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PROJECT REPORT
ON
"Changing Structure of caste ”
SUBMITTED TO :
Dr. Ayan Hazra
Faculty, Sociology
Submitted by:
Ravi Tiwari, Roll number: 127
Semester III; B.A., LL.B. (Hons.)
HIDAYATULLAH NATIONAL LAW UNIVERSITY, RAIPUR
CHHATTISGARH
Submitted on: 10h October 2014
DECLARATION
I, Ravi Tiwari, hereby declare that, the project work entitled, “Changing structure of caste” submitted to H.N.L.U., Raipur is record of an original work done by me under the able guidance of Dr. Ayan Hazra, Faculty Member, H.N.L.U., Raipur.
Ravi TiwariBatch III
Roll No. 12710/10/2014
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I feel highly elated to get to work on the topic “Changing Structure of caste
”. The practical realization of this project has obligated the assistance of
many persons. I express my deepest regard and gratitude for Dr. Ayan
Hazra, faculty of Sociology. His consistent supervision, constant inspiration
and invaluable guidance have been an immense help in understanding and
carrying out the nuances of this project report.
I would also like extend my hand of gratitude towards the friends and family,
without whose support and encouragement this project would not have been
a reality.
I take this opportunity to thank the university, and the Honorable Vice
Chancellor for providing extensive database resources in the library and
through Internet.
For any sort of errors that might have crept in, it is deeply regretted. I shall
be grateful if further comments and suggestions are put forth regarding
improvisation of the provisions.
~Ravi Tiwari
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. Declaration……………………………………………………………….1
2. Acknowledgements……………………………………………….........2
3. Introduction.............................................................................................5
4. Objective................................................................................................7
5. Ch. 1- Changes take place caste system during different periods....8
6. Ch.2- Modern Status and Recent Changes........................................15
5. Conclusion.............................................................................................25
6. References ..........................................................................................26
Introduction
Caste is a form of social stratification characterized by endogamy, hereditary transmission of a lifestyle which often includes an occupation, ritual status in a hierarchy and customary social interaction and exclusion based on cultural notions of purity and pollution.[1] [2] According toHuman Rights Watch and UNICEF, caste discrimination affects an estimated 250 million people worldwide.[3] [4]
A paradigmatic, ethnographic example is the division of Indian society into rigid social groups, with roots in India's ancient history and persisting until today.[5] [3] Historically, the caste system in India has consisted of thousands of endogamous groups called Jatis or Quoms (among Muslims). Independent India has witnessed caste-related violence. The Nepalese caste system resembles that of the Indian Jātisystem with numerous Jāti divisions with a Varna system superimposed for a rough equivalence. Religious, historical and sociocultural factors have helped define the bounds of endogamy for Muslims in some parts of Pakistan. The Caste system in Sri Lanka is a division of society into strata,[6] influenced by the classic Aryan Varnas of North India and the Dravida Jāti system found in South India.
Balinese caste structure has been described in early 20th-century European literature to be based on three categories – triwangsa (thrice born) or the nobility, dwijati (twice born) in contrast to ekajati (once born) the low folks. In China during the period of Yuan Dynasty, rulerKublai Khan enforced a Four Class System, which was a legal caste system. The order of four classes of people was maintained by the information of the descending order were: Mongolian, Semu people, Han people (in the northern areas of China), and Southerners (people of the former Southern Song Dynasty). In Japan's history, social strata based on inherited position rather than personal merits, was rigid and highly formalized. With the unification of the three kingdoms in the 7th century and the foundation of the Goryeo dynastyin the Middle Ages, Koreans systemised its own native class system.
Caste is an elaborate and complex social system that combines some or all elements ofendogamy, hereditary transmission of occupation, social class, social identity,hierarchy, exclusion, and power. Caste as a closed social stratification system in which membership is determined by birth and remains fixed for life; castes are also endogamous, meaning marriage is proscribed outside one's caste, and offspring are automatically members of their parents' caste.
Although Indian society is often associated with the word "caste," the system is common in many non-Indian societies. Caste systems have been found across the globe, in widely different cultural settings, including predominantly Muslim, Christian, Hindu, Buddhist, and other societies. UNICEF estimates that identification and sometimes discrimination based on caste affects 250 million people worldwide.
In colonial Spain, throughout South America and Central America, castas referred to a method of stratifying people based on race, ethnicity, and social status and was in common usage since the 16 th century. The term caste was applied to Indian society in the 17 th century, via the Portuguese. The Dutch also used the word caste in their 19 thcentury ethnographic studies of Bali and other parts of southeast Asia. In Latin American sociological studies, the word caste often includes multiple factors such as race, ethnicity, and economic status. Multiple factors were used to determine caste in part because of numerous mixed births during the colonial times between natives, Europeans, and people brought in as slaves or indentured laborers .
Objective :-
I- To understand changes take place caste system during different
periods.
II- To understand what is current modern situation and recent
changes.
Research Methodology:This research is descriptive and analytical in nature. Secondary and electronic resources have been largely used to gather information and data about the topic.Books and other reference as guided by the faculty have been primarily helpful in giving this project a firm structure. Websites, dictionaries, articles and cases have also been referred.Footnotes have been provided wherever necessary to acknowledge the same.
I.Changes take place caste system during different
periods:-
The Transformation of Caste System in India – from Early to Medieval and
British Periods
The caste system, as it exists today, has developed through many centuries.
Its structure and functioning in ancient period (from 4000 B.C to 700 A.D.,
i.e., Vedic, Brahmanical, Maurya and post-Maurya (or Sanga, Kushan and
Gupta) periods was much different from the medieval (Rajput and Muslim,
i.e., 700 A.D. to 1757 A.D.) and the British periods (i e 1757-1947A.D.).
In the Vedic Period (1500-322 B.C.), there are two views pertaining to the
prevalence of the caste system. One school (Haug, 1863; Kern, Duti and
Apte, 1940; Kamble, 1979) holds that the caste system had existed and
Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas were the three caste divisions that the
society of Rig Veda period clearly recognised. However, Sudra caste did not
exist. The other school (Weber, 1882; Ghurye, 1932) maintains that these
three were not castes but varnas which were not hereditary but flexible.
In the Brahmanical period that followed the Brahmanas and Upnishads, the
hierarchical system of four varnas had firmly established Itself and remained
enduring for all times to come. The privileges enjoyed by the Brahmins
through the instrumentality of religion enabled them to impose several
restrictions. Though Brahmins and Kshatriyas remained in conflict with each
other trying to assert their superiority over the other, but Kshatriyas
increased their power over Vaisyas and Sudras.
On the issue of social relations among various social groups, caste
distinctions became clearer in Samhitas and the Brahmanas. In the latter part
of the Epic period, priesthood became hereditary and inevitably the
Brahmins began to pay attention to the purity of the blood and attaining a
position of superiority over others. They prescribed codes of social
behaviour and relationships through Grihsutras (700-300 B.C.) and
Dharmasutras (600- 300 B.C.).
It may, therefore, be said that the starting point of the caste system was the
later Vedic Age (800-500 B.C.) and the Epic Age (500-200 B.C.). Since the
basis of social stratification was division of labour, in its original form, it
was a class system rather than a caste system. The racial factor, the
occupational bias, the philosophy of action, and the religious concept of
purity and pollution–all contributed to the formation of the caste system.
In the Maurya period (i.e., from 322-184 B.C.), whole of India was
politically united for the first time under one head and rule. Political unity-
led to cultural unity of the country. Kautilya’s writings give some idea about
the social organisation and the functioning of the caste system in this period.
Kautilya (a Brahmin minister of a Sudra ruler Chandragupta Maurya) tried
to remove various restrictions imposed by the Brahmins on the Sudras by
declaring that the royal law would supersede the dharma law.
The rights and the privileges of Brahmins received a further blow in the days
of Ashoka, grandson of Chandragupta Maurya. Ashoka’s religious policy
was broadly based on toleration and universal brotherhood which did not
recognise the caste barriers. The caste system, because of all these measures
could not develop as a rigid institution in this period.
In post-Maurya period, a fresh stimulus was provided to the revival of the
Brahmanical religion and the development of the caste system. Brahmins
gave themselves special privileges in Manu Smriti (185 B.C.) and imposed
various restrictions on the Sudras. The Smriti prescribed severe punishment
to Sudras for insulting Brahmins (cutting out tongue, thrusting iron-nail in
mouth, pouring hot oil into ears).
Thus, equality in law was completely destroyed by such prescriptions and
the caste system developed on rigid lines and assumed a new structure. The
Gupta period (that followed the Sanga period from 300-500 A.D) was the
period of Hindu renaissance. Brahminism became the ethnic religion of
India in this period and caste system got a further incentive. However, it did
not become very rigid. Marriage rules were elastic and examples of inter-
marriages and inter-dining were not unknown.
Sudras were permitted to become traders, artisans and agriculturists. But
untouchability existed in this period more or less in its present form. The
untouchables lived outside the main settlements. In post-Gupta period
(Harsh Vardhana and others: 606-700 A.D.) also, the caste system continued
to have the same structure as it had in the Gupta period.
An elaborate account of social, religious and economic conditions of India
of this period is available in Chinese scholar Hieun Tsang’s writings who
visited India in 630 A.D. and remained here for 13 years. He writes that
caste ruled the social structure, Brahminism dominated, and persons
following unclean occupations (scavengers, butchers, etc.) had to live
outside the four walls of the city.
The Medieval period includes the Rajput period (700-1200 A.D.) and the
Muslim period (1200-1757 A.D.). In the Rajput period, the cultural life of
the Hindus was not very different from the one found in earlier periods. The
Indian social system did not change due to political security. Brahmins gave
themselves more privileges. The mathas, established by Shankaracharya,
became the centres of luxurious life. The system of devdasi fostered the
growth of temple prostitution which led to the growth of the loosening of
moral codes.
Rajput’s loyalty to their own clans made them indifferent to the larger
patriotism of the whole country. New castes and sub-castes came into being
which were so circumscribed by vested interests that they had evil
repercussions on the social and political life of the country. Consequently,
foreign Muslims started attacking India.
The foundation of the Muslim empire in India was laid down by Mohamood
Ghori in 1175 A.D. which was followed by Mughal attacks. The caste
system in the Muslim period (1206-1857 A.D.) became still more rigid
because Muslims were not absorbed in the elastic Hindu-fold. Their religion
(Islam), being fiercely monotheistic, could not allow any compromise with
polytheism.
Since Muslims led a religious crusade against India and tried to convert
people to Islam, Brahmins assuming upon themselves the responsibility of
protecting the Hindus from being proselytised, imposed severe restrictions
on Hindus, making caste system a very rigid system. Though some Bhaktas
(saints) like Ramanuj, Kabir, Guru Nanak, Chaitanya, Tukaram, Tulsidas,
Namdev, etc. preached Bhakti cult in this period which denounced idolatory
and cast and preached equality of all people, protested against excessive
ritualism and domination of the priestly class, yet this cult could not
disintegrate the caste system.
Brahmins could retain their leadership of Hindus because temples were used
not only for religious purposes but also for social, political and cultural
activities. Brahmins made caste distinctions more rigorous by declaring that
all those Hindus who worked with or for Muslims would be treated as
Malechha, like Muslims. Thus, castes like Sunar (goldsmiths), Luhar
(blacksmiths), Nai (barbers), Dhobi (washer men), Khati (carpenters) and the
like came to be treated as castes of low status. Puranas were rewritten and
new commandments were prescribed, making the caste system very rigid.
In early British (or pre-industrial) period, the material development of the
country, contact with the outer world, socio-economic policies of the
government, and some legislative measures taken, brought about a change in
our religious doctrines, social practices, and also in the caste structure of the
society. The judicial powers of the caste councils were transferred to the
civil and the criminal courts.
The Caste Disabilities Removal Act of 1850, the Widow Remarriage Act of
1856, and the Special Marriage Act of 1872 also attacked the caste system.
The integrity of the caste system got a further blow when through some
social measures, some of the disabilities of untouchables were removed.
However, the British government had taken these measures purely for
administrative reasons and not because it wanted to abolish the caste system.
Ghurye (1961:190) also has expressed a similar opinion. Some social
movements of social reformers also attacked the caste system. The Brahmo
Samaj movement led by Raja Ram Mohan Roy rejected the barriers of caste
divisions and stood for universalisation and brotherhood of man. The
Prarthana Sabha movement supported by Justice Ranade also devoted its
attention to social reform such as inter-caste marriage, inter-dining and
remarriage of widows, etc.
The Arya Samaj movement founded by Swami Dayanand Saraswati and
Ramakrishna Mission movement raised voice against caste and preached its
abolition. The Lingayat movement in South India also preached the giving
up of the caste system. However, all these attacks did not remove the rigidity
of the caste system in this period (i.e., in the first quarter of the twentieth
century) though some structural features of caste were definitely affected.
The industrial phase in the British period started from 1920-25 onwards after
the First World War. The processes of industrialisation and urbanisation
(migration of people from villages to cities) affected caste structure to a
great extent. Industrial growth provided new sources of livelihood to people
and made occupational mobility possible. New transportation facilities also
made frequent communication possible, which threw together millions of
people of all castes. Taboos against food-sharing started weakening when
industrial workers belonging to different castes started living together in the
same house, leaving their families behind in villages.
Urbanisation and growth of cities also considerably changed the functioning
of the caste system. Not only were commensally inhibitions relaxed but the
authority of the Brahmins also came to be questioned. Kingsley Davis
(1951) has held that the anonymity, congestion, mobility, secularism and
changeability of the city make the operation of the caste virtually
impossible.
Ghurye (1961:202) also holds that changes in the rigidities of the caste
system were due to the growth of city life. M.N. Srinivas too (1962:85-86)
holds that due to the migration of Brahmins to the towns, the non-Brahmins
refused to show same respect to them which they showed before, and inter-
caste eating and drinking taboos were also weakened. It may, thus, be said
that the structure and the functioning of the caste system and its ritual
economic and social aspects were greatly changed in the industrial phase of
the British period.
II. Modern Status and Recent Changes
The Indian government officially recognises historically discriminated communities of India such as the Untouchables under the designation of Scheduled Castes, and certain economically backward Shudra castes as Other Backward Castes.The Scheduled Castes are sometimes referred to as Dalit in contemporary literature. In 2001, the proportion of Dalit population was 16.2 percent of India's total population.Of the one billion Hindus in India, it is estimated that Hindu Forward caste comprises 26%, Other Backward Class comprises 43%, Hindu Scheduled Castes (Dalits) comprises 22% and Hindu Scheduled Tribes comprises 9%.
Article 15 of the Constitution of India prohibits discrimination based on caste and Article 17 declared the practice of untouchability to be illegal. In 1955, India enacted the Untouchability (Offences) Act (renamed in 1976, as the Protection of Civil Rights Act). It extended the reach of law, from intent to mandatory enforcement. The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act was passed in India in 1989.
The National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes was established to investigate, monitor, advise, and evaluate the socio-economic progress of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
A reservation system for people classified as Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes has existed for over 50 years. The presence of privately owned free market corporations in India is limited and public sector jobs have dominated the percentage of jobs in its economy. A 2000 report estimated that most jobs in India were in companies owned by the government or agencies of the government. The reservation system implemented by India over 50 years, has been partly successful, because of all jobs, nationwide, in 1995, 17.2 percent of the jobs were held by those in the lowest castes.[citation needed]
The Indian government classifies government jobs in four groups. The Group A jobs are senior most, high paying positions in the government, while Group D are junior most, lowest paying positions.
In Group D jobs, the percentage of positions held by lowest caste classified people is 30% greater than their demographic percentage. In all jobs classified as Group C positions, the percentage of jobs held by lowest caste people is about the same as their demographic population distribution. In Group A and B jobs, the percentage of positions held by lowest caste classified people is 30% lower than their demographic percentage.
The presence of lowest caste people in highest paying, senior most position jobs in India has increased by ten-fold, from 1.18 percent of all jobs in 1959 to 10.12 percent of all jobs in 1995.
In 2007, India elected K. G. Balakrishnan, a Dalit, to the office of Chief Justice.
In 2007, Uttar Pradesh, the most populous state of India, elected Mayawati as the Chief Minister, the highest elected office of the state. BBC claims, "Mayawati Kumari is an icon for millions of India's Dalits, or untouchables as they used to be known."
In 2009, the Indian parliament unanimously elected a Dalit, Meira Kumar, as the first female speaker.
In addition to taking affirmative action for people of schedule castes and scheduled tribes, India has expanded its effort to include people from poor, backward castes in its economic and social mainstream. In 1990, the government reservation of 27% for Backward Classes on the basis of the Mandal Commission's recommendations. Since then, India has reserved 27 percent of job opportunities in government-owned enterprises and agencies for Socially and Educationally Backward Classes (SEBCs). The 27 percent reservation is in addition to 22.5 percent set aside for India's lowest castes for last 50 years.
In a 2008 study, Desai et al. focussed on education attainments of children and young adults aged 6–29, from lowest caste and tribal populations of India. They completed a national survey of over 100,000 households for each of the four survey years between 1983 and 2000. They found a significant increase in lower caste children in their odds of completing primary school. The number of dalit children who completed either middle-, high- or college-level education increased three times faster than the national
average, and the total number were statistically same for both lower and upper castes. However, the same study found that in 2000, the percentage of dalit males never enrolled in a school was still more than twice the percentage of upper caste males never enrolled in schools. Moreover, only 1.67% of dalit females were college graduates compared to 9.09% of upper caste females. The number of dalit girls in India who attended school doubled in the same period, but still few percent less than national average. Other poor caste groups as well as ethnic groups such as Muslims in India have also made improvements over the 16-year period, but their improvement lagged behind that of dalits and adivasis. The net percentage school attainment for Dalits and Muslims were statistically the same in 1999.
A 2007 nationwide survey of India by the World Bank found that over 80 percent of children of historically discriminated castes were attending schools. The fastest increase in school attendance by Dalit community children occurred during the recent periods of India's economic growth.
A study by Darshan Singh presents data on health and other indicators of socio-economic change in India's historically discriminated castes. He claims:
In 2001, the literacy rates in India's lowest castes was 55 percent, compared to a national average of 63 percent.
The childhood vaccination levels in India's lowest castes was 40 percent in 2001, compared to a national average of 44 percent.
Access to drinking water within household or near the household in India's lowest castes was 80 percent in 2001, compared to a national average of 83 percent.
The poverty level in India's lowest castes dropped from 49 percent to 39 percent between 1995 and 2005, compared to a national average change from 35 to 27 percent.
Caste Politics
Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru had radically different approaches to caste, especially concerning constitutional politics and the status of untouchables.[118] Since the 1980s, caste has become a major issue in the politics of India.[118]
The Mandal Commission was established in 1979 to "identify the socially or educationally backward" and to consider the question of seat reservations and quotas for people to redress caste discrimination.[119] In 1980, the commission's report affirmed the affirmative actionpractice under Indian law, whereby additional members of lower castes—the other backward classes—were given exclusive access to another 27 percent of government jobs and slots in public universities, in addition to the 23 percent already reserved for the Dalits and Tribals. When V. P. Singh's administration tried to implement the recommendations of the Mandal Commission in 1989, massive protests were held in the country. Many alleged that the politicians were trying to cash in on caste-based reservations for purely pragmatic electoral purposes.
Many political parties in India have indulged in caste-based votebank politics. Parties such as Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), the Samajwadi Party and the Janata Dal claim that they are representing the backward castes, and rely on OBC support, often in alliance with Dalit and Muslim support, to win elections.[120] Remarkably, in what is called a landmark election in the history of India's most populated state of Uttar Pradesh,[by whom?] the Bahujan Samaj Party was able to garner a majority in the state assembly elections with the support of the high caste Brahmin community.
Recent Changes:-
Changes in the caste system entail three types of changes such as structural change, functional change and attitudinal change.
Structural Changes:
(i) Decline in the supremacy of the Brahmins:
There has been a sharp decline in the supremacy of the Brahmins in society.
In the past, the Brahmin occupied the topmost position in the caste
hierarchy. But today consequent upon the process of modernization the
dominance of the Brahmins has been relegated to the background. He does
not enjoy the same social status, which he once used to.
(ii) Changes in the Caste hierarchy:
The caste system is no longer a clearly demarcated system of hierarchically-
ordered caste groups. As a result of certain factors such as occupational
diversification, migration to urban areas, mechanisation of agriculture,
boundaries between caste groups are tending to blur or break down. There is
an increasing degree of interpenetration between different groups, classes
and categories. A gradual lessening of the congruence between caste, class
and power is visible.
(iii) Protection of the Harijans:
The governmental policy of protective discrimination has gone a long way in
improving the socio -economic conditions of the Harijans. Consequently,
their social status has improved to a considerable extent.
Functional Changes:
(i) Change in the fixation of status:
In a caste society, birth was taken as the exclusive basis of social status. But
in the changing social scenario, birth no longer constitutes the basis of social
prestige. Criteria such as wealth, ability, education, efficiency etc. have
become the determinants of social status. The significance of caste as an
ascriber of status has been relegated to the background.
(ii) Change with regard to occupation:
So far as caste system is concerned, the individual had no choice but to
follow the occupation ascribed to him by his caste. But today occupation is
not the hereditary monopoly of any caste any more. One is free to take up
any occupation he likes according to his ability and interest. Mahatma
Gandhi’s movement preaching dignity of labour has drawn higher castes to
dirty-hand callings while education has opened white- collar occupations for
members of lower castes.
(iii) Changes in marriage restrictions:
Under the caste system endogamy was the basis of mate-selection. The
members of a caste or sub-caste were forbidden by an inexorable social law
to marry outside the group. But at present the Special Marriage Act, 1954
and the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955 have removed endogamic restrictions and
declared inter-caste marriages as legally valid.
Of late, several factors such as impact of western philosophy, coeducation,
working together of males and females of different castes in the same
factory or office have contributed to an increase in the cases of inter-caste
marriage, love-marriage and late-marriage.
(iv) Change in commensality:
In the traditional system, the unit of commensality was defined fairly rigidly
in terms of caste affiliation. In recent times, there has been a gradual
expansion of this unit. Today, Brahmins are inter dining with ‘clean’
Shudras. They do not hesitate to take kachha food from other clean castes.
Furthermore, they do not hesitate to accept food and water from the
members of the lower castes for fulfillment of their political ends.
(v) Change in the concept of purity and pollution:
Kapadia stated that the Hindu concept of purity and pollution was very
extensive in its scope and mandatory in its observance till the twenties of
this century. Under the caste system occupations were ranked in accordance
with their ritual purity. For example, a person coming into contact with a
barber was supposed to become impure. Meat, fish, wine etc. were regarded
as ritually impure.
A menstruating lady was considered impure and as such the food cooked by
her was considered impure. In the twenty first century the importance of
these ideas of purity and pollution in Hindu social life has considerably
decreased.
Religious sanction no more constitutes the basis of pure and impure. The
rules of hygiene have formed the criterion of pure and impure at present.
(vi) Change in the life style:
In the past, every caste had its own life style. It was the differences in the
styles of life that made the people of different castes appear distinct from
one another. But today differences between the life styles of castes are
gradually being eliminated and there is a marked tendency towards the
evolution of a common style. The standardization of life styles is due to the
twin processes of sanskritization and westernization.
(vii) Change in inter-caste relations:
Of late, the pattern of inter-caste relations has undergone profound changes.
The mutual rights and obligations characterising inter-caste relations have
crumbled down. Members of the low castes no longer obey the orders of the
members of high castes. They do not come forward to perform forced labour
for the members of the upper caste.
Further, efforts made by the lower castes to rise in the social ladder have
annoyed the upper castes. All these factors have led to inter-caste conflicts.
Such inter-caste conflicts are gradually increasing. However, these are more
for achieving power than on grounds of ritual status.
(viii) Change in the power of caste Panchayats:
So far as caste system was concerned, each caste had a caste Panchayat. The
caste Panchayat played the role of a judicial body. But today Jati Panchayats
are on the decline. Law courts and village factions have taken over most of
their roles.
(ix) Restrictions on education removed:
Today education is no more confined to the higher castes. Anybody
belonging to any caste can prosecute study in educational institutions. Of
late, the Government both at the Union and State levels has adopted several
measures for the spread of education among the lower castes by way of
giving them stipends, scholarships, free study materials, reservation of seats
etc.
(x) Changes in the system of power:
The notions of democracy and adult franchise have affected the caste system
in several ways. The new political system attacks the very roots of
hierarchization. In the past politics was regarded as the sole preserve of the
higher castes. But today people belonging to all castes are becoming
conscious that they can play an important role in the political processes and
can be benefitted from them.
(xi) Growth of caste consciousness:
Casteism has increased. It has affected political issues and political
decisions.
(xii) Weakening of the Jajmani system:
The Jajmani system in the villages has weakened, affecting inter-caste
relations. Several reasons like laxity in the performance of rites and rituals
on the part of the members of various castes, decline of Brahminical
supremacy, development in the field of transport and communication,
intergenerational educational mobility etc. may be attributed to the decline
of Jajmani system in rural India.
Attitudinal Changes:
(i) Loss of faith in the ascriptive status:
Under the sway of rapid social transformation taking place in Indian society
following the processes of industrialization, urbanization, westernization,
secularization and modernization, the attitude of the people towards caste
system has undergone considerable changes.
They are not psychologically prepared to accept the fixed status of an
individual solely on the basis of birth. They attach importance to ability,
efficiency, talent and aptitude. Hence it is quite natural that they repose their
faith in achieved status. As such, the very foundation of the caste system has
been shattered.
(ii) Change in the philosophical basis:
M .N. Srinivas holds the view that the law of karma and the doctrine of
transmigration of soul are responsible for the acceptance of caste system by
the „ people. But such an attitude towards caste does not exist at present.
People do not believe that caste is divinely ordained. They have begun to
doubt the very philosophical basis of caste system.
In fine, the traditional Indian caste system does not find favour with modern
sociologists. The reason is not that it is intrinsically unsound but that it is
wholly out of tune with the prejudices of modern sociology.
Industrialization, urbanization, secularization, modernization have brought
about the aforesaid significant changes in the caste system. M. N. Srinivas
has rightly observed that caste has taken the shape of an incarnation in
modern India.
Conclusion:-
Although the system is now illegal all over the world, many people continue to consider their caste membership when making certain decisions in life. Obviously, their are major doubts that the caste system will be banished permanently, since many people still practice it in the inner-cities of India
The caste system had a great affect on the Indian society. Despite the fact that it's one of the many types of segregation seen throughout India, it did have its beneficial qualities. For instance, it did establish a stable social order in the country for quite some time until an official government came into place. All of India's people played a role in their society and had certain jobs. The former caste members are now more tolerant of other castes and sub-castes' people, and the divisions in the society are gradually diminishing.
References:-
1)http://www.yourarticlelibrary.com/essay/essay-on-changes-in-caste- system-in-india-1375-words/4871/
2)http://www.preservearticles.com/201105076350/recent-changes-taking- place-in-indian-caste-system.html
3)http://www.burdosclassroom.org/worldhistorywiki/index.php? title=The_Caste_System
4)http://www.yourarticlelibrary.com/sociology/social-stratification/ transformation-of-caste-system-in-india/39160/