61
crim
inal
inve
stiga
tors
, mea
n ex
perie
nce
24 y
ears
, Sw
eden
• Ex
plan
ator
y M
easu
res:
Em
otio
nal s
tate
indu
ced
by in
struc
-tio
ns to
reca
ll an
d w
rite
abou
t an
even
t tha
t cau
sed
ange
r or
sadn
ess (
rand
om a
ssig
nmen
t); w
itnes
s sta
tem
ents
ver
sion
(r
ando
m a
ssig
nmen
t).
“Ang
er”
grou
p di
d no
t rat
e gu
ilt o
r evi
denc
e str
engt
h di
ffere
ntly
in
the
cons
isten
t and
inco
nsist
ent w
itnes
s con
ditio
ns, w
hile
“sa
dnes
s”
grou
p in
the
cons
isten
t con
ditio
n ra
ted
high
er p
roba
bilit
y of
gui
lt an
d str
onge
r evi
denc
e ag
ains
t the
fath
er:
Indi
vidu
al C
hara
cter
istic
s•
Prim
ary
Out
com
e M
easu
res:
Rat
ings
of w
itnes
s rel
iabi
lity,
pe
rcei
ved
trustw
orth
ines
s, pe
rcei
ved
favo
rabl
enes
s of t
he w
it-ne
ssin
g co
nditi
ons,
and
wei
ght o
f the
witn
ess e
vide
nce;
glo
bal
ratin
gs o
f pro
babl
e gu
ilt o
f fat
her a
nd st
reng
th o
f evi
denc
e (a
ll 1
to 9
Lik
ert s
cale
s).
Ask
and
Gra
nhag
(200
7b)
• M
ater
ials
: Hom
icid
e ca
sea d
escr
iptio
n th
at in
clud
ed in
form
a-tio
n ab
out a
nam
ed fe
mal
e su
spec
t’s m
otiv
e +
witn
ess s
tate
-m
ent t
hat e
ither
supp
orte
d th
eory
of f
emal
e su
spec
t’s g
uilt
or
cont
radi
ctin
g th
eory
of f
emal
e su
spec
t’s g
uilt.
Resu
lts p
rovi
de e
vide
nce
for a
sym
met
rical
skep
ticis
m in
crim
inal
in
vesti
gatio
ns.
[Mea
n ±
SD
]
Rat
ing
of
Gu
ilt
A
ng
er
S
adnes
s
Consi
sten
t w
itnes
ses
6.7
1 ±
1.5
3
7.3
6 ±
1.0
8
Inco
nsi
sten
t w
itnes
ses
6
.20
± 1
.15
5
.40
± 1
.68
(p =
0.3
1)
(p <
0.0
01
)
Str
eng
th o
f ev
iden
ce
Consi
sten
t w
itnes
ses
4.7
6 ±
2.2
2
5.3
6 ±
2.3
4
Inco
nsi
sten
t w
itnes
ses
5
.20
± 2
.01
3
.60
± 1
.84
(p <
1.0
)
(p
< 0
.05)
111Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
Refe
renc
e, P
artic
ipan
ts, R
esea
rch
Focu
sM
etho
ds a
nd M
easu
res
Resu
lts
N=
49 c
rimin
al in
vesti
gato
rs, m
ean
expe
rienc
e 10
ye
ars,
Swed
en•
Expl
anat
ory
Mea
sure
s: N
eed
for c
ogni
tive
clos
ure
indu
ced
by ti
me
pres
sure
(ass
ignm
ent t
o on
e of
two
grou
ps; u
nlim
ited
time
to c
ompl
ete
task
or l
imite
d to
20
min
utes
, whi
ch w
as
less
than
the
med
ian
time
the
parti
cipa
nts i
n th
e co
mpa
rison
gr
oup
took
); ca
se sc
enar
io v
ersi
on (r
ando
m a
ssig
nmen
t not
sp
ecifi
ed).
Low
er ra
tings
for w
itnes
s rel
iabi
lity,
witn
essi
ng c
ondi
tions
, ret
entio
n in
terv
al, a
nd w
eigh
t of w
itnes
s evi
denc
e fo
r witn
ess w
ho p
rovi
ded
evid
ence
con
tradi
ctin
g (e
xone
ratin
g), a
s opp
osed
to su
ppor
ting,
the
susp
ect’s
gui
lt (in
crim
inat
ing)
:
Hum
an N
atur
e; E
nviro
nmen
t and
Cul
ture
• Pr
imar
y O
utco
me
Mea
sure
s: P
re- a
nd p
ost-e
yew
itnes
s evi
-de
nce
ratin
gs o
f gui
lt or
inno
cenc
e (d
icho
tom
ous)
, con
fiden
ce,
stren
gth
of e
vide
nce,
ade
quac
y of
evi
denc
e fo
r pro
secu
tion;
ra
tings
of w
itnes
s cre
dibi
lity,
con
ditio
ns fo
r mak
ing
relia
ble
obse
rvat
ions
, im
pact
of w
itnes
s em
otio
nal r
eact
ion,
effe
ct
of 7
-day
del
ay in
witn
ess r
epor
t to
polic
e, w
eigh
t of w
itnes
s ev
iden
ce in
rela
tion
to o
ther
evi
denc
e, a
gree
men
t of w
itnes
s ev
iden
ce w
ith o
ther
evi
denc
e (a
ll 9-
poin
t Lik
ert s
cale
s).
No
sign
ifica
nt d
iffer
ence
s wer
e se
en in
ratin
gs o
f witn
ess c
redi
bilit
y or
im
pact
of w
itnes
s em
otio
ns, t
houg
h th
e pa
ttern
s em
erge
d in
the
sam
e di
rect
ion.
Littl
e di
ffere
nce
in a
sym
met
rical
skep
ticis
m re
sults
whe
n co
mpa
ring
low
- and
hig
h-tim
e pr
essu
re g
roup
s, th
ough
the
grea
test
resp
onse
to
info
rmat
ion
conv
eyed
in th
e w
itnes
s sta
tem
ent w
as fo
und
in th
e lo
w-
time
pres
sure
con
ditio
n.A
sk, R
ebel
ius,
and
Gra
nhag
(200
8)•
Mat
eria
ls: H
omic
ide
case
c des
crip
tion
sugg
estin
g gu
ilt o
f a
susp
ect a
ppre
hend
ed n
ear t
he sc
ene
+ o
ne a
dditi
onal
type
of
evid
ence
(DN
A, e
yew
itnes
s, ph
oto)
that
was
eith
er c
onsi
stent
w
ith o
r inc
onsi
stent
with
a g
uilty
con
clus
ion.
Resu
lts p
rovi
de e
vide
nce
for a
sym
met
rical
skep
ticis
m in
crim
inal
in
vesti
gatio
ns.
N=
117
polic
e tra
inee
s, Sw
eden
• Ex
plan
ator
y M
easu
res:
Typ
e of
evi
denc
e (r
ando
m a
ssig
n-m
ent);
con
siste
nt o
r inc
onsi
stent
evi
denc
e ve
rsio
n (r
ando
m
assi
gnm
ent).
Hig
her r
atin
g of
relia
bilit
y fo
r evi
denc
e co
nsist
ent w
ith g
uilt
com
pare
d to
evi
denc
e in
cons
isten
t with
gui
lt ac
ross
type
s of e
vide
nce
in th
e ca
se:
Hum
an N
atur
e; C
ase-
Spec
ific
• Pr
imar
y O
utco
me
Mea
sure
s: R
atin
gs o
f gui
lt pr
obab
ility
, str
engt
h of
evi
denc
e be
fore
and
afte
r rev
iew
of a
dditi
onal
ev
iden
ce, r
atin
gs o
f rel
iabi
lity
of th
e sp
ecifi
c ev
iden
ce p
ro-
vide
d an
d of
the
relia
bilit
y of
that
evi
denc
e ty
pe in
gen
eral
(all
9-po
int L
iker
t sca
les)
.
Type
of E
vide
nce:
DN
A e
vide
nce
rate
d hi
gher
relia
bilit
y th
an p
hoto
or
witn
ess (
p <
0.0
1); n
o di
ffere
nce
betw
een
phot
o an
d w
itnes
s
Sim
ilar r
esul
ts w
ere
seen
with
ratin
gs o
f evi
denc
e in
gen
eral
.
[Mea
n±
SD
]
Incr
imin
atin
gE
xo
ner
atin
g
Wit
nes
s re
liab
ilit
y6.3
2±
1.5
35.4
0±
1.5
4
Wit
nes
sin
gco
nd
itio
ns
6.2
1±
1.6
55
.20
±1.8
8
Ret
enti
on
inte
rval
5.4
2±
1.2
24
.80
±1
.70
Wei
gh
t o
f ev
iden
ce5
.00
±2
.19
4.1
8±
1.6
3
[Mea
n±
SD
]
Consi
sten
t In
consi
sten
t
DN
A7.5
00
.74
7.2
7±
1.4
9
Pho
to6.6
5±
1.0
75.6
0±
1.8
5
Wit
nes
s7
.00
±1
.03
4.9
0±
1.1
8
DNA
7.41
±1.09
Photo
6.16
±1.56
Witn
ess
5.81
±1.52
112 Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
Refe
renc
e, P
artic
ipan
ts, R
esea
rch
Focu
sM
etho
ds a
nd M
easu
res
Resu
lts
Ask
, Gra
nhag
, and
Reb
eliu
s (20
11a)
• M
ater
ials
: Giv
en d
escr
iptio
n of
a “
good
inve
stiga
tor”
that
em
phas
ized
effi
cien
cy, t
horo
ughn
ess,
or n
eith
er; t
hen
give
n as
saul
t cas
eb d
escr
iptio
n su
gges
ting
the
vict
im’s
fath
er w
as
guilt
y +
two
witn
ess s
tate
men
ts. S
econ
d w
itnes
s sta
tem
ent
was
eith
er c
onsi
stent
or i
ncon
siste
nt w
ith th
e hy
poth
esis
that
th
e vi
ctim
’s fa
ther
was
resp
onsi
ble.
Resu
lts p
rovi
de e
vide
nce
for s
alie
nt so
cial
nor
ms i
nflue
ncin
g in
form
a-tio
n pr
oces
sing
in c
rimin
al in
vesti
gatio
ns.
N=
104
crim
inal
inve
stiga
tors
, mea
n ex
perie
nce
21
year
s, Sw
eden
• Ex
plan
ator
y M
easu
res:
Goa
l act
ivat
ion
thro
ugh
“goo
d in
vesti
gato
r” d
efini
tion
emph
asiz
ing
effici
ency
, tho
roug
hnes
s, or
nei
ther
/con
trol (
rand
om a
ssig
nmen
t); w
itnes
s sta
tem
ents
ve
rsio
n (r
ando
m a
ssig
nmen
t).
Effici
ency
ver
sus t
horo
ughn
ess a
ssoc
iate
d w
ith c
ompo
site
ratin
g of
gu
ilt, w
ith in
tera
ctio
n by
type
of w
itnes
s evi
denc
e; g
uilt
ratin
gs in
the
thor
ough
ness
gro
up w
ere
mos
t infl
uenc
ed:
Envi
ronm
ent a
nd C
ultu
re•
Prim
ary
Out
com
e M
easu
res:
Tas
k co
mpl
etio
n sp
eed
(rel
ativ
e to
oth
er p
artic
ipan
ts),
ratin
gs o
f gui
lt pr
obab
ility
and
stre
ngth
of
evi
denc
e (1
to 7
Lik
ert s
cale
s), c
ombi
ned
into
a c
ompo
site
sc
ore,
ratin
gs o
f the
ir ow
n ca
se p
roce
ssin
g w
ith re
spec
t to
judg
men
t spo
ntan
eity
, cog
nitiv
e eff
ort,
diffi
culty
dec
idin
g gu
ilt, a
nd c
onfid
ence
(1 to
7 L
iker
t sca
les)
.C
harm
an, K
avet
ski a
nd M
uelle
r (20
17)
• M
ater
ials
: Com
pute
r-adm
inist
ered
hom
icid
e ca
se d
escr
ip-
tion
with
eith
er D
NA
or e
yew
itnes
s evi
denc
e th
at w
as e
ither
in
crim
inat
ing,
exo
nera
ting
or n
eutra
l. A
fter m
akin
g an
initi
al
ratin
g of
like
lihoo
d of
gui
lt, a
ll pa
rtici
pant
s rev
iew
ed a
ddi-
tiona
l am
bigu
ous a
libi,
faci
al c
ompo
site
, han
dwrit
ing,
and
in
form
ant e
vide
nce
in a
rand
omiz
ed o
rder
.
Resu
lts p
rovi
de e
vide
nce
of c
onfir
mat
ion
bias
in e
valu
atio
n of
am
bigu
-ou
s crim
inal
evi
denc
e.
N=
89 p
olic
e offi
cers
, mea
n ex
perie
nce
20 y
ears
, U
nite
d St
ates
• Ex
plan
ator
y M
easu
res:
Typ
e of
evi
denc
e (D
NA
or e
yew
it-ne
ss) a
nd in
crim
inat
ing,
exo
nera
ting,
or n
eutra
l nat
ure
of
evid
ence
(ran
dom
ass
ignm
ent).
Inte
ract
ion
betw
een
type
of e
vide
nce
and
its in
terp
reta
tion
– hi
gher
ini-
tial r
atin
gs o
f gui
lt w
ith in
crim
inat
ing
DN
A e
vide
nce
com
pare
d w
ith
incr
imin
atin
g ey
ewitn
ess e
vide
nce;
low
er in
itial
ratin
gs o
f gui
lt w
ith
exon
erat
ing
DN
A c
ompa
red
with
exo
nera
ting
eyew
itnes
s evi
denc
e:H
uman
Nat
ure
• Pr
imar
y O
utco
me
Mea
sure
s: In
itial
ratin
gs o
f pro
babl
e gu
ilt
(1 to
100
scal
e) a
fter r
evie
win
g ca
se d
escr
iptio
n; ra
tings
of
eac
h ad
ditio
nal t
ype
of e
vide
nce
(1 to
7 L
iker
t sca
le fo
r str
engt
h of
alib
i; 1
to 1
00 sc
ale
for s
imila
rity
of fa
cial
com
pos-
ite to
susp
ect,
sim
ilarit
y of
han
dwrit
ing
to su
spec
t, th
e ex
tent
to
whi
ch in
form
ant e
vide
nce
impl
icat
ed su
spec
t); fi
nal r
atin
gs
of p
roba
ble
guilt
(1 to
100
scal
e) a
fter r
evie
win
g al
l of t
he
addi
tiona
l evi
denc
e.St
reng
th o
f ini
tial g
uilt
belie
f infl
uenc
ed su
bseq
uent
eva
luat
ion
of e
vi-
denc
e, e
xcep
t for
alib
i stre
ngth
:
[β =
rela
tion
betw
een
initi
al g
uilt
belie
f and
evi
denc
e ev
alua
tion]
[Mea
n±
SD
]:
Incr
imin
atin
gE
xculp
ato
ry
Eff
icie
ncy
4.8
1±
0.8
44
.44
±1
.04
(p=
0.3
0)
Tho
roughnes
s5
.32
±0
.98
3.9
7±
1.2
0(p
<0.0
01
)
Contr
ol
5.1
9±
1.0
64
.14
±1
.10
(p<
0.0
5)
Init
ial
Pro
bab
le
[M
ean
± S
D]
Guil
t R
atin
g f
or:
DN
A E
vid
ence
Eyew
itness
Incr
imin
atin
g 79.4
± 2
6.8
5
2.3
± 2
4.0
Neu
tral
31
.7 ±
23
.2
2
9.9
± 1
9.5
Ex
on
erat
ing
12
.2 ±
21
.9 3
1.6
± 2
1.4
Stre
ngth
of i
nitia
l gui
lt be
lief i
nflu
ence
d su
bseq
uent
ev
alua
tion
of e
vide
nce,
exce
pt fo
r alib
i stre
ngth
:Co
mpo
site
simila
rity
β =
0.63
7, S
E=0.
075
(p <
0.0
01)
Han
dwrit
ing
simila
rity
β =
0.60
4, S
E=0.
075
(p<0
.001
)In
form
ant
β
= 0
.672
, SE=
0.07
0 (p
< 0
.001
)A
libi s
treng
th
β =
0.09
9, S
E=0.
114
(p =
0.3
9)
[β =
rela
tion
betw
een
initi
al g
uilt
belie
f and
evi
denc
e ev
alua
tion]
113Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
Refe
renc
e, P
artic
ipan
ts, R
esea
rch
Focu
sM
etho
ds a
nd M
easu
res
Resu
lts
The
cum
ulat
ive
effec
t of a
mbi
guou
s evi
denc
e w
as to
incr
ease
per
cep-
tion
of g
uilt:
all
final
gui
lt ra
tings
wer
e hi
gher
than
initi
al g
uilt
ratin
gs,
exce
pt fo
r tho
se w
ho b
egan
with
incr
imin
atin
g D
NA
evi
denc
e, p
er-
haps
indi
catin
g a
ceili
ng e
ffect
:
Dan
do a
nd O
rmer
od (2
017)
• M
ater
ials
: Ran
dom
ly se
lect
ed d
ecis
ion
logs
from
two
polic
e fo
rces
in w
hich
ent
ries c
once
rned
a c
rime,
det
ectiv
es m
ade
clea
r a p
refe
renc
e of
pos
sibl
e ac
tion,
and
a re
ason
was
giv
en
to fo
llow
the
cour
se o
f act
ion.
Plo
tted
case
tim
elin
es n
otin
g w
hen
hypo
thes
es w
ere
gene
rate
d an
d te
sted.
Resu
lts su
gges
t tha
t use
of d
ecis
ion
logs
var
ies b
y ty
pe o
f cas
e an
d th
e offi
cer i
nvol
ved,
but
this
doc
umen
tatio
n re
veal
s diff
eren
ces i
n in
ves-
tigat
ive
deci
sion
-mak
ing
by p
rofe
ssio
nal e
xper
ienc
e le
vel t
hrou
ghou
t an
inve
stiga
tion.
N=
60 p
olic
e de
cisi
on lo
gs, U
nite
d K
ingd
om•
Expl
anat
ory
Mea
sure
s: P
olic
e offi
cer e
xper
ienc
e le
vel (
mea
n 10
ver
sus m
ean
2 ye
ars)
.Si
mila
r num
ber o
f log
ent
ries e
ach
wee
k by
exp
erie
nce
leve
l:
Indi
vidu
al C
hara
cter
istic
s; C
ase-
Spec
ific
• Pr
imar
y O
utco
me
Mea
sure
s: N
umbe
r of l
og e
ntrie
s, le
ngth
of
inve
stiga
tion;
ana
lyze
d nu
mbe
r of h
ypot
hese
s gen
erat
ed, n
um-
ber o
f evi
denc
e so
urce
s exa
min
ed to
supp
ort t
hese
hyp
oth-
eses
, and
ord
er in
whi
ch h
ypot
hese
s wer
e ge
nera
ted;
ratio
of
horiz
onta
l to
verti
cal a
ctiv
ity tr
ansi
tions
(ind
icat
ing
num
ber o
f hy
poth
eses
bei
ng e
xam
ined
: > 1
= m
ultip
le li
nes o
f inq
uiry
; <
1 =
“sa
tisfic
ing”
, or f
ocus
ing
on a
sing
le li
ne o
f inq
uiry
).
Num
ber o
f hyp
othe
ses g
ener
ated
was
hig
hest
in fi
rst q
uarti
le a
nd h
ighe
r fo
r mor
e ex
perie
nced
inve
stiga
tors
:
Mea
n nu
mbe
r of e
vide
nce
sour
ces o
pene
d w
as h
ighe
st in
the
begi
nnin
g of
the
inve
stiga
tion,
but
ther
e w
as li
ttle
diffe
renc
e by
exp
erie
nce
leve
l:
Expe
rienc
ed in
vesti
gato
rs e
xplo
red
mul
tiple
hyp
othe
ses i
n th
e be
gin-
ning
and
at t
he e
nd o
f the
inve
stiga
tion;
less
exp
erie
nced
inve
stiga
tors
fo
cuse
d on
a si
ngle
hyp
othe
sis t
hrou
ghou
t the
inve
stiga
tion:
Fin
al P
robab
le [
Mea
n ±
SD
]
Guil
t R
atin
g f
or:
DN
A E
vid
ence
Eyew
itness
Incr
imin
atin
g 78.4
± 1
4.9
62
.0 ±
23
.1
Neu
tral
53
.7 ±
23
.8
5
5.3
± 2
1.8
Ex
on
erat
ing
3
9.0
± 2
7.2
55
.2 ±
25
.3
[Mea
n ±
SD]:
Mor
e exp
erie
nced
8
.19
±4.
13Le
ss e
xper
ienc
ed
9.
62 ±
3.3
0
[p =
0.4
5]
Mea
n nu
mbe
r of h
ypot
hese
s Q1
Q2
Q3
Q4
Expe
rienc
e > 5
yea
rs
2
.84
1
.17
0.
79
0.5
5
Expe
rienc
e < 3
yea
rs
1
.38
0
.62
0.
51
0.8
2
Num
ber o
f evi
denc
e so
urce
s ope
ned
Q1
Q2
Q3
Q
4Ex
perie
nce >
5 y
ears
3.09
1
.25
2.
04
1.9
0
Expe
rienc
e < 3
yea
rs
3.
96
2.3
5
1.76
1
.20
Mea
n r
atio
of
hori
zonta
l to
vert
ical
act
ivit
y t
ransi
tio
ns
Q1 Q
2 Q
3
Q4
Ex
per
ien
ce >
5 y
ears
1
.29
0.8
6
0.7
7
1.3
2
Ex
per
ien
ce <
3 y
ears
0
.61
0.8
4
0.8
9
0.8
4
[> 1
= m
ult
iple
lin
es o
f in
qu
iry;
< 1
= “
sati
sfic
ing”,
or
focu
sing o
n a
sin
gle
lin
e o
f in
qu
iry]
114 Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
Refe
renc
e, P
artic
ipan
ts, R
esea
rch
Focu
sM
etho
ds a
nd M
easu
res
Resu
lts
Ditr
ich
(201
5)•
Mat
eria
ls: L
ist o
f cog
nitiv
e er
rors
ada
pted
from
med
ical
lit
erat
ure
to th
e cr
imin
al ju
stice
con
text
, pre
sent
ed v
erba
lly.
An
“ins
ide
view
” fro
m e
xper
ienc
ed c
rime
scen
e offi
cers
sugg
este
d th
at th
e m
ost c
omm
on a
nd p
oten
tially
det
rimen
tal c
ogni
tive
erro
rs
incl
uded
con
firm
atio
n bi
as, a
ncho
ring,
and
shift
ing
the
burd
en o
f pr
oof f
rom
the
inve
stiga
tor t
o th
e su
spec
t.“s
mal
l” n
umbe
r of e
xper
ienc
ed c
rime
scen
e offi
cers
, A
ustri
a•
Expl
anat
ory
Mea
sure
s: N
ot a
pplic
able
.
Hum
an N
atur
e•
Prim
ary
Out
com
e M
easu
res:
Opi
nion
s abo
ut fr
eque
ncy
of a
ppea
ranc
e (5
-poi
nt L
iker
t sca
le fr
om “
neve
r” to
“ve
ry
ofte
n”),
as w
ell a
s con
cept
s sel
ecte
d as
hav
ing
the
stron
gest
adve
rse
effec
t in
prac
tice.
Fahs
ing
and
Ask
(201
6)•
Mat
eria
ls: T
wo
mis
sing
per
son
case
d des
crip
tions
that
did
or
did
not c
onta
in a
tipp
ing
poin
t (de
cisi
on to
arr
est a
par
ticul
ar
susp
ect),
ask
ed to
writ
e do
wn
inve
stiga
tive
hypo
thes
es a
nd
actio
ns to
be
take
n.
Pres
ence
of t
ippi
ng p
oint
was
not
ass
ocia
ted
with
gen
erat
ion
of h
ypot
h-es
es o
r act
ions
(“ca
se-s
peci
fic”)
, but
rese
arch
ers s
aw a
n in
tera
ctio
n be
twee
n ex
perie
nce
leve
l (“i
ndiv
idua
l cha
ract
erist
ics”
) and
type
of
train
ing
(“en
viro
nmen
t and
cul
ture
”).
N=
124
crim
e in
vesti
gato
rs, a
bout
50%
exp
erie
nced
an
d 50
% n
ovic
es, 6
3 fro
m N
orw
ay, 6
1 fro
m
Engl
and
• Ex
plan
ator
y M
easu
res:
Tip
ping
poi
nt, e
xper
ienc
e le
vel
(> 1
0 ye
ars a
s a d
etec
tive
or <
2 y
ears
as p
olic
e offi
cer w
ith
no d
etec
tive
wor
k), t
ype
of tr
aini
ng (b
ased
on
coun
try).
Trai
n-in
g in
Eng
land
: sta
ndar
dize
d fo
ur-s
tep
qual
ifica
tion
syste
m
for d
etec
tives
, com
preh
ensi
ve p
roce
dura
l gui
delin
es, d
etai
led
rout
ines
for s
yste
mat
ic re
view
s and
kno
wle
dge-
shar
ing,
ann
ual
refr
eshm
ent t
rain
ing.
Tra
inin
g in
Nor
way
: on-
the-
job-
lear
ning
, no
nat
ion-
wid
e pr
ogra
m o
r sta
ndar
dize
d re
quire
men
ts.
Envi
ronm
ent a
nd C
ultu
re; I
ndiv
idua
l Cha
ract
erist
ics;
C
ase-
Spec
ific
• Pr
imar
y O
utco
me
Mea
sure
s: P
ropo
rtion
of “
gold
stan
dard
” se
t of h
ypot
hese
s and
act
ions
gen
erat
ed (“
gold
stan
dard
” de
velo
ped
by e
xper
t pan
el o
f hom
icid
e in
vesti
gato
rs fr
om
Nor
way
and
Eng
land
; see
Fah
sing
and
Ask
, Jou
rnal
of I
nves
-tig
ativ
e Ps
ycho
logy
and
Offe
nder
Pro
filin
g, 1
0, 1
55-1
65, 2
013
for d
etai
ls).
Expe
rienc
ed E
nglis
h pa
rtici
pant
s out
perfo
rmed
exp
erie
nced
and
in
expe
rienc
ed N
orw
egia
n pa
rtici
pant
s, w
ho o
utpe
rform
ed in
expe
ri-en
ced
Engl
ish
parti
cipa
nts.
Expe
rienc
e le
vel w
as n
ot a
ssoc
iate
d w
ith
perfo
rman
ce a
mon
g N
orw
egia
n pa
rtici
pant
s.
Fahs
ing
and
Ask
(201
7)•
Mat
eria
ls: G
iven
cog
nitiv
e ap
titud
e te
st m
easu
ring
indu
ctiv
e an
d de
duct
ive
reas
onin
g sk
ills.
Then
giv
en tw
o m
issi
ng p
erso
n ca
sed
desc
riptio
ns th
at c
onta
ined
a ti
ppin
g po
int (
deci
sion
to
arre
st a
parti
cula
r sus
pect
) eith
er e
arly
or l
ate
in th
e vi
gnet
te
and
aske
d to
writ
e do
wn
inve
stiga
tive
hypo
thes
es a
nd a
ctio
ns
to b
e ta
ken.
Resu
lts su
gges
t tha
t ind
uctiv
e an
d de
duct
ive
reas
onin
g ap
titud
e do
es n
ot
pred
ict s
uper
ior c
rimin
al in
vesti
gatio
n sk
ills,
and
a ca
se ti
ppin
g po
int
(arr
est)
does
not
nec
essa
rily
lead
to c
lose
d-m
inde
dnes
s.
[Mea
n ±
SD
]:
Pro
po
rtio
n o
f G
ener
ated
Go
ld S
tan
dar
d
Hyp
oth
eses
A
ctio
ns
Engla
nd
Ex
per
ien
ced
0
.72
± 0
.18
0.7
3 ±
0.1
0
No
vic
es
0.2
8 ±
0.1
2
0
.39
± 0
.11
(p-v
alue)
(p
< 0
.00
1)
(p <
0.0
01)
No
rway
Ex
per
ien
ced
0
.45
± 0
.16
0.6
4 ±
0.1
2
No
vic
es
0.5
0 ±
0.2
0
0
.61
± 0
.12
(p-v
alu
e)
(
p =
0.9
9)
(p
= 0
.99)
115Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
Refe
renc
e, P
artic
ipan
ts, R
esea
rch
Focu
sM
etho
ds a
nd M
easu
res
Resu
lts
N=
166
polic
e tra
inee
s, N
orw
ay•
Expl
anat
ory
Mea
sure
s: C
ogni
tive
reas
onin
g sk
ills (
indu
ctiv
e an
d de
duct
ive
reas
onin
g sc
ores
bas
ed o
n st
anda
rdiz
ed te
st),
loca
tion
of ti
ppin
g po
int.
Ove
rall,
par
ticip
ants
gen
erat
ed a
hig
her p
ropo
rtion
of c
rimin
al v
ersu
s no
n-cr
imin
al e
xpla
natio
ns fo
r the
eve
nts (
Mea
n ±
SD
: 46.
7% ±
13.
8 ve
rsus
19%
± 1
9.1)
.In
divi
dual
Cha
ract
erist
ics;
Cas
e-Sp
ecifi
c•
Prim
ary
Out
com
e M
easu
res:
Pro
porti
on o
f “go
ld st
anda
rd”
set o
f hyp
othe
ses a
nd a
ctio
ns g
ener
ated
(“go
ld st
anda
rd”
deve
lope
d by
exp
ert p
anel
of h
omic
ide
inve
stiga
tors
from
N
orw
ay a
nd U
nite
d K
ingd
om).
Mor
e hy
poth
eses
gen
erat
ed fo
r Cas
e A
(Mea
n ±
SD
49.
2 ±
20.
3) th
an
for C
ase
B (2
9.5
± 1
0.8)
, p >
0.0
01. B
ecau
se o
f thi
s diff
eren
ce, o
ther
an
alys
es w
ere
cond
ucte
d se
para
tely
for C
ase
A a
nd C
ase
B.
In re
gres
sion
ana
lyse
s, no
ass
ocia
tion
was
seen
bet
wee
n th
e nu
mbe
r of
“gol
d st
anda
rd”
hypo
thes
es g
ener
ated
in e
ither
var
iatio
n of
the
case
s an
d th
e in
duct
ive
reas
onin
g sc
ore
or d
educ
tive
reas
onin
g sc
ore:
Earli
er “
tippi
ng p
oint
” (a
rres
t) di
d no
t sig
nific
antly
dec
reas
e th
e nu
mbe
r of
“go
ld st
anda
rd”
hypo
thes
es g
ener
ated
, but
ther
e w
ere
trend
s in
that
di
rect
ion.
Gro
enen
daal
and
Hel
sloo
t (20
15)
• M
ater
ials
: Hist
oric
al re
cord
of “
the
Schi
edam
mer
Par
k m
urde
r” in
the
Net
herla
nds;
sem
i-stru
ctur
ed g
roup
inte
rvie
ws
with
lead
ers a
nd c
oord
inat
ors o
f Com
man
d C
ore
Team
s fro
m
polic
e fo
rces
acr
oss t
he c
ount
ry.
Nar
rativ
e de
scrip
tion
of p
olic
ies p
rodu
ced
in re
spon
se to
the
Schi
edam
-m
er P
ark
mur
der a
nd su
bseq
uent
Pos
thum
us C
omm
issi
on.
N=
60 m
embe
rs o
f Com
man
d C
ore
Team
s, N
ethe
r-la
nds
• In
terv
entio
n: C
rimin
al In
vesti
gatio
n Re
info
rcem
ent P
ro-
gram
me,
dev
elop
ed a
nd im
plem
ente
d in
resp
onse
to a
wid
ely
publ
iciz
ed w
rong
ful c
onvi
ctio
n. C
rimin
al In
vesti
gatio
n Re
info
rcem
ent P
rogr
amm
e el
emen
ts in
clud
ed th
e cr
eatio
n of
Maj
or In
vesti
gatio
n Te
ams/
Com
man
d C
ore
Team
s aim
ed
at im
prov
ing
prof
essi
onal
izat
ion,
com
mun
icat
ion,
reco
rd-
keep
ing
arou
nd in
vesti
gativ
e de
cisi
on-m
akin
g, a
nd c
ritic
al
refle
ctio
n.
Inte
rvie
wee
s rep
orte
d th
at th
e M
ajor
Inve
stiga
tion
Team
mod
el
impr
oved
inve
stiga
tions
, but
did
not
kno
w w
heth
er m
ore
crim
es
wer
e so
lved
as a
resu
lt. T
hey
repo
rted
both
pro
s and
con
s to
perm
a-ne
nt p
ositi
ons,
reco
rd-k
eepi
ng a
bout
the
hypo
thes
es a
nd sc
enar
ios
deci
sion
-mak
ing
proc
ess.
They
felt
posi
tivel
y ab
out t
he d
evil’
s ad
voca
te sy
stem
but
foun
d th
at it
gen
eral
ly c
onfir
med
the
dire
ctio
n al
read
y be
ing
purs
ued
and
did
not i
dent
ify fl
aws.
They
repo
rted
that
, co
mpa
red
to p
revi
ous y
ears
, the
cul
ture
had
bec
ome
mor
e op
en.
Inte
rven
tion
• Pr
imar
y O
utco
me
Mea
sure
s: In
vesti
gato
rs’ s
elf-
repo
rted
expe
rienc
es w
ith v
ario
us e
lem
ents
of t
he n
ew P
rogr
amm
e,
as w
ell a
s “effi
cacy
” (i.
e., “
num
ber o
f sol
ved
crim
es”)
and
“p
reca
utio
n” (i
.e.,
“min
imis
atio
n of
the
chan
ce o
f wro
ngfu
l co
nvic
tion”
).
The
study
aut
hors
’ ide
ntifi
ed te
nsio
n be
twee
n th
e co
ncep
ts o
f effi
cacy
an
d pr
ecau
tion,
and
con
clud
ed th
at th
e m
ain
resu
lt of
the
Prog
ram
me
was
incr
ease
d aw
aren
ess a
bout
(but
no
mea
sura
ble
elim
inat
ion
of)
tunn
el v
isio
n.Ind
uct
ive
reas
on
ing
sco
re
Cas
e A
β
= 0
.04
SE
= 0
.16
, p
= 0
.78
Cas
e B
β
= 0
.04
, S
E =
0.0
8,
p =
0.6
6
Ded
uct
ive
reas
onin
g s
core
Cas
e A
β
= 0
.03
, S
E =
0.1
5,
p =
0.8
5
Cas
e B
β
= 0
.01
, S
E =
0.0
8,
p =
0.8
72
116 Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
Refe
renc
e, P
artic
ipan
ts, R
esea
rch
Focu
sM
etho
ds a
nd M
easu
res
Resu
lts
Jone
s et a
l. (2
008)
• M
ater
ials
: Giv
en fi
rst t
wo-
mon
ths-
wor
th o
f mat
eria
l of a
co
nclu
ded
mur
der i
nves
tigat
ion;
ask
ed to
revi
ew th
e in
vesti
ga-
tion
and
iden
tify
posi
tive
and
nega
tive
aspe
cts.
Expe
rimen
tal
grou
p gi
ven
Revi
ew T
ool (
deve
lope
d ba
sed
on a
lite
ratu
re
revi
ew a
nd in
acc
orda
nce
with
the
Ass
ocia
tion
of C
hief
Pol
ice
Offi
cers
(AC
PO) 2
006
Mur
der I
nves
tigat
ion
Man
ual (
MIM
))
prov
idin
g be
st pr
actic
es fo
r 31
cate
gorie
s of i
nves
tigat
ive
activ
ities
; con
trol g
roup
rece
ived
no
instr
uctio
ns b
ut c
ould
co
nsul
t AC
PO M
IM o
r oth
er m
ater
ials
.
Revi
ew T
ool p
rodu
ced
incr
ease
d qu
antit
y (a
mou
nt n
ot sp
ecifi
ed) a
nd
qual
ity (3
7% h
ighe
r) o
f inf
orm
atio
n, a
nd to
ok lo
nger
to c
ompl
ete
(app
roxi
mat
ely
33%
long
er).
N=
12 p
olic
e offi
cers
, 6 e
xper
ienc
ed a
nd 6
inex
peri-
ence
d in
vesti
gato
rs, U
nite
d K
ingd
om•
Inte
rven
tion:
Rev
iew
Too
l or c
ontro
l gro
up (r
ando
m a
ssig
n-m
ent);
offi
cer e
xper
ienc
e le
vel (
expe
rienc
ed =
seni
or in
vesti
-ga
ting
office
rs, i
nexp
erie
nced
= li
ttle
or n
o m
urde
r inv
estig
a-tio
n ex
perie
nce)
.
Exp
erie
nced
offi
cers
in b
oth
the
inte
rven
tion
and
cont
rol g
roup
s pro
-du
ced
high
er q
uant
ity a
nd q
ualit
y w
ork
Inte
rven
tion
• Pr
imar
y O
utco
me
Mea
sure
s: A
mou
nt o
f inf
orm
atio
n pr
o-du
ced
in e
ach
inve
stiga
tion
revi
ew; c
onte
nt a
naly
sis,
with
eac
h co
mm
ent r
ated
for u
sefu
lnes
s (1
to 7
Lik
ert s
cale
), am
ount
of
time
to c
ompl
ete
the
revi
ew.
Resu
lts sh
ow th
at b
oth
expe
rienc
e an
d th
e te
sted
Revi
ew T
ool h
elpe
d (th
ough
mec
hani
sm is
unc
lear
– R
evie
w T
ool m
ight
hel
p offi
cers
thin
k m
ore
thor
ough
ly a
nd c
ritic
ally
bec
ause
of t
he c
onte
nt a
nd st
ruct
ure
of
the
tool
, or m
ight
sim
ply
succ
eed
by sl
owin
g offi
cers
dow
n so
they
can
th
ink
mor
e th
orou
ghly
and
crit
ical
ly).
Ker
stho
lt an
d Ei
kelb
oom
, (20
07)
• M
ater
ials
: Tw
o re
alist
ic c
ase
scen
ario
s (C
ase
1: p
ossi
ble
sex
traffi
ckin
g, C
ase
2: d
isap
pear
ance
of a
you
ng w
oman
). H
alf o
f par
ticip
ants
rece
ived
a p
laus
ible
, but
not
the
mos
t lik
ely
(bas
ed o
n pi
lot t
estin
g), p
rior i
nter
pret
atio
n fo
r eac
h ca
se (C
ase
1: “
Rodr
ique
z” p
laye
d a
key
role
, Cas
e 2:
mis
sing
w
oman
’s fa
ther
pla
yed
role
in d
isap
pear
ance
).
Gro
upth
ink,
con
firm
atio
n bi
as d
emon
strat
ed. R
esul
ts sh
ow th
at a
naly
sts
who
are
priv
y to
an
inve
stiga
tive
team
’s w
orki
ng h
ypot
hesi
s will
su
gges
t tha
t hyp
othe
sis a
s the
mos
t lik
ely
at a
hig
her r
ate
than
ana
lysts
w
ho m
erel
y ge
t acc
ess t
o th
e fa
cts o
f the
cas
e bu
t no
prio
r int
erpr
eta-
tion.
Nov
ices
and
exp
erts
per
form
ed th
e sa
me
way
.
N=
38 c
rime
anal
ysts
, Net
herla
nds
• Ex
plan
ator
y M
easu
res:
Kno
wle
dge
of p
rior p
laus
ible
but
un
likel
y in
terp
reta
tion
or n
ot; e
xper
ienc
e le
vel (
mea
n 7
year
s ve
rsus
7 m
onth
s).
Hum
an N
atur
e; In
divi
dual
Cha
ract
erist
ics
• Pr
imar
y O
utco
me
Mea
sure
s: F
or C
ase
1, d
escr
iptio
n of
role
of
eac
h pe
rson
and
mos
t lik
ely
scen
ario
, ran
king
of s
ourc
es
of in
form
atio
n an
d im
porta
nce,
not
ed m
issi
ng in
form
atio
n,
and
sugg
estio
ns fo
r fur
ther
inve
stiga
tion.
For
Cas
e 2,
num
ber
and
type
of p
ossi
ble
expl
anat
ions
gen
erat
ed, c
oncl
usio
n ab
out
mos
t lik
ely
hypo
thes
is, s
ugge
stion
s for
furth
er in
vesti
gatio
n.
Cas
e 1:
Kno
wle
dge
of p
rior i
nter
pret
atio
n w
as a
ssoc
iate
d w
ith id
entif
y-in
g “R
odrig
uez”
as a
“ke
y pl
ayer
,” ev
iden
ce m
entio
ned
and
sugg
es-
tions
for f
urth
er in
vesti
gatio
n, b
ut n
ot w
ith ra
nkin
g of
info
rmat
ion
sour
ces,
or re
ports
of m
issi
ng in
form
atio
n. E
xper
ienc
e le
vel w
as n
ot
asso
ciat
ed w
ith d
ecis
ion-
mak
ing.
Pri
or
N
o P
rior
Inte
rpre
tati
on
In
terp
reta
tio
n
“Ro
dri
qu
ez =
key p
layer
”
56
%
25
% (
p=
0.0
6)
Men
tioned
info
rmat
ion
fro
m p
rio
r
inte
rpre
tati
on
89%
35%
(p
=0
.002
)
Rodri
quez-
furt
her
Inv
esti
gat
ion
78%
35%
(p
=0
.01
)
117Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
Refe
renc
e, P
artic
ipan
ts, R
esea
rch
Focu
sM
etho
ds a
nd M
easu
res
Resu
lts
Cas
e 2:
Kno
wle
dge
of p
rior i
nter
pret
atio
n w
as a
ssoc
iate
d w
ith in
clus
ion
of fa
ther
scen
ario
as a
pos
sibl
e ex
plan
atio
n an
d as
the
mos
t lik
ely
expl
anat
ion,
and
as s
ugge
stion
for f
urth
er in
vesti
gatio
n, b
ut n
ot w
ith
num
ber o
f exp
lana
tions
gen
erat
ed. E
xper
ienc
e le
vel w
as n
ot a
ssoc
i-at
ed w
ith d
ecis
ion-
mak
ing.
Mar
kste
iner
et a
l. (2
010)
• M
ater
ials
: Com
pute
r-adm
inist
ered
hom
icid
e ca
sec d
escr
iptio
n su
gges
ting
guilt
or i
nnoc
ence
of s
uspe
ct, p
lus i
ncrim
inat
ing
or
exon
erat
ing
eyew
itnes
s evi
denc
e.
Asy
mm
etric
al sk
eptic
ism
am
ong
parti
cipa
nts w
ith a
gui
lty h
ypot
hesi
s:
Incr
imin
atin
g w
itnes
s evi
denc
e (c
ase-
spec
ific,
and
in g
ener
al) v
iew
ed
mos
t fav
orab
ly b
y th
ose
who
initi
ally
con
side
red
the
susp
ect g
uilty
; th
e sa
me
patte
rn d
id n
ot e
mer
ge fo
r tho
se w
ho in
itial
ly c
onsi
dere
d th
e su
spec
t inn
ocen
t.N
=10
7 po
lice
train
ees,
Swed
en•
Expl
anat
ory
Mea
sure
s: E
yew
itnes
s evi
denc
e co
nsist
ent o
r in
cons
isten
t with
initi
al b
elie
fs (r
ando
m a
ssig
nmen
t).H
uman
Nat
ure
• Pr
imar
y O
utco
me
Mea
sure
s: R
atin
gs o
f stre
ngth
of e
vide
nce,
pr
obab
ility
of g
uilt
(bot
h 1
to 9
Lik
ert s
cale
s), c
onvi
ctio
n de
ci-
sion
(dic
hoto
mou
s) b
efor
e an
d af
ter r
evie
w o
f witn
ess i
nfor
-m
atio
n; ra
tings
of r
elia
bilit
y of
the
spec
ific
witn
ess e
vide
nce
prov
ided
and
of t
he re
liabi
lity
of w
itnes
s evi
denc
e in
gen
eral
(1
to 9
Lik
ert s
cale
s) a
fter r
evie
w o
f witn
ess i
nfor
mat
ion.
Ras
sin
(201
0)•
Mat
eria
ls: H
omic
ide
case
a des
crip
tion
that
incl
uded
info
rma-
tion
abou
t a n
amed
fem
ale
susp
ect’s
mot
ive
and
info
rmat
ion
abou
t an
alte
rnat
ive
mal
e su
spec
t.
Resu
lts p
rovi
ded
som
e ev
iden
ce in
supp
ort o
f and
som
e ev
iden
ce
agai
nst t
he p
rese
nce
of c
onfir
mat
ion
bias
.
Stud
y 1:
N=
118
polic
e offi
cers
, dist
rict a
ttorn
eys,
and
judg
es, N
ethe
rland
s•
Expl
anat
ory
Mea
sure
s: C
ase
scen
ario
ver
sion
(ran
dom
ass
ign-
men
t).H
uman
Nat
ure
• Pr
imar
y O
utco
me
Mea
sure
s: R
atin
gs o
f pro
babi
lity
of g
uilt
(0 to
100
), an
d de
cisi
on to
con
vict
(dic
hoto
mou
s); r
atin
gs o
f de
gree
to w
hich
eac
h of
20
case
det
ails
supp
orte
d in
noce
nce
or g
uilt
of th
e na
med
susp
ect (
-5 to
5 L
iker
t sca
le),
com
bine
d in
to a
com
posi
te sc
ore.
Cas
e sc
enar
io v
ersi
on w
as a
ssoc
iate
d w
ith ra
tings
of p
roba
ble
guilt
(p
= 0
.03)
, but
not
with
dec
isio
n to
con
vict
(p =
0.8
6) o
r eva
luat
ion
of
case
det
ails
(p =
0.1
5)
Ras
sin
(201
8b)
• M
ater
ials
: Hom
icid
e ca
sea d
escr
iptio
n th
at in
clud
ed e
ither
in
form
atio
n ab
out a
nam
ed fe
mal
e su
spec
t’s m
otiv
e or
info
r-m
atio
n ab
out a
n al
tern
ativ
e m
ale
susp
ect.
Inte
rven
tion
was
pro
mis
ing
but n
o co
ntro
l gro
up in
corp
orat
ed in
to
study
.
Pri
or
No
Pri
or
Inte
rpre
tati
on
In
terp
reta
tion
Fat
her
-menti
oned
as e
xpla
nat
ion
9
4%
45%
(p
=0
.00
7)
Fat
he r
-mo
st l
ikel
y
expla
nat
ion 3
9%
10%
(p
=0
.06
)
Fat
her
-fu
rth
er
Inv
esti
gat
ion 5
6%
20%
(
p=
0.0
3)
[Mea
n ±
SD
]:
Rel
iabil
ity R
ati
ng
W
itn
ess
Ev
iden
ce:
for:
Incr
imin
atin
g E
xo
ner
atin
g
Spec
ific
Case
Gu
ilt
6.5
9 ±
1.6
7
4
.04
± 1
.76
(p
< 0
.00
4)
Innoce
nce
4.6
8 ±
2.2
6 4.4
3 ±
1.7
9 (
p =
0.2
7)
In G
ener
al
Gu
ilt
6.2
2 ±
0.9
3
4
.92
± 1
.38
(p
< 0
.00
4)
Inn
oce
nce
4.9
6 ±
1.5
0
4
.61
± 1
.32 (
p =
0.1
2)
118 Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
Refe
renc
e, P
artic
ipan
ts, R
esea
rch
Focu
sM
etho
ds a
nd M
easu
res
Resu
lts
Stud
y 2:
N=
45 p
olic
e offi
cers
, dist
rict a
ttorn
eys,
and
judg
es, N
ethe
rland
s•
Inte
rven
tion:
Pen
and
pap
er e
xerc
ise
ratin
g de
gree
to w
hich
ea
ch o
f 20
case
det
ails
indi
cate
d th
e na
med
susp
ect’s
gui
lt (1
0-po
int s
cale
; 0 =
exo
nera
ting,
10
= in
crim
inat
ing)
, pro
b-ab
ility
of g
uilt
(0 =
defi
nite
ly in
noce
nt to
100
= d
efini
tely
gu
ilty)
, and
con
vict
ion
deci
sion
(yes
/no)
. The
n to
ld to
imag
ine
that
the
unna
med
susp
ect h
ad c
omm
itted
the
crim
e an
d as
ked
to ra
te th
e de
gree
to w
hich
eac
h of
20
case
det
ails
indi
cate
d th
e al
tern
ativ
e su
spec
t’s g
uilt
(10-
poin
t sca
le; 0
= e
xone
ratin
g,
10 =
incr
imin
atin
g). A
fter t
his e
xerc
ise,
rate
d pr
obab
ility
of
nam
ed su
spec
t’s g
uilt
a se
cond
tim
e (0
= d
efini
tely
inno
cent
to
100
= d
efini
tely
gui
lty),
and
mad
e a
final
con
vict
ion
deci
sion
(y
es/n
o).
Sim
ilar r
atin
gs o
f the
ext
ent t
o w
hich
the
evid
ence
fit n
amed
susp
ect
hypo
thes
is a
nd a
ltern
ativ
e su
spec
t hyp
othe
sis [
Mea
n ±
SD
]:
Inte
rven
tion
• Pr
imar
y O
utco
me
Mea
sure
s: G
uilt
estim
ates
and
con
vict
ion
rate
s bef
ore
and
afte
r pen
and
pap
er a
nd im
agin
atio
n ex
erci
se.
Gui
lty e
stim
ate
decr
ease
d w
ith in
terv
entio
n:
Sale
t and
Ter
pstra
(201
4)•
Mat
eria
ls: I
n re
spon
se to
wro
ngfu
l con
vict
ion
in a
chi
ld se
x ab
use
and
mur
der c
ase
in th
e N
ethe
rland
s, a
natio
nal c
omm
is-
sion
reco
mm
ende
d us
e of
a c
ritic
al re
view
pro
toco
l (in
clud
ing
the
use
of c
ontra
rians
) for
com
plex
crim
inal
inve
stiga
tions
. Re
sear
cher
s ass
esse
d th
e im
plem
enta
tion
and
resu
lts o
f thi
s cr
itica
l rev
iew
pro
cedu
re th
roug
h a
revi
ew o
f rea
l cas
e fil
es
and
revi
ew d
ossi
ers f
rom
five
diff
eren
t pol
ice
forc
es a
nd in
ter-
view
s with
lead
inve
stiga
tors
and
con
traria
ns.
Crit
ical
revi
ews h
ad c
oncr
ete
effec
ts o
n cr
imin
al in
vesti
gatio
ns b
ut d
id
not r
adic
ally
cha
nge
the
dire
ctio
n of
any
cas
e.
N=
26 c
ase
files
and
dos
sier
s; in
terv
iew
s with
47
lead
ers o
f inv
estig
ativ
e te
ams a
nd “
cont
raria
ns,”
Net
herla
nds
• In
terv
entio
n: C
ritic
al re
view
pro
cedu
res i
ntro
duce
d in
to
polic
ewor
k.M
ost p
olic
e fo
rces
wer
e pr
actic
ing
criti
cal r
evie
ws i
n 20
11, b
ut v
aria
bil-
ity in
the
role
of c
ontra
rians
bet
wee
n fo
rces
. Som
e co
ntra
rians
use
d a
clos
enes
s stra
tegy
(act
ivel
y in
volv
ed in
the
inve
stiga
tion)
, whi
le o
ther
s us
ed a
dist
ance
stra
tegy
(rev
iew
ing
deci
sion
s afte
r the
y w
ere
mad
e).
Diff
eren
t con
traria
ns p
laye
d di
ffere
nt ro
les:
- ritu
alist
s (su
perfi
cial
revi
ew)
- pro
cedu
ralis
ts (c
once
ntra
te o
f rev
iew
ing
proc
edur
es)
- crim
inal
inve
stiga
tors
(con
cent
rate
on
revi
ewin
g su
bsta
ntiv
e el
emen
ts)
- coa
ch (c
once
ntra
te o
n im
prov
ing
qual
ity o
f lea
ders
hip
and
soci
al re
la-
tions
with
in th
e te
am)
- dev
il’s a
dvoc
ate
(cha
lleng
e w
ith a
ltern
ativ
e in
terp
reta
tions
and
hy
poth
eses
)In
terv
entio
n•
Prim
ary
Out
com
e M
easu
res:
Qua
litat
ive
com
paris
on o
f cas
e fil
es a
nd re
view
dos
sier
s and
info
rmat
ion
from
lead
inve
stiga
-to
rs a
nd c
ontra
rians
.
Nam
ed s
usp
ect
4.9
1 ±
0.7
2
Alt
ernat
ive
susp
ect
5.1
9 ±
1.1
6
[
p =
0.2
1]
Gu
ilty
est
imate
dec
reas
ed w
ith i
nte
rventi
on:
Bef
ore
45.6
7 ±
22.1
Aft
er
3
2.4
4 ±
20
.13
[
p <
0.0
01]
Dec
ision
to co
nvic
t dec
reas
ed w
ith in
terv
entio
n:Be
fore
22%
of p
artic
ipan
tsA
fter
7%
of p
artic
ipan
ts
[p <
0.0
4]
119Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
Refe
renc
e, P
artic
ipan
ts, R
esea
rch
Focu
sM
etho
ds a
nd M
easu
res
Resu
lts
Wal
lace
(201
5)•
Mat
eria
ls: C
ompu
ter-a
dmin
ister
ed se
xual
ass
ault
case
vig
nette
(w
ith e
ither
a c
hild
or a
dult
vict
im),
incl
udin
g 10
item
s of
evid
ence
(pre
sent
ed e
ither
sim
ulta
neou
sly, s
eque
ntia
lly, o
r in
reve
rse-
sequ
entia
l ord
er).
Rat
ed c
onfid
ence
in g
uilt
or in
no-
cenc
e af
ter e
very
pie
ce o
f evi
denc
e an
d pr
ovid
ed a
n ov
eral
l, fin
al d
ecis
ion
abou
t gui
lt or
inno
cenc
e.
Resu
lts d
id n
ot su
ppor
t the
hyp
othe
sis t
hat e
xtre
me
emot
ion
did
not
impa
ct g
uilt
judg
emen
ts (o
r tha
t vic
tim a
ge is
not
an
effec
tive
man
ipu-
latio
n of
ext
rem
e em
otio
n) a
s the
age
of t
he se
xual
ass
ault
vict
im d
id
not i
nflue
nce
guilt
judg
men
ts.
N=
166
polic
e offi
cers
(bas
ic tr
aini
ng re
crui
ts, p
atro
l offi
cers
, and
crim
inal
inve
stiga
tors
), U
nite
d St
ates
• Ex
plan
ator
y M
easu
res:
Pre
sum
ed e
mot
iona
l im
pact
of c
ase
scen
ario
ver
sion
(ran
dom
ass
ignm
ent),
pro
fess
iona
l exp
eri-
ence
(rec
ruit,
pat
rol,
inve
stiga
tor)
, evi
denc
e pr
esen
tatio
n or
der –
exc
ulpa
tory
evi
denc
e pr
esen
ted
early
or l
ate
(ran
dom
as
sign
men
t).
The
orde
r of e
vide
nce
pres
enta
tion
did
mat
ter,
dem
onstr
atin
g co
nfirm
a-tio
n bi
as. W
hen
excu
lpat
ory
evid
ence
was
vie
wed
prio
r to
incu
lpat
ory
evid
ence
, gui
lt be
lief s
core
s dec
reas
ed si
gnifi
cant
ly.
Hum
an N
atur
e; In
divi
dual
Cha
ract
erist
ics;
Cas
e-Sp
ecifi
c•
Prim
ary
Out
com
e M
easu
res:
Con
fiden
ce in
susp
ect’s
gui
lt or
in
noce
nce
(0 to
10
Like
rt sc
ale)
, fina
l dec
isio
n ab
out g
uilt
or
inno
cenc
e (y
es/n
o).
Fina
lly, c
onfir
mat
ion
bias
was
gre
ater
am
ong
polic
e re
crui
ts (i
.e.,
thos
e w
ith th
e le
ast p
rofe
ssio
nal e
xper
ienc
e).
a Hom
icid
e ca
se v
igne
tte w
as th
e sa
me
as th
e ot
hers
with
this
des
igna
tion
b Ass
ault
case
vig
nette
was
the
sam
e as
the
othe
rs w
ith th
is d
esig
natio
nc H
omic
ide
case
vig
nette
was
the
sam
e as
the
othe
rs w
ith th
is d
esig
natio
nd M
issi
ng p
erso
n ca
se v
igne
ttes w
ere
the
sam
e as
oth
ers w
ith th
is d
esig
natio
ne Th
e se
cond
stud
y re
porte
d in
this
arti
cle
used
und
ergr
adua
te st
uden
t par
ticip
ants
120 Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122
1 3
Acknowledgments Thank you to Dr. Karen Amendola (Police Foun-dation), Ms. Prahelika Gadtaula (Innocence Project), and Dr. Kim Rossmo (Texas State University) for their thoughtful reviews of ear-lier drafts.
Compliance with Ethical Standards
Conflict of Interest The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest.
Ethical Statement This article does not contain any studies with human participants or animals performed by either of the authors.
Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attri-bution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adapta-tion, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article’s Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article’s Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. To view a copy of this licence, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/.
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122 Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology (2022) 37:101–122