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Chapter VII

Conclusion

Motherhood is one of the finest phases of a woman’s life. Giving birth

to a new life and nourishing the newborn with the utmost care and attention

is the dream of every woman since the time life began on this earth. A child,

too, feels more comfortable with his mother. He seeks solace and comfort in

his mother’s lap. It is the mother who unfolds the entire world to the child. If

home is the primary institution of a child, then the mother is his primary

teacher. It is she who teaches the child how to face both the bright and grim

realities of life on the one hand and inculcates in the child the primary values

of our culture, tradition, customs and social organisation on the other.

Therefore, among all the members of the family, it is the mother who is most

adored and respected by the child.

This unique relationship of a man with his mother is an important

feature of our religion, too. The Mother Goddess, an embodiment of power

and generation, occupies an important place in Hindu pantheon. She has

divers forms and manifestations. She is the creator and the destroyer, the

producer and the slayer. In Hindu religion, she appears and reappears time -

and again in countless forms to bless and save her worshippers. Just like a

child seeks comfort, peace and solace in his mother’s lap, similarly all

human beings turn to their universal Mother in times of difficulties and

distress. She assumes divine, human, animal, vegetative and elemental

forms. She is revered by almost all her worshippers as Shakti or the source

of primeval energy. She has all the characteristics of a human mother who is

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the basis of her conception. “While the idea of Shakti is fundamentally

singular and unitary, her images proliferate into many forms shaped by the

history, culture and region from which they originate. Shakti is, then,

abstract, an invisible but elusive principle that connect and forms all

goddesses of the Hindu pantheon to an indivisible Feminine Principle”1.

Mother Goddess, the Supreme self, is indefinable. She is beyond the

comprehension of human mind and speech. She is omnipotent, omnipresent,

universal and eternal. It is she from whom all objects, animate and inanimate

evolve, and into whom they finally dissolve. She is nameless, formless, ever

shining and always bestowing her blessings on those who call and recall her

from the bottom of their hearts. She is always there for us, even if we do not

feel her presence, see her or hear her. Passing through various ages and

civilizations, the Goddess assumed numerous forms and sub-forms. In India,

from primarily being an Earth Goddess connected with fertility and

fecundity, her form transformed to Aditi, Vac, Lakshmi, 'XUJ , and the

slayer of Mahisasurmardini and eventually became 'XUJ M or Mother

'XUJ , who is respected and worshipped all over till date.

This concept of the Mother as transcendental and divine arose among

the peasant and agricultural communities of Pre-Historic times. In the

Palaeolithic times, when man was primarily a hunter and led a nomadic life,

he came face to face with the atrocities of nature like thunder, storms,

lightening, clouds, the scorching sun and the rain. These entire natural

phenomenons created in him feelings of awe and wonder towards the forces

of nature and he conceived of powers that were more superior to him. He

linked these powers with something supernatural and started considering

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them as divine. His staple food of that time, the vegetation and the animals,

also created in him an anxiety to know the means of all these sources.

Gradually, he came to believe in some hidden universal forces and magic as

they influenced his life in many ways.

By the Neolithic period, man switched over to agriculture, cultivation

of grains, and started living in agricultural communities. He now depended

on hunting and ploughing for his survival. While hunting was the main

occupation of the males, it was the woman, who mainly carried on

agriculture and looked after the home. The extensive fertility of the earth

gradually came to be equated with the reproductive aspect of the woman.

While earth sustained life, women kept alive the generation, and both were

equally important for the existence of human life. Thus, earth and woman

both became synonymous with each other and came to be revered by people,

both for the fertility of the soil and continuance of the race. The concept of

deification of woman initially started in the agricultural communities of

Western Asia, South Russian plains and the Don Valley. As human

civilization developed further east, the Mother cult spread to areas round the

Mediterranean Sea, the Indus Valley and parts of the Western Europe.

The earliest attempt to give a concrete shape to the idea of woman as

the Supreme Creator was in the form of ‘Venuses’. The figurines were

usually modelled in clay, ivory, bone and stone and were generally placed in

household shrines. They were produced in large numbers in the Aegean

Crete, Western Asia, and the Ancient Near East. The primary concern of the

images of Venuses was to portray the aspects of maternity and fertility.

Thus, these figurines were characterised by absolute nudity, highly

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exaggerated feminine organs with overemphasis on breasts, buttocks and

thighs. Often, they featured a pregnant woman, thus laying stress on the

reproductive and motherly aspect of the female. Less attention was given to

the arms and feet of these figurines. The figurines were used in different

types of domestic rituals and magic to secure food and progeny.

Gradually, as the importance of males in procreation as well as in

food production came to be recognised, these images of Goddesses were

now associated with a male partner either as a son or a consort. The figures

were often coloured blood red as red colour signifies the renewal of life and

symbolises fertility and fecundity. Some of the Venus figurines have an

erotic element as they display scenes of copulation, but here too, the main

aim of the artist was not to portray vulgarity, but the reproductive aspect of a

woman as copulation leads to the birth of a new one. Thus, the main theme

behind these images was to depict woman as the source of fertility. Some

Venus figurines were also associated with geometrical patterns, which

further relate the mother cult with magic and rituals.

Most of these Venus figurines found in different places are

iconographically similar to one another which suggest that when man moved

around in search of his food and shelter to different places, he came in

contact with different communities and this led to a cultural bonding

between these places. This bonding resulted in the artistic similarity of the

Venus figurines. The basic idea behind these figurines was also the same-to

portray a woman’s maternal attributes, and therefore, they were similar to

one other.

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Jericho, Jarmo, Eastern Mediterranean, Iran, Catal Huyuk and

Baluchistan are the main sites from where the Neolithic Mother Goddess

cults have been discovered. The relief figurines of Mother Goddess make

their first appearance in Catal Huyuk, the largest Neolithic town settlement

known up till date. In these relief figures, the Goddess appears exclusively in

anthropomorphic form, while the place of the male God is taken by bulls,

rams, leopards etc. that are also the exponents of fertility. In the Neolithic

period, too, the principal deity of the people was a Goddess, who was then

shown in three aspects- as a young woman, a mother giving birth and as an

old woman. The portrayal of bull with Mother Goddess in this period was

quite similar to that of the images of later Hinduism in which Goddess

Parvati and Lord Shiva are shown with bull Nandi as their vehicle. Nandi is,

even today, associated with the images of Shiva and Parvati. At Hacilar and

Catal Huyuk, the Goddess shown seated on a leopard can again be compared

with the images of later Hinduism in which Goddess 'XUJ is shown

mounted on a lion. The discovery of Mother Goddess figurines in graves

suggests that people of that age, too, had some idea of death and

regeneration. This also corresponds to the Indian doctrine of transmigration

of soul, to a belief in rebirth.

At Hacilar, painted pottery was also deployed with the images of

Mother Goddess in graves. The numerous shapes of the Mother Goddess

figurines were now restricted to four main types: Goddess standing or sitting

with both the legs on one side, kneeling or resting. Among the Megalithic

people, the goddess was associated with the axe cult, which again connects it

with the later Hinduism where the images of Goddess 'XUJ are shown with

a Parasu.

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The Mother Goddess figurines of the pre-Historic times were of

varied shapes and sizes in different centres and the goddess was associated

with one or the other animal, symbol or a male partner. But, the basic idea of

all the figurines was the same- to portray the maternal and reproductive

aspects of the Goddess and to emphasise her unique powers of fertility and

fecundity. While she was slim in Egypt, in Malta she was portrayed bulky

and fat. In Cyprus, she had large pierced ears, whereas in Phoenicia, her eyes

were large and round. In Brittany and Ireland, she was carved in abstract on

rocks rounded in patterns. In Crete, she was associated with snakes and in

Catal Huyuk with the bull whereas at Hacilar, the Goddess was associated

with the leopard. In Cyclades, she had the shape of a musical instrument.

The Pre-Historic culture in India was found in the Andaman islands,

Kerela, some regions of Assam, Eastern Bihar, Son river valley in the north,

Central India and different regions of Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, West

Bengal, South East Bihar and Orissa from where Palaeolithic tools, flakes,

blades, pottery etc. have been discovered. Minor populations of these

aboriginal tribes still survive in the Andaman Islands, the Naga region of

Assam and Eastern Bihar. No evidence confirming the religious beliefs of

the Indians has been discovered from the Early and the Middle Stone Ages.

The Late Stone Age sites of Panchmarhi, Lekhahia, Bagor, Sarai Nahar Rai

etc. have yielded some burials. The crouching posture of a number of

skeletons from this period proves that they were deliberately buried in that

particular manner and that some beliefs regarding the soul of the dead did

certainly exist among the people.

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The main evidence of Mother Goddess worship in India is the bone

figurine discovered from the Belan Valley as well as the Mother Goddess

statue from Adichchanallur. Scholars of history still debate whether the

Belan Valley figurine is that of a Mother Goddess, but in my opinion, it

certainly is that of a Goddess figurine that proves the existence of Goddess

cult in India in the Pre-Historic times. The triangular face of the figurine, its

narrow waist, pendant breasts and broad lions bear a close affinity with the

Mother Goddess figurines found in contemporary Western Asia and Europe.

The Goddess cult at that time was also existent in India has also been proved

by the discovery of triangular stones identified as “Shakti Stones” in the Son

Valley of Madhya Pradesh. The local or village Goddesses of South India

also prove the existence of the cult. The statue of Adichchanallur also is

iconographically similar to the Venus figurines of Austria and Russia,

described already in detail. Thus, the Goddess cult in Pre-Historic times was

definitely present in India, however in scattered form.

With the rise of the Halaf culture, the Goddess cult enters into its

Chalcolithic phase by the early 5th millennium B.C. The earliest chalcolithic

site is Arpachiyah near Ninevah in Mesopotamia. With the beginning of this

age, we enter into a realm where the existence of the Goddess cult and her

worship is witnessed by countless terracotta female figurines, seals, sealings

and linga and yoni symbols. Such was the variety in the shape and style of

these Mother Goddess figurines that they were classified into the Isis, Ishtar

and the Baubo types. Depiction of fertility, fecundity and the motherly traits

of the Goddess was again the cardinal aim of these figurines, though at some

places, we also come across grotesque and fear-generating figurines of

Mother Goddess having distinct goggle eyes that signified the terrible aspect

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of the Goddess. The Goddess in that age was conceived in both benevolent

and malevolent forms. These two aspects of the Goddess are also visible in

later Hinduism where Goddess 'XUJ is portrayed as Lakshmi, Saraswati,

Prithvi etc. in her benevolent forms where she bestows prosperity, wisdom

and fertility of the lands on her worshippers and her malevolent forms as

Rudrani, Kali, 'XUJ etc. which she assumes to kill various demons and

saves her worshippers.

The main centres of Chalcolithic Mother Goddess were Egypt,

Western Asia, Asia Minor, Greece, Mesopotamia, Iran and the peasant

communities of Baluchistan and the Indus Valley. The Goddess in these

areas was known by various names such as Hathor, Isis, Nut, Nana, Ammut,

Maat, Neith, Ishtar, and Anat etc. Often the Goddess had the head of an

animal, or was associated with some kind of animal portraying her as a

“Mother of Beasts and Animals”. The Goddess was mainly connected with

the fertility of the land, procreation, birth and rebirth. During this period,

people tended to have a different approach towards the dead and their

burials. They believed that the dead who were buried beneath the earth

somehow affected the fertility of the crops that sprang from the earth and

thus attempted to correlate the burial of the dead with the Mother Goddess

cult. Mother Earth thus became the guardian of the dead. She was now

associated with both the dead and the seedling beneath the earth. The

Goddess of the West entered the foothills of Baluchistan via the trade

network in the 4th millennium B.C.

Cultural contact between these places is evident from the fact that the

Goddess figurines from Baluchistan end in flat bases resembling thus the

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Goddesses of Minoan and Mycenean origin. The existence of Mother cult in

the Indian subcontinent during the Chalcolithic period is proved by the clay

figurines of the Goddess found at the various centres of Indus Valley, mainly

Harappa and Mohenjodaro. Here, the concept of the Goddess developed into

that of the creator, preserver and destroyer of the entire animate and

inanimate universe. All these three aspects of the Goddess are found

invariably on the Indus seals.

The Goddesses depicted on the seals of Indus valley are mostly of

uniform type i.e., in a standing posture, with a distinct, elaborate headdress

and collar, a nude body, distinctly marked sexual organs, heavy ornaments

including a girdle round the waist and a pigtail. She is, at times, also

associated with a male figure that wears a lower garment. Thus, in the Indus

Valley, it is mainly the female fertility figurines of Mother Goddess that are

nude. One of the unique seals from Indus Valley shows an inverted figure

and a plant issuing out of her womb. This seal signifies the reproductive and

generative aspects of the Goddess, while, at the same time, it reminds us of

the Sakambhari aspect of the Goddess as mentioned in the Devi Mahatmya,

wherein the Goddess produces vegetation from her body in order to nourish

the drought affected people. The seal is also comparable to a terracotta relief

of the early Gupta age from Bhita on which the legs of the Goddess are more

or less in the same position and a lotus issues out of her neck instead of her

womb. The association of the figure with the lotus flower certainly indicates

that it represents Goddess Lakshmi. Several seals with smoke stains suggest

that the figure on the seals was worshipped as a cult object.

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The Goddess figurines from Indus Valley resemble their Western

counterparts in a number of ways. In both the places, the Goddess is

conceived as a war goddess. She is generally associated with a lion or a tiger

or leopard, while her male counterpart is associated with the bull as his

mount. The association of the goddess with an animal is undoubtedly the

beginning of the concept of “Vahana” which became so dominant during the

historical period. Similarly, in both the places, the Goddess has been shown

both as a virgin lady as well as a woman who is associated with hills,

mountains, beasts and vegetation.

The depiction of the Goddess with the Pipal, Neem and Acacia tree

also makes her a Goddess of trees and wild life. The tree-goddess concept

also became prominent in the Maurya-Sunga-Kushana age and early

Buddhist religion, wherein they were known as Dryads. One of the Indus

seals from Harappa depicts a sacrifice being performed to appease the

Goddess. The concept of sacrifices also became very popular during the later

Vedic period as well as the Historical period. The concept of Sapta-Matrikas

or Seven Mothers also has its roots in the Indus Civilization since one of the

sealings from Mohenjodaro depicts seven figurines standing together in the

lower portion of the seal. Different historians have given different views

regarding these seven figurines, but in my opinion, they were definitely a

prototype of the seven Divine Mothers or Saptamatrikas that came to

prominence only during the Historical period. The general iconographical

features of these seven figurines are similar to that of the Mother Goddess

figurines of Harappa, viz; a tall headdress, braided hair and short skirts

round the waist with the upper body nude. Thus, they represent Mother

Goddesses. The depiction of seven figurines on four seals and six figurines

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on one seal also suggest that the concept of the groups of Matrikas being

worshipped together was gaining prominence.

The ring stones discovered in the Indus Valley are a proof of the

existence of linga and yoni worship during that period which is still

prevalent in Hindu religion. The linga and the yoni represented the male and

the female, the Purusha and the Prakirti, the union of whom gives birth to all

the living beings of the universe. The yoni, a female organ of generation

symbolises fertility and motherhood. Thus, the germs of the Samkhya

concept of Purusha and Prakiti lay in the linga and yoni symbols of Indus

Valley. The Mother Goddess figurines, the sacrificial scenes depicted on the

seals and ritual objects, the phallic objects and symbols also are all related in

some way to Tantrism.

With the advent of the Aryans, the single notion of a Mother Goddess

suddenly bursts out and a number of Goddesses appear on the religious

front. Though we have no archaeological evidence to prove the existence of

Goddess worship during this period, the Vedic literature provides us ample

information in this regard. Both the Vedic and the Tantric traditions of India

link the Goddess with the manifest cycle of birth and rebirth, the material

world and the realm of eternal change,2 “She is the flow of energy, the

substance that embodies the soul and gives form and identity to all. As

Shakti, the Goddess was supreme, untameable, universal energy; As Shree,

she was the supreme domesticated Goddess of fortune; She was Maya, the

Supreme unfathomable delusion of existence; She was Prakriti, Mother, and

Nature responsible for earthly existence. From her came material pleasures

and wordly powers, Kama and Artha.”

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The germs of the idea of Shakti as the Ultimate Force are found in the

Devi Sukta of the Rgveda, wherein the Goddess is said to exercise supreme

authority and sovereignty over the Gods. The hymn is dedicated to Vac, the

Goddess of speech. The Vedic society being patriarchal, the main gods of

the Vedic Aryans were males like Indra, Varuna, Agni, Soma, Rudra etc.

most of them presiding over the forces of nature. The Goddesses of the

Vedic period were related to different aspects of everyday life. Viz; Us and

R tri, the goddesses of dawn and night respectively personified aspects of

nature; Aditi, the Supreme goddess, presided over the whole universe;

Saraswati was both a river goddess and a goddess of learning, whereas Vac

was the goddess of eloquence and speech. Aranyani was the goddess of

forests and vegetation and Rak , Kuhu, Anumati and Siniv li were related to

the different phases of the moon. During the later Vedic period, the wives of

the male gods also make their appearance such as Indrani, Rudrani, Bhavani,

Lakshmi, etc. that paved the way for the spousification process of later

Hinduism.

The Vedic religion was dominated by priests. It was highly ritualistic

and practical. The priests in order to exercise supremacy over the other

sections of society put forward a number of sacrifices and rituals dedicated

to different gods and goddesses and, thus, they were made compulsory for

every householder. The main aim of the Vedic religion was also to secure

progeny, cattle, health, long life, wisdom, success and prosperity. Thus, a

number of goddesses evolved during the Vedic period that presided over the

different wishes of their worshippers. Along with the goddesses like Aditi,

Prithvi, 8V � , Aranyani, Sit , Saraswati etc. there were also goddesses like

R tri, Diti, Nirrti who presided over the negative aspects like death, decay,

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destruction, gloominess etc. Thus, the Vedic Aryans catered for both the

positive and negative aspects of their lives, and sought the blessings of

different goddesses for achieving their aims as well as for protecting them

from disasters of life.

By the Later Vedic Period, the Aryans had adopted a number of non-

Aryan practices of their predecessors. As a result, many pre-Vedic elements

also crept into the religious lives of the Aryans. This further resulted into the

evolution of still new goddesses and, thus, once again the female principle

began to dominate the religious life of the Aryans. With the absorption of

pre-Aryan Rudra into the Vedic religion, the cult of the female principle was

also influenced and $PELN , Bhavani, Lakshmi etc. made their appearance.

In the V jasaneyi Samhit � �,,,����� DQG� WKH� 0DLWU yani 6DPKLW (I.6.10.4)

Goddess Ambik is identified with the autumn season. It is believed that the

absorption of goddess $PELN into the universal cult of 'XUJ initiated the

autumnal worship of that goddess.

A study of the Vedic religion also shows that there were many

similarities in the Goddess cult of the Vedic Aryans and their

contemporaries residing in Iran and Asia Minor. The collective word for the

Vedic Gods “Devas” is identical with the Latin ‘Deus’, Greek ‘Theos’,

Lithuanian ‘Diewas’, Lattish ‘Dews’, Irish ‘Dia’ and Cornish ‘Duy’3. The

Avestan word ‘Ushah’, meaning ‘dawn’, is similar to ‘Us s’ of the Vedas

and this also relates to the Greek ‘Eos’ and Latin ‘Aurora’. Goddess Aditi

called ‘cow’ in the Rgveda (I.153.3) is related to the Egyptian and Sumerian

Goddesses Isis and Ishtar who are also called cows. Aditi is also similar to

the Mediterranean Goddesses Isis, Ishtar, N n , Demeter, Anahit and

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Astarte since they like Aditi were also the prototypes of Motherhood.

Saraswati, the Goddess presiding over waters, is identical with the Iranian

Goddess Anahita who is also the Goddess of fertility and water.

Some scholars are also of the view that the gods of the Vedic Aryans

were predominantly male and the goddesses occupied only a sub-ordinate

position as their wives, but in my opinion, this is not true. The Aryans did

worship the male gods such as Indra, Varuna, Agni etc. who symbolised

power and strength, and whom the Aryans desperately needed to overthrow

the Non-Aryans as well as to combat the forces of nature. However, for

every other necessity and requirement of their lives, they turned to the

goddesses stated earlier. The number of hymns addressesd to the goddesses

outnumbers the hymns dedicated to the gods. They regarded 8V � as the life

and breath of everything and the preserver of the world. Goddess Aditi was

regarded as the universal yoni from where even the gods have originated.

Aditi was the Mother, Father and Son; all that has been born and shall be

born. She is the mother of eight sons, and one of the three mothers of Rudra.

Thus, the gods like Mitra, Varuna, Aryaman, Adityas, Indra, Rudra, Sun etc.

were made subordinate to Aditi as her sons. Goddess Prithvi, the Supreme

Mother was the world-keeper and world-bearer. In the Atharvaveda, one

complete hymn called the Prithvi Sukta (XII.1.1-63) has been dedicated

exclusively to the Goddess Earth. Saraswati has been called the mother of

every pious thought, the best of mothers, of rivers and goddesses. Aranyani

is the Mother of beasts and the lady of the forests. Similarly, goddesses such

as Vac, 6LW , Anumati, 5DN , Kuhu, 6LQLY OL, Surya, and Sraddha etc. have

been invoked by the Vedic Aryans in order to fulfil some or the other

requirements. The Apri hymns of the Rgveda invoke a triad of goddesses,

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Ila, Saraswati and Bharati. Even the wives of the gods like Indrani and

Rudrani are not inferior to their counterparts, but rather they actually

represent their power and strength. The gods themselves invoke and seek the

help of these goddesses in times of need. Thus, to call the Vedic goddesses

as subordinate to the gods is entirely a wrong notion.

During the Pre-Mauryan period, the Sutra and the Pali literature shed

considerable light on the development of Mother Goddess worship. By this

time, certain Vedic goddesses had receded into the background and many

new goddesses had made their appearance as has already been stated in

chapter V. During this period, 6LW , the goddess of furrow had gained

prominence and several passages of the sutras mention rituals and sacrifices

dedicated exclusively to the goddess 6LW . She was invoked to maintain the

fertility of the soil and yield abundant crops. Rituals regarding the initiation

of ploughing had become popular and they all required the worship of 6LW .

Goddesses of the Vedic period Anumati and 6LQLY OL also came to the

forefront and were related to the commencement of studies and conception

respectively. 5DN and SLQLY OL were also revered for progeny. The worship

of the goddess Shasti also gained importance and she was equated with

goddesses Lakshmi, Bhuti and Vac.

During this period, goddess Srilakshmi invoked with the Nagas shows

that Lakshmi and Nagas were in some way related to each other, and that

serpent worship had also started during this period. New goddesses like

Nanda, Haridra, Jaya, Kama, Samriddhi etc. made their appearance which

might be due to the fact that now the Mother cult had taken an advance

towards Eastern India and the Gangetic Plains from its earlier sites of Indus

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Valley and the Vedic sites of the Land of the Five Rivers. Thus, the local

goddesses of the new areas also crept into this Goddess’s fold.

The terracotta figurines of this period serve as a link between the

Indus Valley figurines and the Mauryan Mother Goddess figurines in the

absence of any archaeological source of Mother worship during the Vedic

period. The images of this period are more refined and urbane than those of

the Indus Valley figurines but less than those of the Mauryan period. They

also serve as precursors to the Mauryan figurines since the later figurines too

have been inspired by them. These terracotta images are mainly found at

Nagari, Bhita, Basarh and Pataliputra. The goddess figurines of this period

are mostly nude like those of the Indus figurines with prominent breasts,

nose made by pinch method, eyes marked by converging lines and short

dwarfish legs that are sometimes disproportionate to the body. Some

figurines have their legs almost tapering to a point, their separation being

indicated only by an incised line. This feature of the Pre-Mauryan figurines

is quite similar to the goddess figurines of Western Asia where too an

incised line marks the separation between the legs. Similarly, the tapering

feature of the arms, incised sex organs and the winged character of some of

the figurines link them to their Western counterparts. Thus, the figurines of

this period had some new features and were in a stage of further

improvement during the coming periods.

Several stone-discs found in the region between Taxila and Pataliputra

also furnish information regarding the Mother worship. Most of these discs

are regular in shape and have similar carvings on their inner zones featuring

alternating figures of mother goddess amidst figures of trees, flowers, petals,

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birds, animals and religious symbols. The large number of these discs and

the large area of their discovery surely indicate the wide popularity of the

Mother Goddess during this period.

In the Maurya-Sunga-Kushana age, with the revival of Hinduism to

some extent, the position of Hindu gods again gained prominence and the

concept of Hindu Trinity that evolved between 200B.C. and 200A.D.

consisted of three male Gods, Brahma, Visnu and Siva as the Creator,

Preserver and Destroyer of the world respectively. Simultaneously, the

female principle also entered into its final stage of transformation from the

regional or local goddesses/ Devis to the Spouse Goddesses. Thus, the three

principal male gods i.e. Brahma, Visnu and Siva were each given a wife or

spouse: Saraswati, Lakshmi / Sri, and Parvati / 'XUJ respectively.

Saraswati, the Vedic goddess of wisdom and learning now symbolised

language, art and music. Popular particularly with the Brahmin class, some

of her images were carved during this period, in which she is shown playing

the veena, with a book in one hand and a swan as her mount. Goddess

Lakshmi was more popular in her Gaja-Lakshmi and Padmapriya form in

which she is shown standing on a full- blown lotus with elephants standing

on either sides and anointing her. Numerous images of Goddess Lakshmi in

this form were found at Kausambi, Mathura, Sanchi, and Bodhgaya etc.

Since both the elephant as well as Goddess Lakshmi are the symbols of

prosperity and fortune, therefore, they were particularly popular with the

Vaisya community.

Goddess Parvati was not so popular in her tribal aspect. Rather, she

became more famous as 'XUJ -Mahisasurmardini. The stone images of

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Goddess 'XUJ sculptured in the 1st and 2nd century B.C. and 1st century

A.D. generally feature the Goddess with four or six arms, in an attacking

position, subduing a demon, generally Mahisa having the face of a buffalo.

Mathura was the hub of the images of this aspect of 'XUJ . The concept of

the warrior Goddess being carved so frequently can be attributed to the fact

that during this period, the rulers were in constant strife against one another,

either for conquering a kingdom or for saving one’s own kingdom from

external or internal invasions. The Maurya-Sunga-Kushana period is a

testimony to many such battles and this warrior aspect of the rulers found its

expression both in art and religion. The concept of Vasudhara and

Panchchuda forms of goddess also gained prominence during this period.

The cult of Yakshas, Yakshinis and Tree Goddesses (Dryads) also

flourished. As these Yakshinis and Tree Goddesses functioned as the

popular goddesses who warded off demons and evils and bestowed

prosperity and power, they also began to be deified by the people and their

images were constructed in large numbers and placed at the entrance doors

to prevent evil and ensure peace.

Numerous ring stones belonging to this period have been found at

Patna, Rajghat, Taxila, Bhita, and Kosam etc. By now, these ring-stones had

been popularly accepted by the people as symbols of Linga and Yoni, or

Lord Shiva and Mother Goddess, therefore, in this period, the ring stones

had no distinct hole pierced through the centre in order to indicate linga and

yoni separately. The place of the earlier lotus creeper circle was also now

taken over by lotus medallion (a stylised form of which subsisted throughout

in later Sri-chakra concept4). The crescent, taurine, linga, swastika, trees,

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creepers etc. were still carved on these ring-stones along with animals and

birds and all these together formed a full parikrama circle. The goddess

images were mostly carved on the inner zone of the ring stone. By 1st

century A.D. the symbols on the disc were more elaborate and the goddess

was figured mostly amidst floral compositions.

The Epics, the Jatakas and the early South Indian literature also

mention the names of many goddesses, providing thus a literary evidence to

the wide popularity of the goddess worship. The Mahabharata mentions

Uma as a ‘kirata’ woman indicating thereby her tribal origin. In the

Ramayana, ‘6LW ’ who was initially only an agricultural goddess, becomes

the central figure and the heroine of the epic. According to the epic, 6LW

who was born directly of the earth entered finally into her (earth’s) womb.

This confirms her association with the earth. Depiction of the Mother

Goddess on the coins of not only the Indian but also of the alien rulers also

confirms the prevalence of the Goddess cult.

Thus, we see that both the literary and archaeological sources provide

us ample evidence for establishing the wider existence of Mother Goddess

cult from the Pre-Historic times to the 1st century A.D. Even today, Mother

Goddess or 'XUJ 0 is revered deeply by the Hindus and festivals are

celebrated in her honour. She is the Mother of all, an irreplaceable divine

figure of the Hindu religion. She is worshipped and desired by men. She

defies both time and space. Ever since the life began on this earth, Mother

Goddess has remained unchanged and revered as the same beloved Mother

by her children. Though her forms may have been various and her names

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different, she is one single entity, enriching and blessing our lives with her

motherly love and affection.

“Indrayanaamdhisthatri Bhutanaam Chakhileshu Ya,

Bhuteshu Satatam Tasye Vyaptaye Devye Namo Namah”.

(To her, who presides over the senses and over the beings and

also permeates into all beings, to that ever-pervasive Goddess,

Salutations, salutations).

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References

1 Khanna Madhu; “The Idea of Shakti”, in Woman/Goddesses; ed. Gayatri

Sinha, Multiple Action Research Group, New Delhi, p. 86. 2 Pattanaik, Devdatt; Devi: The Mother Goddess, Vakils, Feffer and Simons

Ltd. Mumbai, 2000, p. 5. 3 Sten-Konow; Indo-European Religious Ideas in Ancient India, ABORI,

Vol. VI, Part II, p. 60. 4 Agarwala, P.K; Studies in Indian Iconography, Publication Scheme, Jaipur,

1994, p. 17.