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CHAPTER-I

INTRODUCTION

Majority of the developing countries in the world today have adopted

decentralization of administration, especially after 1980s. Decentralization as a

developmental strategy has emerged as a dominant trend in world politics.

Development administration was looked as a method for speedy socio-economic

transformation. Hence, throughout the developing world there was universal concern

to design new forms of administration to match the needs of development.

Decentralization has been looked as a useful mode of administration to deliver the

public service from convenient local centers close to the client’s locality. To bring

administration to the door steps of the citizens and establish direct relationship

between the client and administration has been the driving force behind

decentralization in most of the developing countries. Many United Nations agencies,

international financial institutions and national governments advocated

decentralization on the ground that, lower tiers of the state can administer services or

engage in development efforts more effectively and efficiently than the central and

state because they are closer to the people who use the services and benefit from

them.

Decentralization is one area in which the growing convergence between

political and economic concerns in development is most evident. In one of the World

Bank documents, James Ford writes, although politics is the driving force behind

decentralization, in most countries decentralization may be one of those happy

instances in which good politics and good economics serve the same end. The

12

political objective of increased political responsiveness and participation at the local level can

coincide with economic objective of better decisions about the use of public resources and

increased willingness to pay for services.1 World Bank has pushed for decentralization as part

of a ‘good governance package’ aimed at moving away from over-centralized decision

making to the decentralization of economic, political power. In this view engendering a

situation where ordinary people take charge of their lives by becoming actively involved in

their own governance will bring eventual recovery from economic and political crisis.2

The enthusiasm for decentralization in development has continued since the late

1980s. Decentralization is the cornerstone of the good governance agenda sponsored by the

international development community from the late 1980s onwards. In the 1990s, the

emphasis on the good governance agenda changed. Instead of talking about the government

type or regime that would be particularly suited to bring about social and economic

development, a more a political language of ‘governance’ was adopted that defined

governance as the exercise of political power to manage a nation’s affairs.3 The state which

was downsized was brought back. It was in this context that devolution and decentralization

of government, interpreted as institutional reform was seen as an important strategy to build

efficient, accountable and transparent government. The UNDP report argues that

‘decentralization aims to bring government close to people. Decisions made at the local level

will be more sensitive to local conditions, more responsive to local needs and will allow for

higher accountability and transparency; raising the level of good governance and further

improving human development. Decentralization also provides an opportunity for broader

participation and representation of all ethnic groups in the political decision-making process

1 Ford James, “Rationale for Decentralization ”, in World Bank Institute decentralization briefing notes, 1999, accessed at www.worldbank.org/wbiep/ decentralization/module1/topic 01 BN2 html, 2003. 2Okome Mojubaolu Orjienke, “Women in State and the Travails of Decentralization , the Nigerian Federation ”, West Africa Review, Vol.12, 2000, accessed at www.westafricareview.com/war/vol 12.1/ okome.html 3World Bank, Sub-Saharan Africa: From Crisis to Sustainable Growth, Oxford Unive rsity Press, Oxford, 1989.

13

at the local level’. 4 Decentralization can be understood as a political process whereby

administrative authority, public resources and responsibilities are transferred from central

government agencies to lower level organs of government or non-governmental bodies. Such

transfer can involve the power to decide the allocation and distribution of public resources,

the power to implement programmes and policies and the power to raise and spend public

revenues for these and other purposes. These three powers can be classified broadly as

administrative, political and fiscal decentralization.

Administrative decentralization implies that the local bodies are administered by their

own employees and they are accountable to the elected local governments. Political

decentralization transfers policy and legislative powers from central government to

autonomous lower level units or local governments that have been elected by their

constituencies. Fiscal decentralization transfers substantial revenue and expenditure authority

to intermediate and local governments.

However democratic decentralization implies more than the downward delegation of

authority. It entails a system of governance in which citizens possess the right to hold local

public officials to account through the use of elections and other democratic means. 5

Democratic decentralization enables popular control of policy makers, both by regular

elections and by the pressure of social interest groups, the institutionalization of all adult

citizens in voting, political freedom in the eyes of the state, policy decisions made on the

basis of majority rule.6 Democratic decentralization is a remedial measure in order to evoke

people’s initiative and mobilize their voluntary participation. As a political doctrine, it aims

at greater autonomy and people’s participation. It is the best form that guarantees political

4UNDP, Human Development Report, Oxford University Press, New York, 2004, pp.11 5Johnson Criage, “Decentralization in India. Poverty and Panchayati Raj ”, working paper 119, Overseas Development Institute, London, 2003, accessed at www.Indg.in/socialsector/nird/ decentra- lization in_India. 6Mayo H.B., An Introduction to Democratic Theory. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1960, pp. 61.

14

liberty by basing the government on discussion and the sharing of power and responsibility.7

Democratic decentralization aims at widening the area of people’s participation, authority and

autonomy through dispersion of power from top to bottom.8

There has been growing political and economic upheavals during the last one or two

decades. On the one hand, the failure to command and control system coupled with the

unresponsive state to the growing demand for democratization and on the other, abuses of

authoritarian regimes have led to the search for more responsive forms of government or

more democratic governance. The best methods to increase the citizens’ participation are

sought in the decentralization or local self- government. Decentralization as a form of

governance is not only justified on grounds of efficiency but also on grounds that it is open to

the participation of subordinate groups in society and accountable to their interest.

The other reasons as to why the countries have resorted to or adopted decentralization

are, growing multi party system, deepening democracy, marketization of economy and

globalization, growing ethic as well as social conflict. There are different ways by which

decentralization is identified: deconcentration, decentralization by delegation and

decentralization by devolution. Majority of the countries across the world have adopted

decentralization programmes.9 Deconcentration involves transfer of political, administrative

and fiscal responsibilities to lower units within central government agencies. Delegation

involves the transfer of functions to regional or functional development authorities. These

authorities act as agents of the state in performing prescribed functions, with the ultimate

7Bhargava B. S., Subha K., “Panchayati Raj System in Karnataka: Trends, Issues and Strategies ”, Journal of Karnataka Studies, No. 2, May-Oct,2004, pp-31 8Narain Iqbal, Democratic Decentralization: “The Idea, the Image and the Reality”, in T. N. Chaturvedi (ed) , Panchayati Raj: Selected Arti cles, Indian Institute of Public Administration (ITPA), New Delhi, 1981, pp 10 -34 9Assadi Muzaffar “ Enlarging Citizen Participation and Increasing Local Autonomy in Indi a: A critique on Panchayati Raj”, Journal of Polity and society, July-Dec, 2007, pp.25-26.

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responsibility remaining with the central government. Devolution involves the transfer of

functions or decision- making authority to legally incorporated local government.

During the 1980s and 1990s India too witnessed a new wave of decentralization. In

Karnataka, Panchayati Raj Act, 1985 was implemented. During the decade of 1980’s, two

important Committees were appointed. The G.V.K.Rao Committee on Administrative

Arrangements and Rural Development 1985, emphasized the importance of local initiative in

local development and recommended revitalization of Panchayati Raj Institutions.

L.M.Sangvi Committee on Revitalization of Panchayati Raj Institutions for Democracy and

Development 1986, recommended that the local self government should be constitutionally

recognized, protected and preserved. Major breakthrough came with the 73rd and 74th

Amendment to the Constitution of India in 1993. This helped the creation of three tier

structure at the local level with reservation for women. This was explained as the beginning

of a silent revolution.

It has been argued that the current wave of decentralization in India is highly

influenced by the internationally concerned opinion that it is required for ‘good governance’

which in turn is inevitable for the spread of market economy, preferably a ‘human faced

vision’ of it.10 The new wave of decentralization in India was linked to globalization, as it is

the result of globalization and liberalization. This argument is put forward without

understanding the history of local governments in India. India has a long history of local

governments. Institutions of local governments were in existence in India since ancient

period.*

Sadananda J. S argues that there are various reasons for decentralizing development

planning and administration in India. Firstly centralized planning and implementation of 10Tharakan Michael P.K., “ Present Discourse on Decentralization in India. Conceptual Origin”, ISEC Public Lecturer, 2-31st Aug, 2007, pp.3. *History of Panchayati Raj in India is explained in detail in the third chapter.

16

development programmes could not deliver goods. It suffered from deficiencies like

inflexibility and unresponsiveness by the bureaucracy. Decentralization was seen as a way of

overcoming these deficiencies. Secondly since mid-1970s there has been major shift in

developmental policies. The emphasis had shifted from maximizing economic growth to

promoting more equitable distribution of the benefits of economic development. This has

necessitated the need for developmental programmes that are tailored to local conditions, and

elicit the support and involvement of local administrators and of the people that they intended

to help. The centralized system of administration was found inadequate. Thirdly

decentralization must be seen as an ideological shift towards principles of local self- reliance,

participation and accountability as a desirable political activity in itself. It was also true that

various other factors had led to propose decentralization. It was believed that the new

arrangement of establishing local self- government would elicit support and co-operation

from local communities for the national policies on development. Decentralization was

therefore, viewed as an instrument for extending the central government or state

government’s influence and control.11

Mahatma Gandhi was one of the strong advocates of decentralization of power.

Grama Swaraj was an important component of Mahatma Gandhi’s vision of future India. This

vision of Gandhi finds place in Directive Principles of State Policy as Article 40 of Indian

Constitution.

Gandhian Ideas on Decentralization

Gandhi was a strong advocate of village republic. Panchayati Raj was an important

component of his vision of future India in which economic and political power would be

decentralized and each village would be self-reliant economically. Village Swaraj was the

11Sadananda J. S., “A Note on the Theme, Local Self Government in Karnataka”, Journal of Kar nataka Studies, May-Oct, 2004, pp. vi-vii.

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important aspect of Gandhi’s vision of an Independent India. This followed from his

fundamental opposition to the parliamentary order which he viewed as producing only

domination.

Gandhi had the vision of a village system above conflict, contradictions and mutual

antagonism. He viewed total self-rule through village self-rule. According to him ‘Poorna

Swaraj’ comes through ‘Grama Swaraj’. Gandhi advocated self-sufficient village republic

which produces their own food and cloth, remain independent of neighbours for vital wants,

and yet interdependent of other needs and cooperating with the higher authorities. This is

Gandhian economic decentralization. According to him, political and economic

decentralization should go hand in hand. By political decentralization he meant, distribution

of political power in the hands of many and prevention of concentration of political power in

the hands of too few. The Gandhian political order takes the form of direct, participatory

democracy, operating in a tiered structure from the base village level tier upward through the

district and state level to the national level.

The Gandhian approach to the philosophy of decentralization has two distinct

characteristics. Firstly, he was opposed to the chief features of western civilization, with large

scale industries, monopolies and a centralized political system with a top heavy bureaucracy

and secondly he had complete faith in the traditional Indian way of life with emphasis on

small scale cottage and handicraft industries and village community institutions like the

panchayats.

The Gandhian model of decentralization viewed the ideal Indian village as a republic

or panchayat, self-sustained, capable of managing its own affairs and therefore, with full

powers. In the Gandhian scheme, more decentralization would mean less bureaucracy

necessitating hierarchical structure to control, coordinate, communicate, direct, and supervise.

18

Centralization was rejected because it generates into regimentation thereby undermining the

freedom of the individual. It was for this reason that Gandhiji opposed centralization and

instead placed his confidence in the genius of local people.12

Gandhian idea of ‘Grama Swaraj’ as quoted in Harijan reads, “My idea of Village

Swaraj is that it is a complete republic, independent of its neighbours for its vital wants, and

yet interdependent for many others in which dependence is a necessity. Thus the village’s

first concern will be to grow its own food crops and cotton for its cloth. It should have a

reserve for its cattle, recreation and play ground for adults and children. The village will

maintain a village theatre, school and public hall. It will have its own water works ensuring

clean water supply. This can be done through controlled wells and tanks. Education will be

compulsory up to the final basic course. As far as possible every activity will be conducted

on a co-operative basis. There will be no caste such as we have today with their graded

untouchability. Non-violence with its technique of Sathyagraha and non co-operation will be

the sanction of the village community. The government of the village will be conducted by

the panchayat of five persons, annually elected by the adult villagers, male and female,

possessing minimum prescribed qualifications. These will have all authority and jurisdiction

required. Since there will be no system of punishments in the accepted sense, this Panchayat

will be legislature, judiciary and executive combined to operate for its year in office. Any

village can become such a republic without much interference”.13

There were many discussions on the basis of Gandhian ideology on village panchayat

in the Constituent Assembly. Art 31-A, moved by K. Santharam stated that “The state shall

12Ahmed Rafeek Y., “Panchayat Raj in Karnataka ”, in Sabasti. L. Raj and Edward Mathias (eds), People’s Power and Panchayat Raj, Theory and Practice, Indian Social Institute, N ew Delhi, 1998, pp.172 13Harijan, 26th July, 1942.

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take steps to organize village panchayats and endow them with such powers and authority as

may be necessary to enable them to function as units of self government”.14

B. R. Ambedkar, chairman of the drafting committee argued against Gandhian vision

of village in the Constituent Assembly. He said, “It is said that the new Constitution should

have been drafted on the ancient Hindu model of a state and that instead of incorporating

western theories, the new Constitution should have been built upon village panchayats and

district panchayats. They just want India to contain so many village governments. The love of

the intellectual Indian for the village community is of course infinite if not pathetic. I hold

that the village republic have been the ruination of India. I am therefore surprised that those

who condemn provincialism and communalism should come forward as champions of the

village. What is the village but a sick of localism, a den of ignorance, narrow mindedness

and communalism. I am glad that draft Constitution has discarded the village and adopted

individual as the unit”.15

B.R.Ambedkar had a different view of the Indian rural society. He argued that the

Indian social structure at the village level was hierarchical, oppressive and insensitive to

change. In his view, it would be dangerous to give power to the panchayat as he thought that

would mean giving powers to the prevailing rural power structure which would work to the

detriment of the Harijans and the rural poor. This idea of Ambedkar invited sharp reaction

from many members of the Constituent Assembly. Seth Govinda Das expressed his anguish.

He said “Ambedkar’s remarks on the village have caused me and I believe a great majority of

the members of this house great pain”.16

14Constituent Assembly Debate, 4 th Nov, 1948, pp.520. * Later it became Article 40 in the Directive Principles of State Policy, in Constitu tion of India. 15Constituent Assembly Debate, 4 th Nov, 1948, pp.38-39. 16Constituent Assembly Debate, 22 nd Nov, 1948, pp.523.

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For Gandhi, constitutional order was the ‘structure composed of innumerable villages’

producing an oceanic circles based on truth and ahimsa. The basic unit of politics was the

individual who was always ready to perish for the village. Gandhian ideology is to a great

extent bemoans the implementation of decentralization in India. Implementation of

decentralization in administration was one of the important agenda of Indian government

after Independence. In the later year’s decentralization as a means towards good governance

gained momentum. Constitutional amendments providing decentralization in administration

was adopted by the government. Affirmative actions were included in the constitutional

amendments to provide space for women in local administration. This was an important step

towards gender equity in political sphere.

Gender Equity

Gender refers to social attributes that are learned and acquired during socialization as

a member of a given community. Because these attributes are learned behaviours, they can

and do change overtime and vary across cultures. Gender refers to the socially given

attributes, roles, activities, responsibilities and needs connected to being men and women in a

given society at a given time and as a member of a specific community within that society. It

refers to rules, norms, customs and practices by which biological differences between males

and females are translated into socially constructed differences between men and women.

Gender inequality between men and women is a worldwide phenomenon. It is a harsh

reality that gender inequality is still in existence world over. According to the complex

measure including life expectancy wealth and education used in Human Development Report,

1997, of the UNDP, there is no country that treats its women as well as men equal.17

17UNDP, Human Development Repor t, Oxford University Press, New York, 1997, pp.39.

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Women constitute 70% of the world’s 1.3 billion absolute poor. They earn only 10%

of the worlds Income, own less than 1% of the world’s property. The 1999 Human

Development Report of UNDP observes that while 67% of the worlds work is done by

women only, 10% of the global income is earned and mere 1% of the global property is

owned by them. 18 The number of women living in poverty has increased enormously.

Women have multiple burdens including financial contributions through their work, resource

management and house hold responsibilities as well as care of children and elderly. They

have fewer social and economic rights over basic necessities as food, health care and

education.

Amartya Sen opines that there are systematic disparities in the freedom that men and

women enjoy in different societies and these disparities are often not reducible to differences

in income or resources. While differential wages or payment rates constitute the important

part of gender inequality in most societies there are other spheres of differential benefits e. g

in the division of labor within the household, in the extent of care of education received, in

liberties that different members are permitted to enjoy. There is a lot of indirect evidence of

differential treatment of women and men and particularly of girls vis-a-vie boys in many

parts of the world, e.g. among the rural families in Asia and North Africa. The observed

morbidity and mortality rates frequently reflect differential female deprivation of

extraordinary proportions.19 Gender equity therefore is a basic component of any modern

democratic society. Democratic values have no meaning if both the genders are not treated

equally. Gender equity is to create an environment in which women can have better facilities

without discrimination.

18UNDP, Human Development Report, Oxford University Press, New York, 1999, pp.78. 19Sen Amartya, Inequality Reexamined , Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1995, pp.122-123.

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The concept of gender equity gained momentum in many countries of the World in

the 19th century. Equality of women was globally accepted when U.N. proclaimed equal

rights for men and women in 1945. United Nation Commission on Status of Women came

into existence in 1947. The year 1975 was declared as the International Women’s Year. The

Nairobi Conference of 1985, the Beijing World Conference of 1996, stressed the need of

gender equity.

Women in India are marginalized in all aspects of life; social, economic, political and

cultural. India is a country of villages where poverty rate is high. The rural women are in a

most disadvantaged position. Around 81% of the total female population of the country lives

in rural areas. Even after 60 years of independence, women continue to be in subjugation

with a unequal socio-economic and political status. Their productive and reproductive roles

largely remain invisible. Despite Constitutional guarantee of equal rights and privileges,

women continue to be marginalized. Indian women are no exception to those worldover.

Therefore gender equity and empowerment of women has become an important issue of

debate in the developmental programmes of India, especially in the last two to three decades.

Gender equity and development was not given importance by the state during the

early years of independence. Over the years, the planning strategies on women and children

in the country have evolved from ‘Welfare to development and to empowerment’. The First

Five Year Plan provided adequate services to promote the welfare of the women. It stressed

the community development approach. The Second, Third, Fourth and Fifth Five Year Plans

continued the same approach for the welfare of the women. Education, employment

opportunities and socio economic programmes for women were introduced.

The Fifth Plan period coincided with International Women’s Decade. The end of the

Fourth Plan has seen the release of the Report of Committee on Status of Women in India

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entitled ‘Towards Equality’ which revealed that the dynamics of development has adversely

affected women and created new imbalances and disparities. The report led to the emergence

of new consciousness of women as critical input for national development rather than as

target for welfare policies.20 As a result in 1976, a National Plan of Action was evolved based

on the United Nations World Plan of Action for Women. A Womens Welfare and

Development Bureau under the Ministry of Social Welfare was established to serve as nodal

point to coordinate programmes of other ministries and to collect relevant data.

The developments that took place in the 70’s led to shift in the States’ approach from

welfare to development. The Sixth Five Year Plan (1980-85), recognized women as

participants of development and not as objects of welfare. Accordingly, several programmes

were implemented to improve the conditions of women. But expected result could not be

achieved because of lack of involving of women in ‘planning and implementation’.

Inculcating confidence among women and to bring about an awareness of their own potential

for development was the basic approach in Seventh Five Year Plan. During the Eighth Five

Year Plan there was a shift in the States’ approach from ‘development’ to ‘empowerment’ of

women. As a special interactive forum for the well being of women, National Commission

for Women to safeguard the interest of women was established in 1992. In the year 1993, 73rd

and 74th Constitution Amendment Acts were implemented with 33.33% reservation for

women as a step towards political empowerment of women. Empowerment of women as a

necessary aspect for development of the country started gaining importance.

At the international level there was increasing debate on the disparities faced by

women. World Bank took various initiatives towards the removal of these disparities

whereby various policies were formulated by the States. Empowerment of women being one

20Goel Aruna, Women Empowerment, Myth and Reality, Deep and Deep Publishers, New Delhi, 2009, pp.18.

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of the primary objectives of the Ninth Plan, efforts were made to create an enabling

environment where women can freely exercise their rights. While organizing women into

self-help groups marks the beginning of a major process of empowering women.

Tenth Five Year Plan laid down, National Policy Approach for empowering women;

were there is strong platform for action with effective goals and targets. 2001 was declared as

the year of Empowerment and the National Policy for Empowerment of Women was adopted

during 2001. Eleventh Plan stresses on controlling violence against women including female

feticide, rape, abduction, trafficking, dowry deaths, and domestic violence. There were ten

million missing girls in India and this number was rising. Dowry deaths rose from 6,882 in

2002 to 7,026 in 2004. In 89% of the rape cases in the 2002-04 the victims knew the

offenders. In 9% cases, offenders were close relatives. But the efforts made to check this

exploitation of women could not achieve expected results.

The concept of gender equity and development has been widely debated all over

resulting in various conferences and plans and programmes which could bring about certain

changes in inequalities routed in traditional societies that still persist. Several policies and

programmes have not changed the lives of majority of women especially, rural women.

Movements led by women activists during 1970’s and 80 have resulted in creating more

awareness towards discrimination against women.

The National Perspective Plan for Women 1988-2000, has made candid analysis on

the impact of developmental plans and programmes on women and it has brought out the

miserable conditions of women in India.

Gender Equity and Decentralization

25

Women’s movement world over began to argue for gender equity vigorously after

1970’s. Declaration of International Year of Women and Decade of Women led to more

focus on gender equity and development. There was growing awareness that since

government matters, women must be a part of it. Majority of the women have been kept out

of the positions of power and decision making. Most countries have failed to give due place

for women in their political spheres. Women continue to be underrepresented in formal

decision making structures and governance.

Decentralization of governance was seen as an important strategy to build efficient,

accountable, transparent governance. Decentralization as a cornerstone of good governance,

this agenda began to gain importance after 1980’s. 95% of the democratic countries accepted

and implemented local government structures. It spread over to South Asia, Latin America

and African Sub Continent. Notable feature of this development was the affirmative action by

the governments for inclusion of significant number of women into local governments. There

was an attempt to increase the number of women in political spheres through

decentralization.

The Report of the Committee on Status of Women in India, 1974, reported that since

1911, the condition of Indian women has worsened. Gender disparities were evident in

employment, health, education and political participation. The new wave of decentralization

in 1990’s, through 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments gave 33.33% representation for

women in local governments. This was seen as a road to political empowerment and gender

equity. This gave opportunity for a large number of women to enter into local governments

and to be a part of decision making body. Democratic decentralization is a form of

governance that expands participation of subordinate groups and is responsive to their

interest. It is critical for women as a subordinated group not only because of the proximity of

26

local government to the lives of ordinary women but because the lack of democracy in gender

relations excludes them from participation in governance and the consideration of their

interest in the business of governmental decision- making.

The Committee on the Status of Women, 1974, recommended reservation for women

in local governments. Few Committee members objected to this as it will reinforce separate

identity for women. Lotika Sarkar and Vina Mazumdar in favour of the recommendation said

that, equality of opportunities cannot be achieved in the face of the tremendous disabilities

and obstacles which the social system imposes on all those sections whom traditional India

treated as second class citizens. The application of the theoretical principle of equality in the

control of unequal situation only intensifies inequalities because equality in such situations

merely means privileges for those who have them already and not for those who need them.21

Equality of opportunity cannot be achieved as there are obstacles in the social system.

Decentralization with affirmative action was accepted as a means towards gender equity and

political empowerment.

The common problem in India is that not all states have devolved financial and

administrative powers to the local government bodies. In many instances, panchayats are

merely implementing agencies for various programmes and have no role in planning. These

factors limit the extent of participation. Except for Kerala, no other state had allotted the

percentage of budget for women development, making it difficult to press for decisions that

would forward women’s agenda.22

State has to provide more opportunity for gender equity measures. Gender advocates

argue that the extent that decentralization creates opportunities for women to exercise more

21Report on the Status of Women in India, Towards Equality, Government of India, 1974, pp. 355 -357. 22 Mukhopadhya Maittrayee, “Decentralization and Gender Equity in South Asia . An Issue Paper”, 2005, accessed at www.idr c.ca/uploads/ Issues paper_MM -gender decentralization equity -2005.

27

control over design and provisions of services and the management of resources it may

benefit. Good number of women competing with men in local politics, forwarding gender

related agendas is looked as a way towards gender equity.

Women Empowerment

Women empowerment is the most used and discussed term today. The empowerment

of women is becoming an increasingly popular term in human rights and developmental

discourses. Women play significant role in all walks of life. Empowerment of women is a

necessary basic condition for socio-economic development of any society. Although women

constitute one half of the population, they continue to be subjugated, unequal in socio-

economic and political status. Women have been struggling for self-respect and autonomy.

Since mid 1980’s owing to questioning by women themselves about their oppressed status

and plight through varied womens’ movements, the issue of ‘women empowerment’ came

into focus.

Empowerment is envisaged as an aid to help women achieve equality with men or at

least reduce the gender based discriminations. The most conspicuous feature of the term

‘empowerment’ is that it contains within it the word ‘power’, where women gain control over

material and intellectual resources and challenge the ideology of patriarchy and gender based

discriminations.

Empowerment is a complex concept which is interpreted in many ways.

According to Sushma Sahay (1998), empowerment in its simplest form means the

manifestation of redistribution of power that challenges patriarchal ideology and the male

28

dominance. It is both a process and the result of process. It is transformation of structures

and institutions that reinforce and perpetuates gender discrimination.23

According to Bina Agarwal (2000), empowerment is a ‘process that enhances the

ability of disadvantaged (powerless) individuals and groups to challenge and change (in their

favour) existing power relationships that place them in subordinate economic, social and

political position’.24

According to Shrilatha Batlivala (1994), empowerment is the process of enabling or

authorizing individual to think, behave, take action and control work in an autonomous way.

It is the process by which one can gain control over one's destiny and the circumstances of

their lives. Empowerment includes control over the resources (physical, human, intellectual

and financial) and over ideology (beliefs, values and attitudes).25

According to Vijayanti (2000), empowerment is a process whereby women become

able to organize themselves to increase their own self reliance, to assert their independent

right to make their choices and control their resources, which will assist in challenging and

eliminating their own subordination. Empowerment is also a process of awareness and

capacity building leading to greater participation, a greater decision making power and

control.26

Devadas P. Rajammal(1999), opines that 'Empowerment is an active process of

enabling women to realize their full identity and power in all spheres of life and

23Sahay Sushma, Women and Empowerment. Approaches and Strategies, Discovery Publishing House, N. Delhi, 1998. 24 Quoted in Sen Samitha, “Towards a Feminist Polit ics?, The Indian Women Movement in Historical Perspective”, Policy Research Report on Gender and Development, working paper series 9, The World Bank Dvelopment Research Group, 2000, accessed at www.onlinewomeninpolitics.org/India/ Indian.pdf 25Batliwala Srilatha, “The Meaning of Women's Empowerment . New Concepts from Action”, in Gita Sen A., Germain and L. C. Chen (eds), Population Policies Reconsidered: Health Empowerment and Rights, Cambridge mass: Harward University Press, 1994. 26Vijayanthi. K. N., “Women’ s Empowerment Through Self Help Group. A Participatory Approach”, Social Change, Vol. 30, Nos. 3 -4, Sep-Dec, 2000.

29

empowerment of women at the grass roots has emerged as the most recent approach to

women development.27

Marile Karl (1995) observes, ‘by empowerment, women would be able to develop self

esteem, confidence, realize their potential and enhance their empowerment, can be viewed as

a continuum of several interrelated and mutually reinforcing components’.28

The concept of 'empowerment' according to Laxmi Devi (1998), is an active, multi-

dimensional process which should enable women to realize this full identity and powers in all

spheres of life. It would consist of greater access to knowledge and resources greater

autonomy in decision-making and greater ability to plan their lives, free them from shackles

imposed on them by customs, beliefs and practices. Generally, development with justice is

expected to generate the forces that lead to empowerment of various sections of population in

a country and to raise their status.29

The Beijing Declaration states that "Women empowerment and their full participation

on the basis of equality in all spheres of society including participation in the decision

making process and access to power are fundamental for the advancement of equality,

development and peace".30

According to Rowlands (1997), 'empowerment is more than participation in decision-

making; it must also include the process that lead people to perceive as able and entitle to

27 Devadas P. Rajammal, “Empowerment of Women Through Self -helf Groups”, i n R. K. Sharma (ed) , Empowering Women, M. P. Publications, New Delhi, 1999. 28Marile Karl, Women and Empowerment, Zed Book Limited , London, 1995. 29Laxmi Devi, Women Employment and Societal Improvement, Anmol Publications, New Delhi , 1998. 30The Beijing Declarati on. Quoted by: Leena Prasad, “ Women’s Reservation Bill: Some Burning Issues’’, Women's Link, Vol.8, No. 2, 2002.

30

make decisions. It is personal, relational and collective. She recognized that empowerment is

not just a gender issue, but also a development issue affecting women and men'.31

According to UNIFEM(2000), women’s empowerment includes: acquiring

knowledge and understanding of gender relations and ways in which these relations may be

changed; developing a sense of self-worth, a belief in one's ability to secure desired changes

and the right to control one's life; gaining the ability to generate choices and exercise

bargaining power; and developing the ability to organize and influence the direction of social

change to create a more just social and economic order, nationally and internationally.32

N. Latha (1996), observes that the process of challenging existing power relations and

gaining greater control over sources of power may be termed as empowerment. It refers to the

range of activity from individual self- assertion to collective mobilization that challenges the

basic power relations.33

The process of empowerment according to Srilatha Batliwala (1995), would enable

women to reexamine their lives, recognize the sources and structures of power of their own

subordination and initiate action to challenge the raising ideology as well as structures and

institutions.34

Srilatha Batliwala lists the goals of empowerment as 1. To challenge and transform

the ideology of patriarchy, which women and men have internalized, which the whole society

operates on, one of its dominant ideological strain. 2. To enable women or any of the

disadvantaged powerless groups to gain access and control over material and knowledge

31Rowlands, J. , Questioning Empowerment, OXFAM , Oxford, 1997. 32UNIFEM, Progress of the World's Women, UNIFEM Biennial Report, accessed at www.undp.org/ unifem/progresssww/2000. 33Latha N.,“Women’s Empowerment through Cooperatives”, Social Welfare, Vol. 43, No. 6, Sep, 1996. 34 Batliwala Srilatha, “The Concept of Women’s Empowerment. A Frame Work”, report on national seminar on Women in Panchayat Raj. Perspectives from States, Uma Resource Centre, Instit ute of Social Studies Trust, Bangalore, 27 -29th April, 1995.

31

resources, 3. The longest task is to transform the very institution and structures of gender

subordination which perpetuate gender subordination and inequality based on ethnicity, race,

cast, class and religion.35

Empowerment is a process of challenging existing power relation, enhanced ability

and opportunity to make decisions for oneself and equal access to resources. It is a multi-

dimensional process that helps to gain control over one’s own lives. It is a positive concept

with the capacity for self-action and transformation of self. It is both the ability and

opportunity to make decisions and to act for one self. It is not just a question of

rearrangement of power both economic and political; it is also a matter of change of values. It

is the expansion of freedom of action and choice. Increasing one’s authority and control over

the resources and decisions that affects one’s life.

Political Empowerment

Empowerment of women in all spheres and in particular the political sphere is crucial

for their advancement and for the foundation of gender equal society. It is central to the goals

of equality, development and peace. The Indian democracy which is more than half a century

old has entered the next century. But a large mass of women are kept out of political arena

still. There can be no true democracy, or no true people’s participation in governance and

development without equal participation of men and women at different levels of decision

making. Participation of women in political life is integral to the advancement of women.

Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that everyone has the

right to take part in the government of the country, directly or through the freely chosen

representatives. A proper representation of women in political affairs will ensure their views

and needs reflected in public policies that affect their lives most.

35Ibid, pp. 15.

32

Bargava and Subha (2002), define political empowerment ‘as the capacity to

influence decision-making process, planning, implementation and evaluation by integrating

them into the political system. It implies political participation which includes right to vote,

contest, campaign, party membership and representation in political office at all levels and

effectively influences decisions thereby leading to political empowerment’.36

According to Siwal ‘political empowerment is a process of awareness and capacity

building leading to greater participation, greater decision making power and control and to

transformative action’.37

Political empowerment refers to the process by which women acquire due recognition

on par with men, to participate in the development process of the society through the political

institutions as a partner with human dignity. Political empowerment denotes a distinct role for

women in the formation of policies and influencing decision-making process by integrating

them into the political system.

Holcombe observes that participation is an essential ingredient of empowerment.

Empowerment represents sharing of control, the entitlement and the ability to participate, to

influence decisions, as on the allocation of resources.38

Indian women have had little representation in institutional politics since

independence. There was more concern in the last two decades towards increasing women’s

participation in political institutions thereby leading to empowerment. Affirmative action has

been accepted as a means to political empowerment. Leadership is necessary not just to

36Subha K., Bargava B.S., “Feminism and Political Empowerment of Women at the Grass -Root. The Karnataka Experience”, South Asian Journal of Socio -Political Studies, Vol. 1, No.2, June Dec, 2000. 37Siwal B.R., “Political Empowerment of Women ”, Women's Link, Vol.8, No.2, 2002. 38Holcombe, Managing Empowerment , the Gramin Bank’s Experience of Povert y Alleviation, Zed books Ltd, London, 1995.

33

govern but to change the nature of governance. Unfortunately affirmative action and women

participation have failed to move beyond local government in India.

34

Research Methodology

The Research Problem and Rationale of the Study

Women empowerment has been an ongoing debate in India and elsewhere. Indian

women occupying a subordinate position to men need to be empowered to overcome social,

political and economic discrimination. There were several attempts to improve the position of

women after India got independence. The 73rd Amendment Act is a major step towards

political empowerment of women through Panchayati Raj Institutions. This has resulted in

the entry of large number of women into decision making bodies in the rural areas, who were

otherwise home makers.

On the other hand, participation of women in Panchayati Raj Institutions had lead to

lot of debate on the functioning of women members in these institutions. Contradictory

reports about the story of women member’s participation, some triumphant, other tragic has

enhanced the curiosity of researchers.

Present study intends to focus upon various aspects of women’s functioning in the

gram panchayats and its impact on overall development of women. Investigation into these

institutions throws light on the actual role played by the women especially at the third strata

of governance in solving local problems. The study makes an attempt examine to what extent

affirmative action has helped women to get politically empowered. It attempts to explore the

extent to which the Act has succeeded in pursuing the agenda of equal rights for women and

concern for recognition of women as equal partner in local administration. It examines the

various dimensions of political empowerment of women through gram panchayats on the

basis of empirical investigations in the Udupi district of Karnataka state in India. In fact this

study is an attempt to find out whether ‘Udupi Model of Women’s Political Empowerment’

35

can be construed or is it emerging in this particular district through the analysis of political

participation in the Panchayati Raj Institutions

The Objectives of Study

• To study the impact of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment on the participation of

women in Panchayati Raj Institutions.

• Major objective of the study is to find out whether Udupi Model of Women’s

Empowerment can be construed or is it emerging in Udupi District in Karnataka

• To study the inclusive participation of different social categories particularly women

in the Panchayti Raj

• To study the ‘enabling’ and ‘disabling’ factors that contributes to the political

empowerment of women members in the panchayats.

• To study the overall benefits women have received through the Panchayati Raj

platform.

• To know the extent of contribution of women members to the development of gram

panchayats.

• To identify the problems of elected women members of gram panchayats in

performing their statutory roles.

Hypothesis

§ 73rd amendment brought a paradigm shift in the political participation of women in

India in general, Udupi district in particular.

§ 73rd amendment has enabled the slow emergence of Udupi Model of Women’s

Empowerment, however its success is not total.

§ The reservation policy of 73rd Act has helped in the application and realisaton of

social justice at the grass root level

36

§ Women’s empowerment in udupi taluk largely followed Incrementalist Perspective

§ Despite radical policy, participation of women in local governance is still constrained

by social structure and family relations

§ Women participation in the grass root politics is conditioned by the pressure exerted

by political parties

§ Given the support women participation can exceed the statutory provision at the local

governance.

Area of the Study

To have an ‘in-depth’ and ‘intensive’ study, Udupi district of the state of Karnataka

was selected for the field work.

Detailed information (profile) about the district is given.

Sampling Size and M ethod of Sampling

To have representative sampling, women members from various gram panchayats

spread all over three taluks (Udupi, Kundapura and Karkala) of the district were selected

randomly.

Udupi district comprises of Udupi, Kundapura and Karkala taluks. There are a total of

61 gram panchayats in Udupi Taluk and a sample of 16 gram panchayats were taken for the

study. In Kundapura taluk out of 56 gram panchayats, 15 gram panchayats were selected, and

in Karkala out of 29 gram panchayats, 7 gram panchayats were selected.

From out of the selected gram panchayats, 25% of the women members from the

Taluk were selected randomly. Thus in all 300 women members were selected for study. (115

female members from Udupi taluk, 120 from Kundapura, and 65 from karkala taluk).

37

While deciding the sample size, 25% of the gram panchayats in each taluk were

randomly selected. Spacial distribution of the gram panchayats was also considered.

While selecting the respondents, due care was exercised to give representation to

women members belonging to scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and other backward

communities as these women belonging to weaker sections have more limitations than others.

Care was also taken to include women members who were holding offices of

presidents/vice presidents etc with an intension to measure their leadership and other qualities

in the extension of their empowerment.

Table: 1.1: Gram panchayats in Udupi district

Taluk Total Gram Panchayat

Total Members

Male Members

Female Members

Udupi 61 1033 564 469

Kundapura 56 899 416 483

Karkala 29 465 206 259

The table 1.1 presents the taluk wise membership (male and female) position in the

district.

The names of the randomly selected gram panchayats taluk wise are given below:

Table 1.2: Names of the gram panchayats selected

Sl. No. Udupi Kundapur Karkala

1 Alevoor Ajri Bailoor

2 Atradi Amasebail Hebri

3 Avarse Amparu Inna

38

4 Barkur Basroor Kachchuru

5 Chantaru Belve Marne

6 Hanehalli Byndoor Nitte

7 Havenje Hemmadi Varanga

8 Hejamadi Hosangadi

9 Kapu Kirimanjeshwar

10 Kota Kollur

11 Mallaru Madamakki

12 Pandeshwara Maravante

13 Palimar Shankaranarayana

14 Shiriyara Thekkate

15 Udyavara Vandse

16 Uppoor

To know the opinion of male members about their counterparts, randomly 120 male

members were interviewed through structured ‘questionnaire’. Officials (Secretaries) were

also interviewed to know their understanding of the issue.

Tools Used

1. Structured questionnaire.

2. Personal observations and attending meetings.

3. Collection of data from the officials.

Secondary sources: Panchayat records, documents and literature.

Analysis

39

The collected data/information was analysed by using SPSS package. The data was

analysed by using simple statistical tools such as ‘averages’ and ‘percentages’.

The analysed data was used to prepare the report from which inferences were drawn

and conclusions arrived at.

Sequence of Presentation of the Study

The first introductory chapter analyses the concept of decentralization from the World

Bank and Gandian perspective and tries to analyse the concept of empowerment. The

objectives, methodology, review of literature and sequence of presentation of the study are

presented in this chapter.

The second chapter, Political Participation of Women in India, briefly discusses the

debate on question of political participation of women both at the global level as well as in

India and the domination of Incrementalist Discourse in the political discourse in India.

While analysing historically political participation of women in India highlights the persisting

disparities in the status of women and their political participation.

In the third chapter, Panchayati Raj - A Historical Perspective, basically tries to

analyse local self government and representation of women in a historical perspective.

Historical analysis of growth of decentralization, reflected in the Panchayati Raj Institutions

enables to dismiss the myth that decentralization is a contemporary phenomenon. It presents

the significance of 73rd Amendment Act and reservation for women.

The fourth chapter provides profile of the study area and the status of women and

women empowerment in the district comparing with the larger context of Karnataka.

40

The fifth chapter presents field observations of the selected gram panchayats in the

three taluks of the district in the form of tables and charts.

The sixth chapter, Analysis and Discussion, analyses the field data and throws light

on role played by women at the gram panchayat level and various issues connected with

women empowerment. This chapter also tries to answer question as to whether ‘Udupi Model

of Women’s Political Empowerment’ can be visualized.

The last chapter, the conclusion, is about the findings of the study and throws light on

the enabling and disabling factors which had positive and negative impact on the ‘Udupi

Model of Women’s Political Empowerment’.

41

Review of Literature

Since the establishment of Local Self Governments in India various research studies,

literature, official documents have been published on different aspects of Panchayati Raj

system.

Few studies which are very relevant to the present work have been presented here

below.

A study conducted by Hazel D’ Lima (1983), in Maharashtra deals with the role of

women in panchayat institutions, focuses on the role of women in zilla parishads and

panchayat samities. It traces the social emergence of women.39

Manikyamba (1989), in a study of Women in Panchayati Raj Structures examines the

role of women as beneficiaries in the political processes of development, assessing the role of

women presiding officers. The study revealed that cast plays a vital role in selecting women

members. Education and participation are interrelated. Economic status gives a sense of

confidence and encouragement.40

Amal Mandal’s book on Women in Panchayti Raj Institutions (2003), is a report of a

fact finding mission on women panchayat members of a district in West Bengal. The study

indicates that the participation of women in panchayat process has allowed them to emerge as

effective leaders and to act as catalytic agents by infusing confidence, assertiveness and

providing stimulus for social change among other women. At the grass root level only

beginning has been made and wholesome acceptance of women in every facet of life is still to

come.41

39Lima Hazel D, Women in Local Government in Maharashtra,Concept Publishers, N ew Delhi, 1983. 40Mnikyamba, Women in Panchayat Raj Structures, Gian Publications, New Delhi, 1989 . 41Mandal Amal, Women in Panchayati Raj Institutions, Kanishka Publications, New Delhi, 2003.

42

Sachidananda Satapathy (2002), in the case study from Orissa analyses field data

from panchayats in the district of Orissa. He observes that many women were elected due to

pressure from husbands or influential politicians. 42% of them took part in decision making

and 58% of them were unable to strike entry into actual panchayat decision making. The

handicaps noticed are lack of education, articulation and self confidence.42

Devaki Jain (1996), in her study found that women’s experience of Panchayati Raj

Institutions has transformed many of them. This includes empowerment, self confidence,

political awareness and affirmation of information. Women’s empowerment challenged

traditional ideas of male authority and supremacy.43

Rashmi Arun (1997), in a case study of Madhya Pradesh found that in most of the

cases women are house wives. Majority of them are illiterates or educated up to primary level

or first entrants to politics.44

Snehalata Panda in a case study of village panchayats in Orissa found that most of the

women who entered politics are from non-Political background. These women who entered

politics reluctantly showed increasing political consciousness, enthusiasm and maturity in

outlook.45

A study conducted by B.S. Bargava (1982), and others, regarded as the first empirical

work encompasses all significant aspects of Karnataka Panchayati Raj system. This work

provide basis for future understanding of Panchayati Raj Institutions in Karnataka.46

42Satapathy Sachidananda, “Women Empowerment and Panchayati Raj: A Case Stud y from Orissa”, accessed at www.onlinewomeninpolitics.org/India/satapathy.doc , 2002. 43 Jain Devaki, “Panchayat Raj: Women Changing Governance”, accessed at http://www.undp.org/ gender /recources /mono5.html,1996. 44Arun Rashmi, “Role of Women in Panchayati Raj”, Administrator, Vol. X11, April -June, 1997. 45 Panda Snehalata, “Emerging Pattern among Rural Women in Orissa”, Indian Journal of Public Administration, Vol.1, No.3-4, 1996. 46Bhargava B.S., et. al, Panchayat Raj System in Karnataka, Jackson, New Delhi, 1982.

43

Subha and Bargava (2002), defining feminism considered reservation as one of the

instruments of political empowerment as it guaranties representation. While analysing

elections for panchayats in Karnataka after the 1993 Act, the study revealed that mostly

illiterate women with no political background have become members. They observed that

reservation policy can be used to advance women’s agenda.47

Subha and Bargava (2000), in an article on Panchayati Raj System and Political

Empowerment of women says that Karnataka has the distinction of having the highest

number of women elected at all levels of panchayats, 46.7% for gram panchayat, 40.2% for

taluk panchayat and 36.45% for zilla panchayat. Whereas at the national level 40% women

got elected to gram panchayat, 40% to taluk panchayat and 39% to zilla panchayat. The

members of all- women panchayat at Mydolalu village of Shimoga district in Karnataka, have

been elected for the first time and work of the village was better than that of the mixed

panchayats.48

Subha K. (1997), while analyzing Karnataka Panchayat Elections 1995, observed that

younger generation women were showing interest in panchayat membership. There was

domination of backward classes among women representatives and most women members

had party affiliation.49

47Shubha K and Bargava B. S, “Feminism and Political Empower ment of Women at the Grass Root: The Karnataka Experience”, South Asian Journal of Socio P olitical Studies, Vol.1, No 2, June-Dec, 2002. 48 Subha K. , Bargava B. S., “Panchayati Raj System and Political Empowerment of women”, Madya Pradesh Journal of Social Sciences,Vol. V, No. 2, July -Dec, 2000. 49Subha K., Karnataka Panchayat Elections 1995 . Process, issues and Mrmbership Profile, Concept Publications, New Delhi, 1997.

44

An article by George Mathew (2000), titled “Panchayati Raj in India. An overview”

reveals the fact that forces against the devolution of the power to the panchayats as well as

strengthening democracy at the grass roots are still powerful.50

George Mathew (2002), in his book observes that history is repeating itself in

Karnataka. The Karnataka study shows that women have social handicaps and constraints of

various kinds in functioning effectively, but with experience their effectiveness improves.

From this point of view what has been initiated through the 73rd Constitutional Amendment is

the beginning of a silent revolution.51

A research work conducted by Vidya K.C (1994), has concentrated on selected

Bangalore rural districts. The study reveals that majority of the elected women members

belong to the age group between 25- 45 years and this goes against the traditional attitude that

it is only aged people who become members of panchayats. She observes that though the

numerical strength of the women members has increased they have not been able to effect

decision – making substantially.52

Stephen and Raj Sekaran (2001) in their study on women in gram panchayats in

Karnataka identifies achievements and constraints of the women gram panchayat members. It

was observed that there were more stumbling blocks than building blocks for the first

generation. Still some of the women could emerge victorious due to the determination and

perseveration got through training. Four basic factors-mobility, personal strength, educational

50Mathew George, Status of Panchayati Raj in India -An Overview, Concept Publications, New Delhi, 2000. 51Mathew George, Panchayati Raj from Legislation to Movement, Concept Publ ications, New Delhi, 2002. 52Vidya K.C., Women and Panchayati Raj Institutions: Case Study of a District in Karnataka , Phd. Thesis submitted to the University of Mysore, 1994.

45

status and training were responsible for better performance by women gram panchayat

members, according to the study.53

Chandrashekar and Anand (1991), in their study in Karnataka found that women in

zilla panchayats were different in their performance in these institutions and women had less

knowledge than males regarding panchayats. The study stated that factors that were

responsible for the active participation of some women were motivation, education and

political experience.54

Vijayalakshmi V. (2002), in her working paper on Gender, Accountability and

Political Representation in Local Government, examines complexities of political

representation of women’s interest in the panchayats in Karnataka. She argues that women’s

interests are not an issue in the panchayats due to factors like lack of effective participation,

absence of consolidation of gender specific concerns.55

Some of the studies deal with various aspects of Panchayati Raj system and are

mainly informative. Studies on decentralized planning, finance, administrative aspects, and

structures are noteworthy. Few studies have been conducted on the role of women in

Panchayati Raj Institutions after the 73rd Amendment Act. (Devaki Jain 1996, Amal Mandal

2003, Shubha and Barghava 2001 etc) A few empirical brief studies conducted on the

districts of Karnataka mainly concentrated on the zilla parishads and mandal panchayats.

(Chandrasheker and Imbunathan 1991, Govinde Gowda 1996, Vidya K. C. 1994, etc)

Detailed research on the political empowerment of women is scanty.

53Stephen F., Raj Sekaran N., An Empherical Study of Women in Local Self Governa nce in Karnataka, Search Publications, Bangalore, 2001. 54Chandrashekar B.K and Anand Imbunathan, “Profile and Participation of Women of Zilla Panchayat and Mandal Panchayat Members:The Case of Karnataka”, Journal of Rural Development, National Institute of Rural Development, Hyderabad, Vol.10, No. 5, 1991. 55Vijayalakshmi, V., Gender, Accountability and Political Representation in Local Government, Working Paper, No 102, Institution of Social and Economic Change, Bangalore , 2002.