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Global Environmental Research ©2006 AIRIES 10(1)/2006: 39-48 printed in Japan

Chacu Collective Hunting of Camelids and Pastoralism in the

Peruvian Andes

Tetsuya INAMURA

Graduate School of International Cultural Studies Aichi Prefectural University

1522-3 Ibaragabasama, Kumabari, Nagakute-cho, Aichi-gun, Aichi 480-1198, Japan e-mail: inamura@lit.aichi-pu.ac.jp

Abstract In the ancient Inca Empire, the chacu, a kind of collective hunting of wild animals, was widely

practiced. It was a system of use, control and preservation of wild animals. In particular, as the wool of the vicuña was so fine, when captured, vicuñas were not killed but released alive after the wool was cut. The chacu disappeared after the empire fell, but recently it has been revived. The purpose of this paper is to describe the ancient chacu, the process of its revival and factors in its revival. Also I will discuss some issues that studying the chacu raises, such as characteristics of Andean pastoralism, rethinking the dichotomy between hunting and pastoralism and the domestication of Andean camelids.

Key words: alpaca, chacu, hunting, pastoralism, vicuña

1. Introduction

In the ancient Inca Empire, a kind of driving and

enclosed hunting of wild animals, called the chacu, was widely practiced. In particular, as the wool of the vicuña (a kind of wild camelid) was so fine and deli-cate, it was used to weave the clothes for the Inca em-peror and the royal family. For this reason, when a vicuña was captured, it was not killed but released alive after the wool was cut. When the Inca Empire was conquered by the Spanish and colonized, this practical use of wild animals and the related preserva-tion system ceased to exist and the number of wild animals decreased drastically as a result of unre-stricted hunting.

Nevertheless, after hundreds of years, chacu has been revitalized. This revitalized chacu was first achieved in the national reserve ‘Pampa Galeras’ in 1993, and then spread rapidly, bringing big profits to the native communities in a wide range of the Andean high plateau. In addition, the reevaluation of the vicuña led to control of illegal hunting, and the number of vicuñas has increased. The chacu is a kind of hunting of wild animals which includes factors of control and protection.

There are four kinds of camelids in the Andes. Two of them are wild: the vicuña and the guanaco; and the others are domesticated: the alpaca and the llama (Figs. 1-4). Recent studies suggest a close genetic relationship between the alpaca and the vicuña, and

between the llama and the guanaco. These studies suggest that the ancestral animals of the alpaca and the llama could be the vicuña and the guanaco, respectively. Figures 5-8 show the past and present distribution of each camelid (Novoa & Wheeler, 1984). Probable distributions of vicuñas and alpacas prior to 1532 are almost identical and probable distributions of guanacos and llamas prior to 1532 have similar tendencies, in that they cover not only the Andean highlands but also the coast. Distributions of these animals support the theory of the wild ancestry of the alpaca and llama.

Now we can observe the chacu collective hunting of vicuñas before us, and we also know about the behavior of vicuñas. New knowledge about vicuñas has important implications for the characteristics of Andean pastoralism, the domestication of Andean camelids and rethinking the dichotomy between hunting (wild animals) and pastoralism (domesticated animals).

2. The Chacu in the Ancient Inca Empire

and the Process of its Revival It is known that the chacu was practiced under the

rule of the Incaic emperor. It is recorded in the chronicles of El Inca Garcilaso de la Vega (Garcilaso de la Vega, 1966: 325-326):

‘At a certain time of the year, after the breeding season, the Inca went out to the province that took

40 Tetsuya INAMURA

Fig. 1 A vicuña. Fig. 2 A guanaco.

Fig. 3 An alpaca. Fig. 4 A llama.

Fig. 5 Past and present distribution of vicuñas. Fig. 6 Past and present distribution of guanacos.

Fig. 7 Past and present distribution of alpacas. Fig. 8 Past and present distribution of llamas.

Chacu Collective Hunting of Camelids and Pastoralism in the Peruvian Andes 41

his fancy, provided that the business of peace and war permitted. He bade twenty or thirty thousand Indians present themselves, or more or less accord-ing to the area that was to be beaten. These men were divided into two groups, one of which went out in a line to the right and the other to the left, until they had made a great enclosure which might consist of twenty or thirty leagues of land, or more or less according to the area agreed on. They fol-lowed the rivers, brooks, and valleys that had been fixed as the limits for the year’s hunting and avoided entering the area set aside for the follow-ing year. They shouted as they went and observed all the animals they started. It had already been ar-ranged where the two lines of men were to come together to close the circle and shut in the game they had collected. They also knew from observa-tion where the beasts had stopped, and the country they chose was clear of trees and rocks so as to facilitate the chase. Having enclosed the game, they tightened the circle forming three or four rows of men, and closed in until they could take the game with their hands.’

‘The number of deer of various kinds and of the large sheep they call huanacu, with coarse wool, and of the smaller vicuña, with very fine wool, was very considerable. Naturally in some areas they were more plentiful than others, but often more than twenty, thirty, or forty thousand head were taken, a very fine sight which gave rise to much re-joicing. That was in former times. Those in Peru can say how few have escaped the destruction and waste caused by the arquebus, for guanacos and vicuñas are now hardly to be found except in places where firearms have not reached.’ The chacu was a practically and ‘rationally’ es-

tablished system of utilization and preservation of wild animals. The guanacos and vicuñas were shorn and then released.

The Andean region in old times was inhabited by a far greater number of wild animals. But after the Inca Empire was conquered and destroyed, the number of wild animals decreased drastically due to excessive hunting.

In 1965 the number of vicuñas inhabiting Peru was less than 10,000 and they were indicated to be on the verge of extinction. Then the government planned to establish a reserve at Pampa Galeras (an area with an altitude of 4,000 m) and in 1967 this national reserve was established. Then, other communities joined the

project for the preservation of vicuñas (Wheeler et al., 1997: 284).

In the 1980s, the ultra leftist group, ‘Shining Path’ attacked the reserve and control was totally lost. In the latter half of the 1980s, ‘Shining Path’ expanded its power and engaged in illegal hunting of vicuñas to gain funds. Others took up illegal hunting also and it came to be practiced more and more and the number of vicuñas decreased.

In the 1990s, under the Fujimori government, when the public security of the country recovered, a legal base was established for the rational use of vicu-ñas. Peru had ratified the international CITES treaty (Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of wild fauna and flora). In 1987, the catego-rization of vicuñas wool was allowed to be changed from category 1 (commercial trade of the endangered species prohibited) to category 2 (commercial trade allowed but only with an export license or certifica-tion). Thus, international trade was opened to vicuña wool.

In 1993, President Fujimori was invited to the national reserve of Pampa Galeras to observe the festival with chacu and traditional folk music and dance. Since then, the ‘Gran Chacu’ festival has con-tinued to be held every year on June 24. In 1994, the International Vicuña Consortium (IVC) was estab-lished with the cooperation of Italy and Peru, and vi-cuña wool began to be sold to IVC.

According to my fieldwork, in 2001, the chacu was carried out 49 times in the Lucanas community, to which Pampa Galeras belongs, and 11,026 vicuñas were captured. From 3,890 vicuñas among them, 890 kg of the wool was cut and processed. After removing dirt and cerda (hard wool), 700 kg was shipped bringing an income of about 150,000 dollars.

Thanks to the income from the chacu, various in-frastructures could be provided to the community, as this is how the main part of the income is used. Elec-tricity could be introduced, the village square, office buildings and schools were reconstructed and vehicles were bought for the village.

In 2000 at the national level, 151 communities cap-tured 35,637 vicuñas, producing 3,427 kg of wool from 16,956 vicuñas (Table 1). In 16 prefectures, there were 841 groups engaged in controlling and using vicuñas in 2000, with the registered area exceeding 8 million hectors, and the number of vicuñas in the area amounting to 118,678 (Table 2). According to the statistics, the total number of vicuñas increased from 67,000 in 1994 to 141,000 in 1999.

T

M

able 1 Capture and shearing of vicuñas and production of wool.

year 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 captured vicuñas 6,128 16,204 15,683 22,118 28,612 29,859 35,637 sheared vicuñas 3,278 9,616 7,145 10,352 13,083 15,462 16,956 kgs of wool 832 2,223 1,478 2,008 2,543 3,052 3,427 participating communities 12 90 77 100 151 189 151

inisterio de Agricultura (2001) ‘Consejo Nacional de Camélidos Sudamericanos.’

42 Tetsuya INAMURA

3. Modern Chacu and Its Festival Pampa Galeras, the famous national reserve for

vicuñas, is situated at an altitude of 4,000 m in the Department of Ayacucho. It is at a distance of 90 km from Nazca, famous for gigantic ancient pictures on the ground.

I stayed in the village of Lucanas (3,800 m a.s.l.) in June of 2002 and observed an actual chacu. Capturing of vicuñas on June 24 is called the ‘Gran Chacu’ and is carried out as one of the events of the festival.

The ‘Gran Chacu’ festival began in the evening of June 23 on the eve of this festival in the public square of Lucanas. A temporary stage was built for the performance of various kinds of Andean folk music. Stalls were lined up in the square and it became more and more crowded toward the evening. The most impressive part was a joint performance of a young people’s rock band and the traditional acrobatic dance of Ayacucho department called ‘danza de tijeras’ (meaning ‘dance of scissors’).

On June 24, at 10 o’clock in the morning, people left by car one after another from Lucanas village to attend the chacu, which would be held on the high plateau (4,000 m a.s.l.). In the direction of Nazca 30 minutes by car along the paved road, the pivot of the fan, a round-shaped trap (fence) could be seen, which had been set up as a capturing point to enclose the vicuñas (Fig. 9). Four kilometers ahead of it was the place where the drive of the animals would begin. Soon, a crowd of people began to move toward the trap to enclose the herds of vicuñas (Fig. 10). After about one hour, some hundreds of vicuñas were en-closed inside the nylon net fence (Fig. 11). Figure 12 shows the guide map of the ‘Gran Chacu’ delivered

by CONACS (Consejo Nacional de Camelidos Sudamericanos).

After a while, young boys and girls dressed as Incaic soldiers or maiden servants for Inti (the sun god) began to dance inside the round enclosure. Then the King Inca appeared and climbed up to the stone altar which had been made at the center of the enclo-sure. After him, the Empress also went up to the altar. A male vicuña and a female vicuña were carried to the altar and their ears were cut. The blood was then poured into a cup. The king took the cup and lifted it up to Inti and drank it up (Fig. 13). Then some vicuñas were caught by bare hand and pushed down to the ground. The wool of the vicuñas was cut (Fig. 14). It was offered to the king and then to Inti by the king. This ceremonial performance was performed by teachers and students of the Lucanas ‘colegio’ (jun-ior-senior high school). When this ceremony was over, the spectators went to the headquarters of the Pampa Galeras reserve. The vicuñas whose wool had not yet been cut were left inside the enclosure until the next day. At the reserve headquarters, people danced in a circle to folk music till late.

The next morning, the cutting of the vicuñas’ wool began. By the side of the enclosure, three sets of elec-tric clippers powered by a gasoline electric motor were prepared. The vicuñas were captured by bare hand and carried to the wool cutting place. One of the ‘engineers’ checked the health condition of the vicu-ñas and measured the length of their wool. Vicuñas with wool less than 2.5 cm were immediately released. Vicuñas with wool long enough were pushed down to the ground and released immediately when the shear-ing was finished. Once the wool is cut, it takes 2 years to grow to 2.5 cm again. That means it is a 2 year rota-tion for the same vicuña.

Table 2 Nacional statistics of vicuñas 2000.

No Department No. of Provs. Number of Organizations Total Vicuñas Total area

Hectares 1 AYACUCHO 6 92 40,390 884,489 2 PUNO 13 238 18,107 2,288,910 3 LIMA 7 118 17,689 250,045 4 JUNIN 6 48 11,408 535,286 5 APURIMAC 5 84 10,020 737,370 6 HUANCAVELICA 4 60 8,745 1,343,364 7 CUZCO 8 81 4,209 719,030 8 AREQUIPA 6 51 3,681 1,101,144 9 ICA 1 5 1,583 20,870

10 TACNA 3 26 1,214 105,199 11 ANCASH 4 10 684 145,363 12 PASCO 2 3 343 1 13 MOQUEGUA 2 15 293 381,896 14 CAJAMARCA 1 1 235 193 15 HUANUCO 1 1 51 0 16 LA LIBERTAD 1 8 26 57,030

TOTAL 70 841 118,678 8,570,190 CONACS (2000) ‘Evaluación Poblacional de Vicuñas 2000.’

Chacu Collective Hunting of Camelids and Pastoralism in the Peruvian Andes 43

4. Chacu, Hunting and Pastoralism There is a common idea of a clear dichotomy be-

tween hunting and pastoralism. For example, Ingold places hunting in opposition to pastoralism, related to the binary opposition between predation and protec-tion, in his triangular model of hunting, pastoralism and ranching (Fig. 15). He says “These three modes ― hunting, pastoralism and ranching ― may be given preliminary definition in terms of three oppositions, one on the ecological level, and the other two on the social level.” and “The pastoral association, then, is protective, whereas hunting and ranching are

predatory” (Ingold, 1980: 2). Also in her ‘Introduction to predation’ in the book ‘Walking Larder: Patterns of Domestication, Pastoralism, and Predation,’ Clutton- Brock (1988) says, “Predators feed on prey; that is, they are normally carnivores which kill other living animals for food, but a parasite may also be termed a predator on its host. It has been argued that all human activities involving the exploitation of animals are predation and, in the social sense, parasitism. But it is only when humans are subsisting as hunters, in fact like carnivores, that there is no element of protection in the interactions between predators and prey. As soon as animals are herded or domesticated, humans

Fig. 9 The Stage of the Gran Chacu. Fig. 10 Start of the Gran Chacu.

Fig. 11 Vicuñas captured in the nylon corral. Fig. 12 Guidemap of the Gran Chacu delivered by CONACS (2000).

Fig. 13 An Inca offering wine with blood of a vicuña to Inti, Fig. 14 Shearing the wool of vicuñas. the sun god.

44 Tetsuya INAMURA

become protectors rather than predators. The relation-ship ceases to be one of simple predation and becomes a form of symbiosis in which individual animals bene-fit from the association until the moment of their death, and the species benefits genetically by becoming much more widespread than it was in the wild (Clutton-Brock, 1988: 279).”

Such an idea of a clear distinction between wild animals (object of hunting or predation) and domestic animals (object of pastoralism or protection) is ac-cepted by many researchers, but the chacu makes the idea invalid. Garcilaso de la Vega (1966: 326) says:

“With the game they caught lions, bears, many

foxes, wild cats, which they call ozcollo, of two or three kinds, genets, and other similar creatures that do harm to game. They were all killed at once in order to rid the country of such vermin.”

“All the game was taken by hand. Female deer of all kinds were at once released, as there was no wool to be got from them. The old ones which were past breeding were killed. They also released such males as were necessary as sires, picking the best and largest. The rest were all killed and their meat was divided among the common people. The guanacos and vicuñas were shorn and then also released. A tally was kept of the number of wild sheep as of the domesticated, and recorded on the quipus, the yearly accounts, noting the different species and the number of males and females. They also kept the score of the animals they killed, both noxious and useful: knowing how many head had been killed and how many released alive, they could tell at what rate the game had increased at the next hunt.” The ancient chacu had an aspect of hunting which

involves killing animals to eat. However, it was not simple hunting, because the wild animals were not only used rationally, but were also protected and pre-served. The number of captured animals was recorded in quipus, an Incaic method of counting, using knots in ropes. Female deer were released alive. Male deer were usually killed for eating, but males classified as

sires were released alive as well. This is a kind of con-trol over reproduction that is an important element of domestication of animals. Furthermore, useful wild animals were well protected.

The chacu reminds us of the diversity of ways available for the utilization of animals, not an opposi-tion between predation and protection, but a continu-ity between predation and protection.

5. Andean Pastoralism, the Chacu and

Domestication Pastoral people on the Andean high plateau mainly

live in U-shaped valleys, which have a scattering of rich alpine moors, best suited for pasturing alpacas. Their houses together with surrounding pastureland are called estancia, and are occupied by a patrilocal extended family. The average size of each estancia is approximately 20 km2 in Puica in the southwestern highlands of Peru, where I practiced fieldwork. People recognize the boundaries by natural indexes such as rivers, rivulets, ridges, big rocks, etc.

Pastoralists usually have two domiciles within their estancia.1) The main domicile is located near the rivulet, so it is easy to get water for daily life. There are some stone houses and some big and small stone corrals for the livestock at the main domicile. The big corrals, called waran, are for keeping the live-stock at night in the dry season and the small corrals, called rutuna cancha (corral for cutting), are used for cutting alpaca wool, loading and unloading llama- caravan freight, or for rituals involving livestock. In addition to the main domicile, there is a sub-domicile called the astana, which is composed of one house and many corrals for the livestock. The distance between the two domiciles is only one or a few kilometers, and between these places, some of the family members and all of the livestock make sea-sonal movements. However, this seasonal movement is far different from the pastoral transhumance prac-ticed by Himalayan yak herders, and is limited to the area of one estancia. There is hardly any difference between the altitudes of these places. During the dry

PASTORALISM

RANCHING HUNTING

protection

predation

accumulation subsistence

sharing market

Fig. 15 Model of ‘hunting-pastoralism-ranching triangle’ by Ingold.

Chacu Collective Hunting of Camelids and Pastoralism in the Peruvian Andes 45

season (May to October), they move approximately every month for grass rotation between these two houses. During the wet season from November to April, the livestock are kept inside a corral at the sub-domicile, which is located on a well-drained swell. The wet season is the time of lambing of the domestic animals. For protection of the newborn animals from foxes or condors, the livestock are all kept in a big, neatly closed corral called a chaupi cancha (central corral), and the herders rotate the corrals. They also rotate the small corrals called rutuna cancha.

Andean camelids have a habit of leaving their dung in the same place, so in the wet season the ground of the corral gets muddy with the mixture of dung and there is a risk of pollution with contagious bacteria. Newborn domestic animals have a high mor-tality rate during the wet season, so it is important to maintain well-drained corrals in order to reduce the death rate. This is the reason there are many corrals for rotation at the sub-domicile.

Thus the seasonal movement of the Andean herd-ers is on a micro-scale and its most important object is to secure better conditions for the corrals in the wet season. So, we can consider Andean pastoralism sedentary at least in the Central Andes.

Figure 16 shows factors of two unique features of the Andean pastoralism, its sedentary nature and the absence of milking. In the Andean highlands, there is little change in temperature throughout the year, though there is a big daily change in temperature. The ecological conditions are favorable and stable for domestic animals adapted to low temperatures. On the

other hand, there is a remarkable dry season, but al-pine moors are maintained by glacial seepage through-out the year. Strong sunshine promotes the growth of grass there. For these reasons, pastoral transhumance is not required and it is possible for the livestock to be pastured within a limited place throughout the year.

Being tropical highlands, the Andes have a great diversity of ecological conditions according to the elevation within a small horizontal distance. These conditions encourage the farmers to move vertically and maximize the use of the different elevations to produce a variety of crops.

The agricultural zone and pastoral zone are sub-stantially divided, and yet they are adjacent to each other. Ecological factors have created a stable rela-tionship between pastoralists and farmers (or pastoral-ism and agriculture), reinforced by other factors: llamas as means of transportation, alpaca wool for exchange and dung as fertilizer. Andean pastoralists have been able to obtain agricultural products as a staple in their diet because of all these conditions. It seems to be the reason they have not needed to use milk in their diet. As I have said, the characteristics of Andean pastoralism can be explained by ecological conditions, supported by the behavior of the vicuña, the possible ancestor of the alpaca.

The Central Andes lie between extreme eastern wet and western dry climates, which have created at least two types of pastoralism. The dryness of the western plateau affects the ‘division’ more. Concretely speak-ing, in the case of Puica, the plateau area is separated from the valley by barren dry land, which forms a

Pastoralists have been able toget a supply of agriculturalproducts easily from farmers.

Small difference in temperature during the year

No utilization of milk

Highland

Sedentary pastoralism

・Llama as meansof transportation ・Alpaca wool forexchange ・Dung as fertilizer

Plateau／Valley Pastoralism／Agriculture

(clearly divided but adjecent)

Tropical

Alpine moor, which is maintained throughout

the year

Herd can be raised in a smallterritory on the high plateauduring the year

No need for pastoraltranshumance

Features of the vicuña (wild animalclosely related to the alpaca): ・living on the high plateau ・‘family groups’ have fixed territories.

Social and cultural relations between pastoralists and farmers

Stable relationship betweenpastoralists and farmers

（ecological features of tropical highlands）

Fig. 16 Two main distinctive features of Andean pastoralism, and related factors.

46 Tetsuya INAMURA clear ecological and social barrier between the pas-toral society and the agricultural society (Inamura, 1986, 1988, 1995, 2002, 2006). In contrast, the humidity of the eastern slope of the Andes brings about environmental continuity between the agricul-tural and pastoral zones, and it affects the ‘adjacency,’ in which the agro-pastoral complex developed (Webster, 1973, 1983; Yamamoto, 1985). The agro- pastoralists directly exploit the environment from 1,500 to 4,500 m a.s.l., moving vertically to cultivate various crops which are adapted to various altitudes.

In the Andes, the ecological differences between the east and the west brought about two forms of adaptation. But in both cases, the pastoralism is seden-tary, and it should be stressed that the vertical move-ment of the agro-pastoral complex is required only for the sake of agriculture.2) The pastoralism is sedentary and the agriculture is mobile in the Central Andes.3)

In the Old World, pastoralism is practiced mainly in dry or cold areas and it is commonly assumed that the traditional forms of pastoralism would imply movement. In the Central Andes, however, sedentary pastoralism was established.

As to the domestication of camelids, Wheeler of-fers the most reliable archeological data and analysis from the excavation at Telarmachay Cave (Wheeler, 1988, 2000). According to her, domestication occurred between 4000 and 3500 BC in the Junin basin of the central plateau of Peru. She points out two major pieces of evidence. One is the appearance of a new type of incisors, of the same type as the alpaca’s. The other is a sudden increase in the rate of newborn camelids such that they represent more than 50% of all fragments of bones of camelids. It is not possible for hunters to kill such a high rate of newborn animals. It can be explained only by the gathering of animals, which causes sickness to newborn animals, because in the wet season the ground of the corral gets muddy with the mixture of dung and there is a risk of pollu-tion with contagious bacteria. The wet season is the time when offspring and newborns have a high mortality rate.

The actual herders have tried to reduce the mortal-ity. This is the reason pastoralists in Puica practice

small scale seasonal movement within the territory of each family and why there are many corrals for rota-tion at the sub-domicile, as I have explained.

Regarding vicuñas, they form groups of two types (Pérez, 1994: 41). One is the ‘family’ group which is composed of a dominant male and a few females with their kids (Fig. 17). The average number of members of a family group is 5.3. Each ‘family’ group has its own fixed territory, which has an area of 8 to 40 hec-tares according to the size of the group. The other type is groups of young males which move about without their own territory (Fig. 18).

Recent studies of genetic analyses of Andean camelids conclude that there is a close relationship between the guanaco and llama, and also between the vicuña and alpaca (Kadwell et al., 2001; Kawamoto et al., 2004, 2005). These support the idea of sedenta-rism of Andean pastoralism of alpacas, because of the existence of fixed territories of vicuñas. As I discussed, the sedentary nature of Andean pastoralism can be explained by the ecological condition of the Central Andes and also the characteristics of the vicuña, the probable ancestral animal of alpaca (Fig. 16).

An archeological study has indicated the existence of sedentary hunters of wild camelids (Rick, 1988). According to this study, one band composed of 25 persons could be supported within the limits of a cir-cle of 9 km in diameter. Ancient ruins of traps for en-closed hunting have been found in some places in the Andes (Fig. 19) (Aguilar, 1988:59-65).

Nowadays each community of Andean indigenous people has an exclusive legal right of access to vicuñas on their land. Because ‘family’ groups of vicuñas have a fixed territory, theoretically particular groups of vicuñas could be in the possession of particular groups of hunters. In this way, the chacu contradicts the triangular model of Ingold, who says:

“The first social opposition serves to differentiate the hunting economy from both pastoralism and ranching. It is between contradictory rationalities of sharing and accumulation, predicated respectively on the principles of collective and divided access to the means of subsistence. In the hunting economy, ani-mals belong to no one, and therefore every one has a

Fig. 17 Family group of vicuñas. Fig. 18 Group of young male vicuñas.

Chacu Collective Hunting of Camelids and Pastoralism in the Peruvian Andes 47

right to their meat. In pastoral and ranch economies, animals on the hoof constitute private property over which the owner has an exclusive right of disposal.”

Because of such fixed territories, people can prac-tice the capture of vicuñas very easily, currently using fences made of nylon net. Now in Pampa Galeras they are also installing a permanent net fence to secure game, preventing vicuñas from leaving the territory of their community.

The chacu and the net fence cause us to consider the possibility of enclosing wild camelids after the collective hunting of the chacu, which could be the first step in domestication. Such an idea of exclusive access to wild animals might be also an important step toward domestication. Notes 1) See the map in my previous article (Inamura, 2002: 89). 2) I discussed this theme in my previous article (Inamura,

2002). Some types of pastoral movement may exist in the Central Andes, but we should pay attention to the differences between the cases in the Andes and those in the Himalayas (Fürer-Haimendorf, 1964; Brower, 1991; Inamura, 2002). I do not deny the possibility of seasonal pastoral movement in the Central Andes, as I have discussed in relation to the small scale of movement in Puica’s case. I characterize the pastoralism in the Central Andes basically as sedentary, because ecologically it is possible to keep the livestock within a limited area in the plateau or valley heads stably throughout the year (Inamura, 1995, 2002).

3) As for seasonal movement in the Andes, some researchers have suggested pastoral transhumance (Custred, 1977: 68; Flores, 1975:7-8; Orlove, 1977a: 84, 1977b: 92, Palacios 1981: 224-228). However, there are no detailed case studies reporting on this. The result of my research showed that there was no evidence of a clear type of pastoral

transhumance in the Central Andes as in the Himalayas, except for the movement of llama caravans involved in transporting and trading.

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(Received 9 May 2006, Accepted 15 June 2006)