Changes in Seventeenth-century Korean Buddhism and the Establishment of Buddhist Tradition in the Late Chosön Dinasty

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ACTA KOR ZANAVOL. 16, NO. 2, DECEMBER 2013: 537-563

CH NGES IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURYKORE N BUDDHISM AND THEEST LISHMENT

OF THE BUDDHISTTR DITION IN THE LATE CHOSÖNDYNASTY

By KIM Y ON G- T A E

Korean Buddhism during the Chosön period (1392—1910) has been characterized as a

religion whose institutional integrit}- and philosophical vigor severely declined due to thestate policy of oppression. Since such a negative description was promulgated byJapanese scholars during the colonial period, it has been adhered to even by post-colonial era Korean scholars. This article is an attempt to redress such a stereot\ picalunderstanding of Korean Buddhism, especially that of the late Chosön period, and tobring to light its real nature from a historical perspective.

As for the factors that contributed to the enhancement of Chosön Buddhism sstatus, we may adduce some changes in the institutional and social settings. During theyears 1550 to 1566, the traditional system of the Son and Kyo schools was restored andgovernment regulations for clerical ordination and the state examination for monkswere also reinstated. During the Imjin War, the monastic armies military achievements

led to the enhancement of their social status. Thereafter, the government publiclyutilized their corvée labor, and the Buddhist institution came to receive state support. Inthe early seventeenth century, along with the rearrangement of religious institutions,various lineages and branches were established and an economic foundation formanaging their monasteries was secured. The Buddhist circle in this period proclaimedtheir self-identity by determining the dharma lineages and established systems formonastic education and practice through combining the practice of meditation anddoctrinal studies, in which kanhwa Son took precedence.

Keywords: Chosön Buddhism, monastic army, monastic corvée labor, dharma lineage,monastic education

This work was supported by the Dongguk University Research Fund of 2012.



538 Acta oreana Vol. 16 No. 2, 2013

INTRODUCTIONKorean Buddhism during the Chosön period has been understood as a religion

which was politicaUy marginalized due to the state poUcy of oppression and

whose institutional integrity and phUosophical vigor severely decUned. Since such

a negative description was ma de by Japan ese scholars during the colonial period, it

has been foUowed even by post-colonial Korean scholars.

In his 1929 work Richó Bukkyó {Yi dynasty Buddhism), Takahashi Töru, a noted

Japanese scholar of Korean studies during the colonial period, divided Chosön

Buddhism into three periods based on the rise and faU in the general reception of

Buddhist doctrine. He stated that the third period—after the late seventeenthcentury—saw the complete coUapse of Buddhism's religious authority' and the

disappearance of the Buddha-dharma. This paradigm set early Chosön Buddhism

against late Chosön Buddhism and depicted the latter markedly diminished,

thereby providing a typical model of decline. '

In approaching Korean history and tradition from the disciplinary angle of

East Asian studies infused with Orientalism, Japanese colonial scholars, including

Takahashi, regarded Korean history as a model of heteronomy and stagnation,

overlooking the distinct independent spirit and developmental potential of

Korean Buddhism. Such stereot}'ped descriptions of Korean Buddhism led the

scholars of later generations to disregard the Chosön period. Even worse, their

biased understanding of this period has been intensified as the earlier theories

were not verified against concrete historical facts.

But it should be em phasized that Korea n B uddhism played a considerable role

in the spread of Buddhist texts and culture and in human exchange and

philosophical development within the broader context of East Asian Buddhism

throu gho ut the SiUa and K oryö periods. Fu rther m ore, vigorous efforts w ere made

during the late Chosön dynasty to maintain or reconstruct the majority of existing

monasteries and to pubUsh Buddhist texts. During this period scholastic studies,

annotation of scriptures and treadses, and organization of the Buddhistcommunity were also revitalized. These show Buddhism's growing prevalence, at

least in compa rison with early Cho sön Buddh ism.

This article is an attempt to break the preconcepdon about the Buddhism of

the late Chosön period and to reveal its significance on the basis of historical facts.

For these purposes, I wiU first examine the aspects of external change, such as the

2 Such a negative understanding of Chosön Buddhism can be found in scholarly papers as well as

introductor} ' books on Korean Buddhism such as Kim Yöng-t 'ae, Han guk Putgyosa [A history' of

Korean Buddhism] (Seoul: Kyöngsöwön, 1997).' Takahashi Tôr u, Richó Bukkyó [Buddhism of the Yi dynastj-] (Osaka: Höbunkan, 1929), 26-29.









542 Acta Koreana Vol. 16 No. 2, 2013

disciples of Hyujöng,' * we re offered such form al titles as Military C om m an de r

(ch ongsöp), while monasdc armies under their control were repaid for their acdve

service with a formal designadon [sön gwach öp) or the like.' ' These designations

held a significance similar to the issuance of an ordinadon license {foch öp) in that

the state recognized the status of monk generals as monasdc leaders and the

monasdc qualificadons of monastic armies in return for their contribudons

during the war. Moreover, the state issued rewards for their exemplary service as

weU.

Hyujöng's most disdnguished disciple Samyöng Yujöng was renowned for

rendering the most disdnguished service during the Imjin War and won acclaim

not only in his own üfedme but after death as the paragon of a loyal monk.Taking the place of his teacher, Yujöng was personaUy acdve in batdes and took

on important roles in voluntary military enterprises such as stronghold

construcdon and supply procurement. Furthermore, he participated as a

government representadve when negodating the final peace treaty with the

Japanese military. He met with Japanese generals, analyzed the contemporary state

of affairs, and made proposals for future stabilit}' and security'. ̂ FoUowing the

conclusion of the war, he assumed responsibility for diplomadc concerns,

including the repatriadon of prisoners of war and the resumpdon of diplomadc

relations throug h th e dispatch of envoys to Japan.'^ Yujöng's services in the po stof supreme commander {toch ongsöp) of the end re m on k army, were so highly

valued by both king and court that he received elevadon to the even higher office,

corresponding to Rank 3 in Chosön's official ranking system.'**

Such accolades aside, however, the war and the acdvides of monasdc armies

negatively affected the Buddhist community in Chosön to no smaU measure.

Wardme plundering, conflagradons, and the desoladon of agricultural land

devastated the financial bases of B uddhist temp les— a phe no m eno n further

aggravated by monasdc armies' acdvity and economic burdens. '^ These events

entailed not only financial and human losses, but led as weU to a widespread

••• Sönfo sittok, fase. 48 [159 4/2/2 7] ; Sönfo sittok, fase. 53 [159 4/7/1 9] ; Sönjo sittok, fase. 80

[1596 /9 /12 ] , e tc.

15 Sànfo sittok fase . 39 [1593/6/29] , [1593/7/20] ; Sönjo sittok fase . 83 [1596/12/5] .

• Punch ung sönallok [A wrathful reco rd of the war], K ab o kuwöl ch'ijin kyöngsa sangso on t'ojök

pom in saso [Going to the capital in the ninth m on th of 1594, writing a petition to expel the enem y

and pro tect the people ] , H P C 8 : 9 0 - 9 3 . Sönjo sillok fase. 87 [159 7/4/1 3] .

Sönfo sillok, fase. 146 [160 2/2/3 ] ; Sönjo sillok, fase. 152 [16 02 /7/2 0]; Sönfo sillok, fase. 172

[1604/3 /14] ; Kwanghaegun ilgi [A daüy record during Kwanghaegun's reign], fase. 35 [1610/11/12].

18 Sönfo sillok, fase. 36 [15 93/3 /27] ; Sönjo stllok, fase. 37 [15 93/4 /12 ] ; Sönjo sillok, fase. 57

[1594/11/1] .''J Sönfo sillok fase . 49 [1594/3/1] .



K i m : C h a n g es in Se v e n t e en t h -C e n t ur y K or e an Buddhism 543

concern that the fundamental contradiction between the vows of monastic life

and the mUitary actions of the monastic armies during the war would erode theBuddhist tradition of sincere practice. Chönggwan llsön, who remained secluded

in iUness during the war although he too was a disciple of Hyujöng, lamented the

situafion, writing, T he d har m a of the final age has deterio rated, the world has

grown exceedingly chaotic, the people cannot find relief and monks cannot

remain at peace. Mon ks wear the clothes of laymen, go off to war, and die or flee

forgetting what it means to be a monk { ch u l g a , lit. to leave one's family to become

a monk). They renounce the practice of moral discipHne to pursue empt}' fame

and are una ble to tu rn back, so that the spirit of Son wiU be halted in the

future . ' In realit}', the number of monks who did ultimately leave the monasticlife and return to secular life upon rendering and receiving recognition of their

war services was not smaU.

On the other hand, the faithful services rendered to the state during this time

of national crisis by the monastic armies, particularly compared to the

contributions of the righteous armies { j i i b y o n ^ led by literati nob lem en, w on

Buddhism high recognition at the time and through subsequent generations. Since

the end of the Koryö kingdom, Confucian scholars had criticized Buddhism by

pointing to the ethical issues of civic loyalt} ̂ and filial piet\' and by referring to

Buddhism's lack of a social role. The role of monastic armies in protecting the

state during the Imjin War, however, quieted these critiques and earned Buddhism

high social regard and prestige. While later generations appreciatively regarded the

achievements of those monks who served in the Imjin War, in the eighteenth

century representative monk generals such as Hyujöng and Yujöng were

particularly honored with the erection of memorial shrines such as P'yoch'ungsa

in two locations and Such'ungsa in one location. In officiaUy recognizing the

shrines such as P'yoch'ungsa, King Chön gjo eulogized, In Buddhism com passion

has the utmost importance. Hyujöng manifested the spirit of the reUgion, aiding

the nadon in its time of need through a meritorious act of loyalty to the king.

Aiding secular society and benefiting the people is indeed an act of truecom passion. ' T he achievements of m onk soldiers and generals in meeting the

national crisis significandy reversed the negative pubUc opinion held of Buddhism

•̂ Chonggwanjip [Collected writings of Ven. llsön], Sang Todaejang yö nhy öng [A letter to the elder

genera l] , HPC 8: 3 0 - 3 1 .

^' Punch ung s ö n a l t o k , Ulmi p'aby öng hu Pibyönsa kye [A repo rt sent to the Border Defense

Council after the dissolution of armies in 1595], HPC 8: 97.

22 C h ö n g h ö d a n g j i p, P o y u [Appendix], Chö ngjon g Taewang öje Sösan Taesa hwasang tan gm yöng

pyöng so [King Chöngjon g's funerary inscription and record of Ven. Hyujön g], written in 1794,

H P C 7: 7 3 5 - 7 3 6 .




and emerged as a factor in the continued existence of Buddhism during the late

Chosön period.

Additionally, Buddhist monks found opportunities to offer their reHgious

services during the war. Through ceremonies and prayers, the Buddhist

community prayed for the restoration of the monarch's authority damaged by the

war, the weHbeing and prosperity of the nation, and the safety of the people. The

task of comforting the souls of war dead was Hkewise generaHy entrusted to the

Buddhist communit) ' . The frequent enactment of Buddhist death rituals such as

Ceremony for Guiding the Deceased (Ch'öndojae) and Ritual of Water and Land

(Suryukchae) at this dme, in which prayers were offered up for the posthumous

blessing and auspicious rebirth of deceased souls without family members {mujukohon , has been ascertained thro ugh historical records. '^ T he interm ent of

rema ins was entru sted to m onk s as weü, '* along with the m obiHzadon of the

monastic community in restoration enterprises such as the reconstruction of

destroyed bridges and roads and the construction of palaces. In these ways the

war called attendon to the reHgious functions of Buddhism and created a new

demand for faith.

2 Utilization of Monastic Manpower and Expansion of the Monastic

Corvée Labor

Sdll reeHng from the damage inflicted upon the nadon from the Imjin War caused

by the Japanese army invading from the south, the Chosön dynasty was

confronted in the early seventeenth century with yet another nadonal crisis in the

form of the Manchu War of 1636 (Pyöngja horan) caused by a northern tribe, a

struggle that embodied a shift in the percepdon of Chinese dominance in East

Asia. The most pressing tasks of this era were restoring both the welfare of the

war-worn people and rebuilding the economy. The extraordinary exploits of the

monk armies during the Imjin War that had restored pubHc regard for Buddhism

as well as the Buddhists monks' noted superb manpower and organizationalefficiency strengthened the monastic corvée süngyok) system, leading ultimately to

a change in poHcy that aHowed the monasfic corvée labor to be incorporated into

2' Na m H ûi-suk, Ch 'osö n hugi Pulso kanhaeng yön'gu: chinönjip kwa Pulgyo üisikchip ul

chungsim uro [A study of the publication of Buddhist texts during the late Chosön period:

Focusing o n the dhâranî collections and ritual man uals] (Ph.D . diss., Seoul National Un iversity,

2004); Puhyudang Taesajip [Collected writings of Ven . Sön su], fascicle 5, Ch 'u chönsa ma ng ny öng

so [A prayer for the war dead] , HPC8: 82; Samyöngdang Taesajip; Kiamjip [Collected writings of Ven.

Pöpkyö n] , e tc.2* Sönjo sillok fase . 43 [1593/10/2] ; Sórijo sujöng sillok fase . 27 [1593/10/1] .



Kim: Changes in Seventeenth-Century Korean Buddhism 545

the nationwide corvée labor {kugyoU) system. This was made possible because the

monk armies' achievements during the war enhanced the social recognidon of

Buddhism and the state appreciated the exceUence of monastic manpower and

their organization. More than anything else, it was due to the drastic decrease in

the labor force consisting of commoners who had been in charge of pubUc

services and the worsened financial situation of the state. In return for the

utiUzation of monastic manpower during the wars, the state in the early

seventeenth century had to recognize both the acdvides and quaUflcadons of

monks, and Buddhism came to survive within the domain of legal legitimacy.^'

Kwanghaegun (r. 1608-1623), who succeeded King Sönjo and initiated the

state restoradon project, felt the need to incorporate the monk armies into thenational defense force in response to the expansion of the Later Jin (compo sed

of the unified Jurchen tribes). He also mobilized 1,500 monks in post-war

restoration enterprises such as palace construction projects. These monks who

pardcipated in conscript labor projects received in return ordination Ucenses or

idendfication tags {hop ae) from the state, which systematicaUy guara nteed

recognidon of the vaUdity of their activides in a Buddhist capacity. But we must

take note of subtle changes in the state poUcy between the sixteenth century and

the seventeenth century. In the sixteenth century the government implemented a

temporary measure of grandng identity tags to the monks mobiUzed for the labor

services (yöksüng küpp ae) in an effort to curb the grow th in mona stic n um bers

because of corvée evasion and apply monasdc manpower to state labor projects.^*^

During the seventeenth century, however, the use of monasdc manpower and

recognition of monasdc rights had been systemadcaUy institutionalized.

During the reign of Injo, who succeeded Kwanghaegun, the need for

constructing defenses in the capital in anticipation of war with Qing, which was

foun ded by Later Jin in 1636, gained prec eden ce am on g the conc erns of officials,

in response to which a stronghold was estabUshed on Namhan Mountain to the

south of the Han River. In this fortificadon construction project monks primarily

from the three southern provinces—Kyöngsang, ChöUa and Ch'ungch'öng—^wereconscripted as transfers from miUtary regiments, under the authority of Pyögam

Kaksöng (1575-1660). In 1626 nine Buddhist temples were erected within the

completed Namhan Mountain Fortress, where monastic armies consisting of

about 350 monks were stadoned and entrusted with the defense of the capital

^̂ Kwanghaegun ilgi, Í2iic. 161 [166 1/2 /1] .

-'• Chungjong siltok [The veritable record of Chungjon g], fase. 81 [15 36 /4/1 2]. Yi Chon g-yön g,

Süngin hop'ae ko [A study of the identity tags of monks], Tongbang hakchi 17 (1963), 18 9-2 17;

Kim U-gi, Ch'ö ksin chö ngch'igi ùi Pulg}'o chöngch 'aek [State policy toward Bu ddh ism during theperiod of regency by the king's maternal relatives], Chosönsayön gu 3 (1994 ), 59—104.



546 Ada Koreana Vol 16 No. 2, 2013

through the late Chosön dynasty.

Meanwhile, the monks that had served in the conscript construcdon labor

forces for the fortress were issued ordinadon Hcenses in addidon to receiving

idendt}' tags. This simultaneous awarding of ordinadon Hcenses with idendt}' tags

denodng miHtary employment demonstrates the integradon of the monasdc

corvée labor program into the nadonwide labor system. At that time, reguladons

concerning pubHc affairs defined the quaHficadon of new monasdcs on the basis

of the Kyongguk taejon ^ sdpulado ns on the issuance of an ordina don

cerdficate. Th is indicates that the confe rme nt of m ona sdc status had beco m e

systematized.

In 1627 Later Jin invaded Chosön, precipitadng the Chöngmyo War

(Chöngmyo horan) in which Samyöng Yujöng's disciple Höbaek Myöngjo was

appointed high general {p atto taejan^, leading over 4,000 mo nk soldiers at the

military acdons in Anju, P'yöngan province. During the following Pyöngja War

(Pyöngja horan), which broke out due to Qing's invasion in 1636, King Injo

retreated to Namhan Mountain Fortress while the fortress commander Pyögam

Kaksöng gathered some three thousand monk soldiers in ChöHa province. They

formed the Hangm a-gun (Mära-Conquering Army), thereby continuing the

monasdc miHtary tradidon begun during the Imjin War. Along with such miHtary

acdvity, the seventeenth century was also a dme of mobiHzadon of monks in awide range of projects ranging from the erecdon of fortresses and palaces to the

construcdon of mountainside tombs and river dams. Including the reassignment

of two thousand men dudng Hyojong's (r. 1649-1659) time, between the dme of

Kwanghaegun and that of Hyönjong such mobiHzadons in the service of palace

construcdon projects took place a total of six dmes. Likewise, in the case of

mountainside tomb construcdon projects King Injo conscripted 1,420 monks into

labor forces—a mobiH2adon that reoccurred twenty times through the mid-

eighteenth century.^**

As noted above, the seventeenth century can be characterized by the

emergence of the monasdc corvée labor program, which is the systemadc

udHzadon of monasdc manpower. This was intimately related with the

destabiHzadon of the state's mandatory labor conscripdon programs {yoyok),

which were based on the labor force of adult males {yangyok), due to the increase

in the number of men avoiding labor duty because of war or natural disasters.

The incorporadon of monks as new elements in the state labor estabHshment was

intended to aHeviate the sharp decHne in the financial condidon of the state and

^ Kwanghaegun itgi, fase . 35 [1610/11/12] .

28 Yu n Yong-c h'öl, Ch osö n hugi ùi puyök sùnggun [Monastic armies conscripted for corvéelabor dur ing the late Chosön per iod] , Pusan T aehakkyo Inmun nonch ongld (1984) , 453 -475 .



K i m : Change s in Seventeenth-Century Korean Buddhism 547

the insufficient man power, which had been supplied by commoners {yangin) bu t

had suffered great losses due to the war and famine. The incorporadon ofmonasdc manpower, whose labor efficiency was reladvely high, into the state'smandatory labor conscripdon system was equivalent to the issuance of monasticlicenses and idendficadon tags. Such a policy of monasdc recognition becamecustomary in this period. Furthermore, in order to subsdtute for insufficientcompulsory labor, there was a push to convert to taxation in kind or payment oftribute in goods such as rice, as part of the Uniform Land Tax System (TaedongPop), a law perm itting the subsdtud on of goo ds with grain wh en paying tribute.Accordingly, the burden of tax payment in goods or other misceUaneous services

borne by monasteries also increased. This clearly shows the interwovendevelopment of Buddhist policies within the government and social economicchanges. Unlike the previous situadon, the seventeenth century gave rise to asituadon in which, although monasdcs and monasteries encountered somedifficuldes because of the increase in economic burdens, in return they receivedthe benefit of qualificadon and publicaUy recognized activides and the operadonof a m ona sdc ec onom y within the system. ^

The usage of monasdc armies likewise became customary, and monasdccorvée labor was systematized within the state's labor system. Accordingly, theframework of the commander system {ch ongsöp) was maintained. After PyögamKaksöng was appointed supreme commander {p a lto toch ongsöp) while bundingNam han Mountain Fortress, ' the supreme comm ander of Na m han M ountainFortress and Seoul's Pukhan Mountain Fortress (completed during the reign ofSukchong [r. 1674—1720]) mobiUzed the nation's monasdc armies and held acentral role in directing them. Un der this kind of co m m and system, eachcommander received his responsibilit}' from the state. ' For instance, the monasricarmy supervised by the commander •was responsible for the protecdon ofhistorical records and documents, such the Chosön wangfo s i l lok and the royal clan'sregistry Sönwönlok. ' ̂ This commander system was not legaUy stipulated, but when

- ' Kim Yong-t 'ae, Ch osön ehö n'gi ökpul chöngch'aek ùi chön'gae wa sawön kyöngje üi pyönhwasang [The state policy of oppressing Buddhism during the late Chosön period and changes in themonast ic economy], Chosön sidaesa h a k po 58 (201 1) , 5—33. * Hw aöm sa P yögam pimyön g [An epitaph for Ven. Kak söng in Hw aöm M onastery], inH a n g u k k o s ü n g p i m u n c h o n g ji p : Chosön cho—kün hyöndae [A comprehensive collection of inscriptionsof eminent Korean monks: From Early Chosön to the contemporary period], ed. Chigwan (Seoul:Kasan Pulg}'o Munhwa Yön'guwön, 2000).'1 Yö Ün-gyöng, Ch osön hugi sansöng úi sùnggun ch'on gsöp [Monastic armies and com ma ndersat the mountain fortresses during the late Chosön period], Taegu s a h a k 32 (198 7) , 49—87. Info sillok [The veritable record of Injo], fase. 4 [1624/7/23]. Sönfo sillok fase. 53 [1594/7/20]; Sönjo sillok fase. 82 [1596/11/7].



548 Acta Koreana Vol. 16 No. 2 2013

monastics were mobilized for various kinds of public service and distinct

responsibiUties, the monastic commander was placed in control of them. As time

went on, however, the votive temples for the royal family (wöndang) or some major

monasteries deUberately appointed the office of commander and there were

numerous instances of their performance of duties outside the government's

control. ' ' '

As mentioned above, as monastic corvée labor was graduaUy intensified

together with tributes and misceUaneous services, it became a great burden on the

monastery economy. In the first half of the seventeenth century, while the legal

substitutio n o f rice for go od s or articles wh en paying tribute (i.e., Ta ed on g Pop )

was enforced, some portion of responsibiUty for the tributary and service taxespassed from ordinary individuals to monasfics and monasteries. A representative

case is that of the excessive burden of the paper tax imposed on monasteries.

Whereas there had been many cases of people evading taxes by UlegaUy becoming

monks in the previous period, as the monastic taxes became increasingly

burdensome, the number of cases in which the monks resisted the state poUcy

and re turn ed to lay life or we nt into hiding, caUed evading the tax ev asion,

increased. Reflecting on this, the necessity for systemadc control and management

of the mo nk s' ma npow er led to the developm ent of a program for registering

m onastics in the census. T he result was that from the second half of theseventeenth century, a shift in control arose, in which monastics were considered

as a xinit of taxation and monastic registradon was recorded in their hometown

registe rs. W ith this, the targets of the levied tax, mon astics of com m on birth,

were largely registered. Their parents, teacher, and any students living with them

were also reported. In this way, the late Chosön's poUcies toward Buddhism

shifted from the earlier oppression and noninterference to a posifive

incorporation and official recognidon that was intertwined and developed along

with societal change.

In this way mo nastic corvé e labor was utiUzed o n the basis of state poUcy that

reflected the circumstantial changes of the period. And this utiUzation of

monastic manpower contributed to the survival of monks and the Buddhist

institutions. But previous studies have just considered the offering of the

monastic labor force and the burdens on monasteries to have been an indicator of

the state poUcy of oppressing Buddhism and the reUgion's decUne. Moreover,

these scholars adduced the conscription of monastic manpower as evidence of

'•t Kwanghaegun ilgi fase . 63 [1613/2/25] .

'^ C hang Kyöng -jun, Ch osö n hugi hojök taejang üi süngnyö tüngjae paegyöng kwa kü yangsang

[Historical backgrounds and aspects of Hsting the names of monks in the registries during the lateChosön per iod] , Taedong munhwayon gu 54 (2006), 255-302.





550 Acta Koreana Vol 16 No. 2, 2013

of the Son school. The formation of diverse Son lineages and branches, which

took the transmission of dharma as the most important criterion, impUes that

human resources in the Buddhist order came to be organized and inheritance of

this immaterial foundadon to future generations became possible. There is a

reladonship between this and the formadon of Buddhist organizadons with a

lineage structure, which was accompanied by the expansion of monastic corvée

labor foUowing the acdvides of the monastic armies during the Imjin War.

From the seventeenth century on, the Ch'önghö Uneage {kye) and the Puh}ai

Uneage, which represen t the dha rma transmission of Ch 'öng hö H yujöng and

Puhyu Sönsu (1543-1615) respecdvely (both of whom succeeded Puyong

Yön ggw an's Uneage), were m ost influential in the Budd hist com mu nity. Th eCh'önghö Uneage, in which Ch'önghö Hôijöng's status was weU reflected,

estabUshed its influence throughout the nadon. This Uneage then ramified into

various other branches, beginning with the P'yönyang branch, the main branch,

and including the Sam yöng branch , the Soyo branch , etc. Th e Pu hyu Uneage based

itself at Songgwang Monastery and kept its acdvities mainly within its stronghold

of ChöUa Province. Compared to the Ch'önghö Uneage, the Puhyu Uneage

remained unified.

In relation with the fo rma tion of Son Uneages, we should take note of the

emergence of the central patriUneal clan code of kin relationships which wasstrengthened in society from the seventeenth century on. As this happened, the

basis of the clans, formed by patriUneal blood relationships within the same

famUy name, was estabUshed and viUages of the same clan came into being.

Denominadonal development in the Buddhist order was closely related to such

social changes. As the hierarchical reladonship based on this patriUneal kinship

was appUed to the master-disciple reladonship within the Buddhist order, the

lineages and branches based on the dharma transmission, which resembled the

kinship o rgan izad ons centering o n blo od des, were estabUshed. Th is is weU

reflected in the production of monastic registers or genealogical charts of dharma

transtnission within a certain Uneage, whic h resem bled the patriUneal famüy

registers of lay people. Such monasdc writings, which recorded the master-disciple

relationship within a Uneage or branch, seem to have been used as suppordng

documents in the case of inheritance or legal disputes.

The first half of the seventeenth century was a period in which the Confucian

system of ritual and pubUc order grew stronger. Rules nd ritu l studies

stipulating patriUneal kinship and decorum actively spread throughout society. The

'^ Kim Yong-t 'ae , Choson hugi Putgyosa yön gu: Imje pöpt ong kwa kyohak chönfong [A study of the

history of Buddhism of the late Choson: The religious tradition of Imje and the scholastictradition] (Seoul: Sin'gu Munhwasa, 2010), chap. 2.




compiladon of ritual manuals focusing on mourning rituals, such as the Songmun

s a n g ü i ch ' o ( A h a n d b o o k fo r t h e B u d d h i s t m o u r n i n g r i tu a l) , th e S o n g m u n ka r y a e c h 'o (A

h a n d b o o k fo r t h e B u d d h i s t fa m i ly r i t u a l ), and the S ü n g g a y e ü i m u n (B u d d h i s t r i tu a l w r it in g s )

in the Buddhist circles reflected this. This is an example of the naturaHzadon of

the Confucian social structure, where the necessity of performing Buddhist

mourning rituals that accorded with the Chosön dynasty^'s pardcular characterisdcs

was evident. At the same dme, ded in with the prescribed behavior of the Chosön

dynast}', these manuals make their objecdve clear: We supplem ent the con tents

[of those Chinese Buddhist works such as] the Chanyuan qinggui {Rjiles o f p u r i t y fo r

C h a n monasteries) with the secular decorum of the Zhuxi j ia l i Family ritu ls o f Z h u

Xi), thereby sum m arizing their import. '** In their ritual ma nuals, the directinfluence of secular models on the content is evident in their acceptance of the

system of five t}'pes of m ou rnin g clothing. Th is system was based on the

centraHty of a patriHneal clan code of con duc t, wh erein kinship was divided in to

degrees, and this degree of closeness or distance determined the period of

mourning during which mourning clothes were worn. These Buddhist ritual

boo ks contained iHustradons such as IHustradon of the five types of Bu ddh ist

mourning c lo thes {S u n g o p o k t o ), IHustradon of the five types of mourning

clothes of the tradidon {Ponfong opok chi to), IHustradon of Budd hist m ourn ing

clothes {Süngsang pokto) , Pedigree diagram { C h ' o n s u d o ) , etc. The pardcular

characterisdc of these manuals is that they express the reladve degree of indmacyin secular family reladons and monasdc reladonships between students and

teachers in terms of degrees of consanguinity.

As another indicadon of the insdHadon of secular order into the Buddhist

circle, we may refer to the legal codes that regulate the land ownership of monks.

Because of disturbances in the first half of the seventeenth century, land under

temple ownership was devastated. The resultant disorder regarding rights of

possession allowed for individual monasdc propert}' increased. This situadon

required different legal regulad ons. A misceHaneous decree prom ulga ted in 1657

(the eighth reign year of H yojo ng) stated: If a m on asd c possessing fields foragriculture dies, the fields wiH be returned to the clan, and the other árdeles in his

poss ession wiH be given to his studen ts. This dec ree Hmited inheritance of land

to secular kin.' ' The estabHshment of diverse Hneages and branches based on the

dha rm a transmission, however, aHowed for dha rm a clan s to form. In situadons

in which the possession and management of a temple was determined by each

* Songmun s a n g t i i c h ' o , Son gm un sangù ich'o so [A preface to the Songmun sa n g üic h ' o ] , H PC 8: 237;

Songmun k a r y e c h ' o , Son gm un karyech'o pal [A postscript to the Songmun katjech 'ó\, HPC 8: 288 .

''̂ S i n b o sugyo c h i m n o k [A new and am ended collection of royal decrees], Hojö n cham nyö ng [A

miscellaneo us decree on field-possession], pro mu lgated in 1657 (Hyojon g year 8).





Kim: Changes in Seventeenth Century Korean Buddhism 553

contributed to the expansion of temple finances by such means as the production

of handicrafts, cultivation or purchase of land, and inheritance. Property heldprivately by monastics in particular became an important means for supportingthe operatio n and finances of the temple. In the late Cho sön's Re cord of landtransacfions (T oji maemae mün gi), we can find num erous examples concernin gm ona stic purch ase and inheritan ce of land. *' Likewise, despite the increase inmonastic corvée labor and other financial burdens after the Imjin War, theBuddhist order was able to rebuild, repair, and manage a great many monasteriesthanks to the formafion of dharma clans, active organization of human resources,and varied self-reUant financial efforts.

On the one hand, the formation of Uneages and branches and integration ofthe Buddhist order in the seventeenth century was in large part due to theestabUshment of a religious tradition {popt on^ throug h th e formalization of theentire genealogy of the Son school's dharma transmission. In the first half of theseventee nth century, Ch osö n Bu ddh ism estabUshed the so-caUed Im je-T'ae gotradit ion whic h identified itself as a successor of th e dh arm a Uneage of China'sLinji (Kor., Imje) school. In 1612, according to Ho Kyun, the author of Hong

Kiltong chon, the first proposed explanation of the dharma Uneages of KoreanBudd hism was the theory of Ko ryö Nao ng tradition. This theory indicates thatthe Uneage of the Imje School transmitted by Naong Hyegùn in the late Koryöperiod was succeeded by that of Hyujöng, while attaching great importan ce to theSon tradition of the K oryö p eriod, which included Pojo Chinul. Howev er, in 1618Ho Kyun was executed for treason, and for approximately fifteen years, from1625 to 1640, P'yönyang Ôn'gi (1581-1644), a student from Hyujöng's later years,estabUshed the theo ry of the Imje -T'aeg o tradition , in whic h the Son schoo l ofthe Koryö period was disregarded and the Chinese Linji sect's dharmatransmission to Korea through the efforts of T'aego Pou was consideredlegitimate.

As this period from 1625 to 1640 saw the transidon from the Ming to the

Qing dynasty in China, it brought upheaval to the Sino-centric order in East Asiancountries. During this period, the Chosön kings tended to emphasize fideUty tothe Ming dynasty, stiU holding on to the Sino-centric view {Hwairon). The dharmatradifion estabUshed in this period reflected the self-awareness that ChosönBuddhism direcdy inherited the Chinese tradition just as in the case of theConfucian vision of the transmission of the Way (Tot ongnon). It is also noteworthythat Naong Hyegùn's disciples, who were active Buddhist leaders in the earlyChosön era, were omitted from the dharma tradition. This fact can be compared

Kim Yong-t 'ae , op.cit. 81-82




to the Confucian vision of history in which the influential royal supporters of the

early Chosön were excluded, and the men out of central power were considered

orthodox transmitters of the Way. In this way, the contents of the reHgious

tradidon reflect the historical character and consciousness of the period. With this,

Buddhists of the Chosön period rehabilitated a transmission Hneage which had, in

fact, been broken off during the Buddhist persecudons of the first half of the

sixteenth century. By means of the Imje School of the Son tradition, Buddhists in

the Chosön period were able to elucidate their own idendt) ' and orthodoxy in

accordance with their historical circumstances.

Th e form ado n of Hneages and branches along with the estabHshment of the

reHgious tradifion indicates that the transmission of dharma functioned as aprimary factor in the relationship between teachers and students. The pubHcally

büateral Son and Kyo schools of the Koryö period were present at the beginning

of the Chosön dynasty. In the early Chosön, the preceptors and enHghtened

teachers affüiated with particular sects occupied a pos idon of reladve imp orta nc e

in the relationship between student and teacher; however, after the seventeenth

century the position of those who transmitted the Hneage rose gready. As the

sectarian affiHation of the monasdc order and regulations concerning ordinadon

were aboHshed and insdtutional legal force disappeared, the monasdc reladons

that existed via the dharma Hneage within dharma clans in actuaHty carried the

greatest meaning.' '^ The formation of Hneages and branches, along with the

estabHshment of the reHgious tradifion, were intertwined with the development

of the teacher-student reladonship that took the dharma transmission as the most

im port ant criterion. In the above menfioned Buddhist ritual manuals, when the

period of mourning for a teacher is stipulated, the longest mourning period, that

of three years, is reserved for a teacher who instructs a monasdc student sudpsa)

or a teacher who sponsors a monastic student (yangyuksa), both of whom

represent a teacher who transmits the Hneage.' '^' In this respect, the late Chosön

period, during which the recepfion of dharma Hneages was a primary cause for

ma ster-disc iple relafionship , can be labeled th e age of transmission. *^ A nd in th eHaedong Buljo wöllyu (Source of the Buddhas and Patriarchs of Korea), pubHshed

in the second half of the eighteenth century, each dharma clan's genealogy was

described on the basis of who the dharma-transmitter was. Furthermore, as the

« Ibid 171-186.

^ ̂ Samno haengjók [Biographies of the three elders], Palm un [A pos tscri pt], HPCl: 151.

* Songmun sangäich o, Sun g ob ok to [Illustration of the five tj^pes of Bud dhist mo urn ing clothe s],

H P C : 237.

-•̂ K im Yö ng- su, Chosön Pulgyo sago [A survey of the history of Korean Buddhism] (1939; Seoul:Minsogwön, 2002 photoprint edition).



Kim: Changes in Seventeenth-Century Korean Buddhism 555

headquarters for each dharma clan was decided and the inheritance of dharma

Uneages between a master and disciples and economic inheritance becameimportant factors, many cases arose in which entering the monastic path,

ordination, and transmission took place in the same monastery. In short, the

estabUshment of Uneages and branches on the basis of dharma transmission,

along with the designation of headquarter monasteries and the procurement of

inherited property, contributed to the Buddhist order's survival and stabiUzation

during the late Ch oso n period to a great degree.

2 Establishmen t of Systems for M onastic Edu cation and Practice

As noted above, the seventeenth century was a period in which the Buddhist

organization such as Uneages and branches were formed on a stabiUzed economic

foundation. Based on this, the systems for monastic educadon and practice were

estabUshed which took the combined dual culdvadon of meditation and doctrinal

teachings (Sön-Kyo kyömsii) as a basic principle and endeavored to escalate the

spirit of kanhwa Son (the Son of observing the cridcal phrase). The estabUshment

of these systems enabled the Buddhist order to maintain its internal integrity.

Ch'önghö Hyujöng, who represents Choson Buddhism, lef t numerous

writings such as Son ga kwigam (A mirror of Son), and presented the B uddhist

order's ideology and objecdves for spiritual practice. He advocated the method of

discarding Kyo and entering Son, in wh ich Kyo (doctrinal study) is cons idered

the entrance to spiritual cultivation, and although Son and Kyo are cultivated

together, one should not become entangled tn inteUectual understanding and

ultimately take up the practice of investigadn g the hwadu (keyword), or the

kanhwa Son method. The central point is that the superiority of kanhwa Son

underlay the balanced practice of Son and Kyo. As in the first half of the

seventeenth century, condidons were right for the establishment of a monasdc

curricultim {iryok kwafon^, which precisely reflected Hyujöng's gtiideUnes for

practice and has been carried on in that system from the late Choson period tomodern times in the monastic coUege {kangwori) education system.*

Roughly, the monastic curriculum is divided into the Four-fold coUection

course {safip kwa), the Four-fold doctrinal course {sagyo kwa), and the Great

doctrinal course {taegyo kwa). First, the Fou r-fold coUection course c onsists of:

Gaofeng Yuanmiao's Chanyao (Essentials of Chan), Dahui Zonggao's Shu-: huang

(CoUected letters), Guifeng Zongmi's Chanyuan sfju quanfi douxu Prolegmenon to

+* Takahashi To m , op.rít. 599.

^ Lee fong-su Mo nastic Edu cation and Education al Literacy in the Late Ch oso n. Journat of

Korean Religious 3, no 1 (Apru 2012), 65- 84 .





K i m : C h a n g e s i n S e ve n t e e n t h -Ce n t u r y Ko r e a n Buddh ism 557

was widely read in the SiUa, Koryö, and Chosön dynasdes. During the Chosön

period this scripture became important to Buddhist forms of ritual and worship.However, before the eighteenth century the L o t u s S u t r a was excluded from the

Four-fold doctrinal course and the A w a k e n i n g o f aith in th e Mahayana was inserted

instead.^'* As a treadse wh ich un ites Tath âgata gharb a (Bud dha-w om b) theory and

Yogäcära thou ght and closely examines the systemadc com posid on of the on e

mind, the A w a k e n i n g o f aith in th e Mahayana has had a strong influence on the

development of Buddhist scholasdcism in East Asia. As a text with a logical and

analydc character, it made for suitable teaching material at monasdc coUeges.

Furthermore, after the second half of the seventeenth century, as study of and

lectures on Hwaöm (Ch. Huayan) scholasdcism became active, the make-up ofthe mind was a matter of com mo n concern to bo th Son and Kyo. Th e A w a k e n i n g

o f F a i th i n t h e M a h a y a n a appea rs to have been subsd tuted for the L ßt u s S u t r a

because it examines the mind's composidon.

The Great doctrinal course includes the lower G a r la n d S u t r a {Huayan fi n g ,

A v a t a r p s a k a S u t r a , the Jingde chuandeng lu (Records of the Tran smission o f the

Lam p from the Jingde period), and the Sönmunyömsong (Selected gathas for Son

monasteries). In the first half of the Chosön dynasty, these classics were teaching

materials in the monasdc examinadons and were the most important texts in both

the Son and Kyo tradido ns. Th e lower G a r la n d S u t ra , which ex pound s the

ideology of the on e vehicle, held the highest posid on in the doctrinal school. In

the monastic curriculum as weU this scripture was incorporated into the highest

stage of the curriculum, the Great doctrinal course. The Jingde chuandeng lu was

written at the beginning of the eleventh century and as a record of the genealogy

of the Son sects foUows the Uneage of transmission from the Buddha through the

Indian and Chinese patriarchs. The Sönmun yömsong was compiled by Chinul's

student, Chin'gak Hyesim (1178-1234), for the purposes of encouraging the

cultivadon of kan hwa Son. Th is bo ok conta ins the stories (lit., public cases or

ko n g a n , dh arm a speeches, and verses of the patriarchs transm itted up to that time.

From the overaU structure and contents of the monasdc curriculum, we canclearly see that the tradition of the combined culdvadon of Son and Kyo that

condnued from Zongmi to Chinul and the Imje sect's kanhwa Son tradition that

became the main current of Buddhism from the late Koryö onwards are

indmately unified. The subjects in the Four-fold coUection course indicate an

Na m Hùi-suk, op.cit.; Son Söng-pil, Simnyoik (16)-segi Ch osö n ùi Pulso kanha eng [Pubüeation

of Buddh ist texts in srxteenth-eenturj' Ch osö n] (M.A. thesis, Do ngg uk Universit} ' , 2007).

5'' The inclusion of T h e Ai v a k e n i n g o f F a i th i n t h e M a h a y a n a in the Four-fold doctrinal course has

been verified in the eighteenth-century' records.

Takahashi Töru , op.cit. 2 5 7 .



558 Acta Koreana Vol. 16 No. 2,2013

orientation toward the combined cultivation of Son and Kyo accompanied by the

kanhwa Son practice; the Four-fold doctrinal course is also composed of

scriptures relating to mind, which was the central concern of both the Son and

Kyo schools. The Great doctrinal course continues with the representative

scripture of the doctrinal sect, the Flower Garland Sutra, and texts presenting the

ethos and history of the Son school. These show the influence of Chinul's

philosophy, which emphasized the combined cultivation of Son and Kyo, Hwaöm

scholasficism, and kanhwa Son practice. This system also coincides with

Hyujöng's practice objective, that of the unified cultivadon of Son and Kyo with

the ultimate emphasis on kanhwa Son. Although the kanhwa Son and Imje

tradition seems to contradict the combined cultivation of Son and Kyo andHwaöm scholasticism, the existence of these conflicting elements within the

monastic curriculum, it should be emphasized, weU represents the situation in

which Chosön Buddhism identified itself as the Son school, while it had also

inherited and h ad to co ntinu e the scho lastic tradition as weU.

On the one hand, we can organize the educational contents of the monasdc

curriculum in the foUowing order: mind - principle - patriarchal tradition. This

order is similar to that of the Neo-Confucian curriculum proposed by the

representative Confucian scholar Yulgok Yi I (1536-1584), in which one, having

discerned the principle, is encouraged to cultivate the mind and by sequentialhistorical study foster insight. Having composed Korean editions of the Four

Books of Confucianism, including the Analects and the Mendus, Yi I laid ou t a

system of N eo-C onfu cian study. H e explained: T he Five Bo oks and Five Classics

are for the attainment of awakening and righteousness; the Neo-Confucian texts

are for the mind's constant absorption in righteousness; the histories are for the

fostering of insight by penetrating the permutadons of the past and the

present. ^' ' In the exp lanation con cerning the mo nastic curriculum, Y öngwö l

Ch 'öng hak stipulates: T he scriptures of the Four-fold doc trinal course are

awakening to the principle; the gradual cultivadon and investigation of the phrase

{ch amgu) of the Four-fold coUecfion course shows the awakening of the mind.Also, the Great doctrinal course's Jingde chuandeng lu and Sönmunyömsong are for the

study of th e patriarchal tradition and the correct met ho d of cultivation. ^ At the

same time, taking into account the presence of such phrases as study of the

5'' Ha n Yöng -u, 1980, Sarim ui yöksa sösul kwa yöksa insik [Local literati's description s and views

of history], Tongânghak 10 (1980), 145-184 ; Kim Hang -su, Simnyu k (16)-segi sarim ùi

Söng nihak ihae: söjök ùi kan haen g p'yö nch 'an ùl chun gsim uro [Sixteenth-centur}' local Mterati's

understanding of the learning of nature and principle: Focusing on the publication of books],

Han guk saron 7 (1980), 121-178.^'' YöngwöttangTaesa munjip, Saj ip sagj'o chöndun g yömso ng Hw aöm , HPC 8: 234—235.




principle of the Four Classics [ s a r o n g k y o ü i ) and quesfions ab out the Four

Books {s a s o ü is i m ) in th e w ritten civil service exam , we can see that the

designation and contents of the monasfic curriculum come from the Confucian

social background of the dme.

On the other hand, in the latter half of the Chosön the combined cultivadon

of Son and Kyo together with the verbal recitafion of the name of Amitabha

Buddha yombul) was included within the system of practice. Hyujöng outHned the

three gates sammun) as Son, Kyo, a n d y o m bu l. P'yönyang On'gi systemafized this,

corresponding Son, Kyo, and y o m b u l to the short-cut gate { ky ö n g jö lm u n ) ,

com plete and immediate gate { m n d u m u n ) , and Buddha-remembrance gate

jombulmun) respectively. T he se thre e ga tes indicate the kanhw a Son practice forextraordinary capacifies; the study of doctrine which iHuminates one's original

mind; and the method of Buddha-remembrance, which awakens the pracddoner

to one's own nature of Amitabha Buddha. This system expresses recognidon that

althoug h the capacities of sentient beings are different from each other, aH

dharm as arise from the on e m ind and the three gate s are thus equal to each

other.'«

As an officiaüy re cog nize d reHgious sect did no t exist, aH Bu dd hist tradifions

had to be included into the systems for monastic education and practice.

Reflecfing this, the integra ted character of the thre e ga tes was required.

How ever, the three gates system does no t me an integrating all the pracdce

m etho ds into the culfivation of every aspect of practice m eth od {chonsu ^ j l^ ) ;

rather, its perspecdve is one which places Son at the center and includes Kyo and

y o m b u l as paraHel practices. Th eref ore, w e sho uld in terpre t these thre e gates as an

open system of coexistence that recognizes the unique character of each method

of culfivafion rather than an uncondifional consoHdafion or an indiscriminate

combination. The S a m m u n chikchi pubHshe d in 1769 says, T he th ree gates are

respectively different, but the essence is the same, ^' ' recognizing the two aspects

of basic accord and individual differences among methods. Likewise, in the latter

half of the Chosön, the tradifions of Son, Kyo, d s i á y o m b u l w ct t aU sustaine d andnum erou s examples show that although the pracdfioners took the exclusive

practice {chonsu M - W ) as their basic premise and focused on one single pracdce,

they included other m etho ds of culdvado n und er the rubric of com bine d

cultivafion {kyomsu W i W ) - '

As seen above, the Buddhists in the seventeenth century attempted to

5* P ' y ö n y a n g d a n g j i p , fascicle 2, Sö n-K yo wôll̂ 'u simin sol [Prob ing the origins of Son an d Kyo] ,

H P C 8: 2 5 6 - 2 5 7 .

5 ' Ch inhö P'algwan, ed., S a m m u n chikchi [Directly pointing to the three gates], Sam mu n chikchi so

[A preface to the S a m m u n chikci»], H PC 10 : 138 -139 .



560 Acta oreana Vol 16 No. 2 2013

strengthen the inner soUdarit} of the Buddhist order and confirm their identity as

Son monks on the insdtutional basis of Uneages and branches and the economic

foundadon of inherited property, which was embodied into the estabUshment of

the reUgious tradition. They also endeavored to inherit and continue the Son and

Kyo schools traditions of pracdce and philosophy simultaneously. Such changes

in seventeenth-century Buddhism are historicaUy significant insofar as they are

intimately related to the estabUshment of the Buddhist tradition during the late

Choson dynasty. FoUowing these changes, Korean Buddhist monks endeavored to

maintain an economic foundadon, as weU as phUosophical and soteriological

tradidons, without making great changes through the beginning of the modern

era.

CONCLUSION

FoUowing the acdvities of the monastic armies during the Imjin War, in the

seventeenth century monasdc man-power was utiUzed in the form of monasdc

corvée labor. Monasdc quaUfications were approved and the foundations for the

monastic clans together with the tradidon, educadonal process, and system of

cultivation were also estabUshed. In pardcular, through private land holdings and

inheritance thereof each sect s ow n eco no m ic activîdes, and extern al financial

support and donations, the financial foundations for temples were secured. On

the basis of this econotnic backing, temples were able to setde to a degree the

excessive burden of monastic corvée labor and other tributary payments, taxes,

and so on. In the late Choson dynasty, therefore. Buddhism was able to cast off

the prior persecudons and devise a plan for its own economic subsistence.

Based on this institutional and economic foundation, from the seventeenth

century on the Buddhist circle was able to aim for an independent existence

within a Confucian society. It also continuously responded to the needs of the

dmes. We can see this evidenced in a variety of areas: the Buddhist emphasis on

loyalt} , fiUal piety, and moral principle; estabUshing a tradidonal explanadon of theteachings which corresponded to the Confucian vision of the transmission of the

Way; a paraUeUng structure in curriculum between the Buddhist monasdc

educadon and the Neo-Confucian school system; the accommodadon of the

XhuîQ jiali in Buddhist ritual manuals, etc. Moreover, as the Buddhist order

estabUshed systems for monasdc educadon and practice that were based on the

combined cultivation of meditadon and doctrinal studies, the pursuit of scholasdc

studies and commentarial texts came to be prevalent to a great extent, and the

inheritance of scholastic studies also became a critical point in the dharma

transmission during the eighteenth century. It has been confirmed that Hwaöm



Kim: Changes i n Seventeenth C entury Korean Buddhism 56 1

scholasdcism in pardcular became important and the doctrinal tradidon that

placed the study of the lower Garland Sutra as the highest subject of study sto od

in juxtaposidon with the Imje tradidon of the Son school. The orthodoxy of the

Imje Hneage on the one hand and the emphasis on the doctrinal study, especiaHy

Hwaöm scholasdcism, which originated from the combined culdvadon of Son

and Kyo, on the other hand, consdtuted a paradoxical two-fold tradidon of

Buddhism and its idendt} in the late Chosön era. In this way the coexistence of

Son and Kyo as an important asset of the Korean Buddhist tradidon was

estabHshed in the late Chosön dynasty.

Submitted: 26 August, 2013

Sent for revision: 4 November, 2013Accepted: 19 November, 2013

K I M Y O N G - T A E ([email protected]) is an Assistant Professor in the Depar tment o f

Interdisciplinary S tud ies o f K orean Buddhism a nd a Professor o f Hum ani t ies Korea Profect a t

Do n g g u k University-Seoul Ko r e a .





K i m : C h a n g e s i n Seven teen th-Century K o r e a n B u d d h i s m 563

during the late Chosön period: Focusing on the dharani coUecfions and ritual

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Bud dhist texts in sixteenth-century C hos ön] . M.A. thesis. Seoul: Dong gukUniversity, 2007.

Takahashi Töru. Richö B u k ky ó [Buddhism of the Yi dynasty]. Osaka: Höbunkan,1929.

Yi Cho ng-yö ng. Süngin hop 'ae ko [A study of the identit}' tags of monks].T o n g b a n g h a k c h i l l (1963): 189-217.

Yi Nùng-hwa. C h o s ö n P u lg y o t 'o n g s a [A comprehensive history of Korean

Buddhism]. Seoul: Sinmun'gwan, 1918.Yö Ün-gyöng. Ch osö n hugi sansöng ùi sùnggun ch'ong söp [M onastic armies and

commanders at the mountain fortresses during the late Chosön period].Taegu s a h a k 32 (1987): 49 -87.

Yun Yong-cb'öl. Ch osö n hugi ùi puyök sùnggun [Monasfic armies con scriptedfor corvée labor during the late Chosön period]. Pu s a n Ta e h a kky o In m u n

nonch ong 26 (1984): 45 3-4 75 .



C o p y r i g h t o f A c t a K o r e a n a i s t h e p r o p e r t y o f A c a d e m i a K o r e a n a a n d i t s c o n t e n t m a y n o t b e

c o p i e d o r e m a i l e d t o m u l t i p l e s i t e s o r p o s t e d t o a l i s t s e r v w i t h o u t t h e c o p y r i g h t h o l d e r ' s

e x p r e s s w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . H o w e v e r , u s e r s m a y p r i n t , d o w n l o a d , o r e m a i l a r t i c l e s f o r

i n d i v i d u a l u s e .

Documents

Changes in Seventeenth-century Korean Buddhism and the Establishment of Buddhist Tradition in the Late Chosön Dinasty