Revista Canadiense de Estudios Hispánicos

Neologisms in the "Carta de don Enrique de Villena al Deán y Cabildo de Cuenca"Author(s): DEREK C. CARRReviewed work(s):Source: Revista Canadiense de Estudios Hispánicos, Vol. 17, No. 3 (Primavera 1993), pp. 537-548Published by: Revista Canadiense de Estudios HispánicosStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27763050 .Accessed: 22/07/2012 23:23

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NOTAS

Neologisms in the "Carta de don

Enrique de Villena al Dean y Cabildo de Cuenca"*

DEREK C. CARR

When Fernando de Antequera took possession of his new kingdom, after his election as king of Aragon in the "Compromiso de Caspe" (1412), his cousin

Enrique de Villena went with him. He appeared frequently at Fernando's side in affairs of state until the final weeks of the king's life, by which time

Villena's administrative incompetence, as well as shifting political fortunes, made his presence less relevant and desirable (C?tedra 1989: 130-35). Villena's subsequent relations with Fernando's successor, Alfonso el

Magn?nimo, were at best restrained, and mostly strained. Thus, with Fernando's death on April 2nd, 1416, Villena was left without any significant royal favour or protection in the Kingdom of Aragon. He removed himself

briefly to Valencia where he completed Los dotze treballs de H?rcules, a work which he subsequently translated into Castilian.1 Apologizing in the "Conclusi?n del tratado" for the time constraints which had prevented him from following his original design for a grandiose project of 185 chapters, he informs us that "avia de estar poco en valen?ia e dende entendia tomar mi camino para castilla e t?nia liados mis libros que para ello oviera menester"

(ed. Morreale 140).

By the autumn of 1417, Enrique de Villena was in Cuenca where he became immediately involved as arbiter in the gang warfare between the factions of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza (his brother-in-law), and Lope V?zquez de Acufia. These disturbances of the peace emanated chiefly from

differing interpretations of the "ordenanzas," or municipal statutes, which Fernando de Antequera had bestowed upon the city in 1411, and in whose formulation Villena may well have participated (C?tedra 1985: 59-63; Brown and Carr 503-15).

To all intents and purposes, Villena used Cuenca as his home-base for the remainder of his life. He did not reside in the city itself, however, but divided his time between his wife's estates in Torralba (a "villa" in the "serrania de

Cuenca," to the north-west of the city), and Iniesta (whose "seftorio" he held in his own right), situated on the northern edge of the plains of La Mancha, to the south-east of Cuenca. In these "villas," somewhat removed from public

538

life (especially after his intervention against Alvaro de Luna in 1420,

following the unsuccesssful "golpe de Tordesillas"), Villena spent the rest of his days contemplating "the slings and arrows of outrageous Fortune," and

other ironies of existence that - in his opinion - life and kings had served

him. Stripped of his position as Master of Calatrava, rejected and even

branded as a traitor by the Crown of Aragon, regarded still with suspicion by the Crown of Castile, and virtually exiled in the province of Cuenca, Villena could deploy no other arms but letters in his attempts to recover the social position and political influence that he considered his natural

birthright (C?tedra 1989: 134, and especially note 24). Thus, the townships of Torralba and Iniesta derive their more-or-less sole claim to fame from the fact that in them Villena produced almost all the literary works that can be ascribed to him with certainty.

In addition to his principal literary output, a number of Villena's letters survive from this period. Most of them take the form of a correspondence between Don Enrique and the "concejo" of Cuenca concerning the illegal activities of Villena's vassals from Torralba on the common lands held by the

city in the "serrania." These encroachments "a labrar e ro?ar" on city-owned land led to the formal survey and marking of the precise boundaries of

Villenas Torralba estates. The relevant documents, including "cartas misivas

y recebidas," are transcribed verbatim in the minutes of the council meetings for the period 1417-1423 (Brown and Carr 510-14). The Chapter Archives of the Cathedral of Cuenca also contain an interesting document listed somewhat imprecisely as "Carta de don Enrique de Villena al de?n y Cabildo sobre asuntos economicos" in Clementino Sanz y Diaz's Resena cronol?gica de algunos documentos conservados en el archive* de la catedral de Cuenca, art.

671, p. 75. Villena's letter to the Dean and Chapter of Cuenca is dated "jx? kalendas

junij," 1427. It occupies one full side of a large sheet of heavy paper which has been folded in four. On the outside, a small flap of thinner paper has been pasted. It bears the legend, in a fifteenth-century hand: "Al reverente dean e venerable cabildo de la iglesia de Cuenca." A more recent hand has written below it: "Carta de d. Enrique de Villena al Cabildo sobre nego?ios." In 1985, the letter bore the inventory number 887, though in some previous stock-taking it had been No. 802. I reproduce the text in full in the

Appendix.2 The contents of the letter turn out to be more than simple "negocios" or

"asuntos economicos." In it Don Enrique de Villena intercedes with the Dean and Chapter of Cuenca on behalf of his vassals who had been excommuni cated for defaulting in their payment of tithes. Villena bases his defence on two matters of legal procedure. He claims, first of all, that royal decree takes

precedence in such cases over canon law ("los defendimientos reales que expresamente han ynibido al layco pueblo que a la censura eclesiastica non

539

se obliguen" [lines 10-12 of the transcription]). He also points out [lines 23

28] that, due to the irregularity of the couriers, the threat of excommunica tion was delivered on the very same day as the excommunication itself,

thereby depriving his vassals of the appropriate period of grace in which to make the necessary financial arrangements for avoiding the ultimate censure. In addition to these legal points, the "petitio" of the letter contains a strong plea to the Dean and Chapter for the exercising of Christian charity in their

prosecution of the case [lines 47-65]. The response of the Dean and Chapter has not been preserved, and hence the outcome of Villena's intervention is unknown. Indeed, the interesting elements of this letter are not so much the

legal matters with which it deals, but the more literary and linguistic issues of its structure and language, and it is these that I wish to address in the remainder of this note.

As is the case with many of Villena's public epistolary utterances, the letter to the Dean and Chapter of Cuenca is written in his "high style," a mode

which combines strict adherence to the formal structures enuntiated in the "artes dictaminis" with the ornate linguistic verbosity advocated by the "dictatores" for communications directed towards those in positions of

authority.31 shall deal briefly with the structure of the letter, then turn to the lexical items.

The letter begins with a full, formal tripartite protocol or prescript: 1)

"inscriptio" (the name and attributes of the addressee) [line 1]: "Reuerente dean e venerable cabildo de la iglesia de Cuenca;" 2) "intitulatio" (the name

and attributes of the sender) [lines 1-2]: "Yo, don Enrrique de Villena, tio de nuestro seflor el rey e vno de los del su consejo;" 3) "salutatio" (the initial

greeting) [lines 2-3]: "vos envio mucho saludar," which here flows immedi

ately into the "captatio benevolentiae" [lines 3-4]: "como aquellos por cuya

contenpla?ion faria las cosas en vuestra pa?ibilidat honesta e hutilidat fructuosa reduzibles." There is no "exordium," though, as Carol Copenhagen has pointed out in "The Exordium or Captatio Benevolentie in Fifteenth

Century Spanish Letters" (1985: 200), the omission of the "exordium" is in itself a rhetorical device whereby the writer, by embarking immediately upon the "narratio," imparts to the letter a greater sense of urgency. In Villena's

letter, there is an extensive "narratio" of the case in hand, beginning on line 5: "en los pasados dias ove ynforma?ion quantos e quales de mis vasallos e

subditos se ynnodaran obligatiuamente a la solu?ion de los refectoriales

emolumentos a vuestra capitular mesa pertenes?ientes ..." The "narratio" continues as far as line 47, where the eloquent "petitio" begins: "por ende, vuestras discre?iones, con humanidat tractable en el peso de rrazon

consideren sy es de fazer exsecu?ion en los tenporales bienes por laycal ?ensura a los que por sy, en sy mesmos, e en sus propias sustan?ias fazen

execu?ion de fecho ..." Ever the formalist, Villena imparts to his "conclusio" the appropriate rhetorical flourish in the form of a "saludo final o despedida"

540

which contains nothing directly related to the contents of the letter

(Copenhagen 1986: 214) [lines 70-73]: "... segund ofre?ido tengo a vuestra

congrega?ion, el bien de la quai la deydat tras?endente conserue et aucmente, cubicando de virtud en virtudes en la excuba?ion de su basilica por que, transmigrados de la mundana noche al ?elifico dia, fruyendo su beatifica

vision, podays pervenir." The entire missive is then brought to a close with a final protocol or, more correctly, eschatocol, in Latin, perhaps to give it a

greater air of authority [lines 73-74]: "Datum apud villam meam de Ginesta

jx? kalendas junij anno xxvif," followed by the autograph signature of the

author, "don enrrique," as a confirmation of authenticity. In the space of one folio side, Villena's letter to the Dean and Chapter of

Cuenca provides the first precisely dated documentation in Castilian of fifty four lexical items, several of which are almost certainly cases of "hapax legomenon." I list them here in alphabetical order (the line numbers refer to the transcription provided in the Appendix), followed by details of the first documentation found in J. Corominas and J. A. Pascual, Diccionario cr?tico

etimol?gico castellano e hisp?nico [DCECH] or, where relevant, the Diccionario hist?rico de la lengua espanola [DHLE], Alcover's Diccionari catal?-valenci? balear [DCVB], Coroutines' Diccionari etimol?gic i complementari de la

llengua catalana [DECLC], and Jean Gilkison Mackenzie's A Lexicon of the

14th-Century Aragonese Manuscripts of Juan Fern?ndez de Heredia [JFH] provide suggestive evidence - though hardly unexpected

- for the Catalan

Aragonese provenance of much of Villena's terminology.4

1) ABDICANDOLES [26] - 1st precisely dated occurrence of "abdicar" in

the sense of "privar, revocar, quitar." Also recorded in the Tratado de la consolaci?n (c. 1422-24) where it is identified as the sole documenta tion in the 15th century by the DHLE, which remarks that "es voz

antigua usada en Aragon." 2) AGREGADO [47]

- 1st doc. in the sense of "acumulado." "Agregar" is recorded in the sense of "anadir, incorporar" in Villena's Arte cisoria

(1423), beginning of Chapter II: "Por quela arte de cortar fue jntrodu zida e al num?ro delas otras artes agregada;" also in the Prohemio to the translation of the Aeneid (1427-28): "aquel man?ebo mantuano a

quien feciste restituyr lo suyo e res?ebiste por inter?esion mia en tu

sagrado pala?io, al n?mero de tus famili?res aqu?l agregando" (ed. C?tedra 1: 22, lines 170-73).

3) ALTERNADAS [57] - 1st precisely dated occurrence; 1st doc. of

"alternado" by DHLE in Book VI of Villena's translation of the Aeneid

(1427-28). 4) ANXIATIVA [31] - Not listed in DCECH 5) APERITIVAS [57]

- 1st doc. in Laguna, 1515 [DCECH].

541

6) ARDUAS [69] - 1st doc. in Diaz de G?mez, 1431-50 [DCECH]; doc.

in JFH; "arduu" doc. in Catalan 1387 [DECLC], "?rduo" 1445

[DCVB]. I note that a contemporary reader (possibly Santillana) of the

anonymous 15th-century translation of Pierre Ber?uire's Ovidius moralizatus (Madrid, B.N. Ms. 10144, c. 1435) has marked "arduas" with a marginal note as being a lexical item worthy of attention. AROGANTE [35]

- 1st doc. in Pulgar [DCECH]; "arrogant" in JFH. BASILICA [72]

- 1st doc. in APal., 1490 [DCECH]; doc. in JFH. CAPITULAR [7]

- 1st doc. in Crimea de Alvaro de Luna, c. 1440

[DCECH]. CENSURA [12]

- 1st doc. in 1471 [DCECH]; doc. in JFH CONPLECTORIAS [44]

- 1st doc. in Diccionario de Autoridades

[DCECH]. CORRUSCASTES [20]

- "Corruscar" 1st doc. in Diccionario de la

AcademiOy 1884 [DCECH]; in the sense of "falminar" it is common in medieval sermons in Catalan [DECLC], CRUCIATIVA [31] - Not listed in DCECH. DEYDAT [71]

- 1st doc. in Juan de Mena [DCECH]; doc. in JFH; "deytat" in Llull [DECLC]. DISCURSO [43]

- 1st doc. as past participle. DISPENDIO [30]

- 1st doc. in Covarrubias [DCECH]; "dispendi" doc. in Catalan 1383 [DECLC]. EGECCION [22]

- Not listed in DCECH; "ejecci?" doc. in Catalan in 13th cent. [DCVB]. ESPECTACION [17]

- 1st doc. in Aldana, 2nd half of 16th century [DCECH]; doc. in JFH.

EXCUBACION [72] - Not listed in DCECH; z probable "hapax," from

Lat. EXCUBATIO ("vigilance, watch-tower"), very rare in classical Latin.

EXPELLIDOS [54] - 1st doc. of "expeler" in A. de la Torre, c. 1440;

"expelir" in APal., 1490 [DCECH]; "expeler" in JFH; "expellits" doc. in Catalan 1305 [DCVB]. FACTIBILIDAT [40]

- Not listed in DCECH; undated doc. in Catalan

[DCVB & DECLC]. FEDADOS [35]

- From Lat. FOEDATUM ("tainted, besmirched;

disgraced"). Not listed in DCECH; "fedar" doc. in Eiximenis [DCVB], FLAMINIERAS [21]

- Not listed in DCECH, this exotic "hapax" is almost certainly a neologism of Villena's, an adjective deriving from Lat. FLAMEN ("priest"), and hence meaning "sacerdotales." Villena

may also have in mind the neuter FLAMEN ("blast, blowing"), thereby linking the word semantically with "fulminar" and "corruscar," as well as the medieval meaning of FLAMEN as "vexilla Ecclesiarum." He

542

explicates FLAMEN, and its derivatives FLAMINIO, ARCHIFLAMINIO

in his gloss on Colcax [Calchas] in Aeneid II (ed. C?tedra 2: 61-63).

24) FRUYENDO [73] - From "fruir" ("to enjoy"), 1st doc. in Juan de

Mena [DCECH]; doc. in Catalan in Llull [DECLC].

25) FULMINASTES [18] - 1st doc. in A. de la Torre, c. 1440; also found

in Santillana [DCECH], 26) GREMIO [54] - 1st doc. in 1499 [DCECH]. 27) MEREDIANO [42]

- 1st doc. in Alvar Gomez, c. 1525 [DCECH]; "meridiano" in JFH; "meridi?" doc. in Catalan 1st quarter of 14th cent.

[DECLC]. 28) MINUYCION [30]

- Not listed in DCECH; a probable "hapax." 29) MOLESTACION [30] - Not listed in DCECH; doc. in JFH, and in

Catalan in 1391 [DCVB]. 30) OBLIGACION [9]

- 1st doc. in APal, 1490 [DCECH]; doc. in JFH, and in Catalan in Llull [DCVB].

31) PACIBILIDAT [4] - Not listed in DCECH; a probable "hapax."

32) PACTIZADA [16] - Not listed in DCECH; found in Glosas a la Eneida: "por haber pactizado con los adversarios e fecho de aqu?llos

amigo" (ed. C?tedra 2: 190, lines 492-93). "Pactitzar" doc. in Catalan

in 15th cent. [DCVB]. 33) PERVENIR [73]

- Not listed in DCECH; doc. in JFH, and in Catalan

in Llull [DCVB]. 34) PORROGACION [15]

- 1st doc. in A. de Morales, c. 1575 [DCECH];

"prorrogacio" doc. in Catalan in 14th cent. [DCVB]. 35) PREFIXOS [10]

- 1st doc. in Fernando de Herrera, 1580 [DCECH]. 36) PRELIBADO [60]

- Not listed in DCECH; a probable "hapax" in

Castilian, this medieval latinism is used here in the sense of "ya mencionado." In its original sense it is found in Catalan in Ferrers

translation of the Divine Comedy (Par. X, 23) [DCVB]. 37) REBELION [35]

- 1st doc. in A. de la Torre, c. 1440 [DCECH]; doc.

in JFH, and in Catalan c. 1400 [DECLC]. 38) REFECTORIALES [7] - Not listed in DCECH. 39) RESIDUO [32] - 1st doc. in Nebrija [DCECH]; doc. in JFH. 40) REUERENTE [ 1 ]

- 1st doc. in Santillana [DCECH]; "reuerent" in JFH, and in Catalan in Eiximenis [DECLC].

41) SANCIDAS [37] - Not listed in DCECH; a probable "hapax" in

Castilian, from Lat. SANCIRE ("to sanction, authorize"); "sancir" doc.

in Catalan c. 1350.

42) SOLAR [45] -

Adjective, 1st doc. in Santillana and Mena [DCECH]; also found in Glosas a la Eneida (ed. C?tedra 1: 43, line 703). Doc. in

Catalan in 14th cent. [DCVB]. 43) TRANSMIGRADOS [72]

- 1st doc. in Mena's translation of the Iliad

[DCECH].

543

44) VENERABLE [1] - 1st doc. in Santillana [DCECH]; doc. in JFH> and

in Catalan in Metge (1388) [DECLC]. 45) VESPERIALES [44]

? Not listed in DCECH; a probable "hapax." 46) VILIPENSORES [35]

- Not listed in DCECH; a probable "hapax." 47) VINCULADOS [52]

- 1st doc. in P?rez de Guzman [DCECH]; "uinculo" in JFH; "vinclar" in Catalan c. 1350 [DECLC].

48) YNIBIDO [11] - 1st doc. of "inhibir" in Castillo Bobadilla, 1597

[DCECH]; doc. in Catalan 1344 [DECLC]. 49) YNJUNCTO [61]

- Not listed in DCECH; a probable "hapax" in

Castilian, from Lat. INJUNCTUS, perf. participle of INJUNGERE ("to

enjoin, order"); "injungir" doc. in Catalan 1347 [DCVB]. 50) YNNODARAN [6]

- Not listed in DCECH; a probable "hapax," from Lat. INNODARE ("to involve, implicate").

51) YNTERVALO [21] - 1st doc. in A. de Morales, 1575; "entrevalo" in

Nebrija [DCECH]; "interuallo" in JFH; "intervall" doc. in Catalan

1405, also "entrevall" and "entravall" in 14th cent. [DCVB]. 52) YNOBEDIENCIA [35]

- Not listed in DCECH; doc. in JFHy and in Catalan in Llull, Antoni Canals, St. Vincent Ferrer [DCVB],

53) YNPEDIDOS [25] - 1st doc. in APal., 1490 [DCECH]; "impedit" doc.

in Eiximenis [DCVB]. 54) YNVENTIVAS [57]

- 1st doc. at end of 15th century, according to

Autoridades [DCECH]; the substantive "inventiva" is found in Villena's Tratado de la consolaci?n (c. 1422-24); doc. in Catalan in 15th cent.

[DCVB 8c DECLC].

It is legitimate to ask why Villena includes so much "cultismo" and coinage of new words in one single letter. A perusal of his works -

including his other surviving letters

- suggests an answer. Whenever Don Enrique wishes

to make a public impression over matters that visibly concern him, be it his

personal pride, his social and economic position, or the image of "sabio" that he liked to project, he habitually has recourse to the "stilus artifex" and the

rigid formalism of the old "dictatores," even when such rigidity is no longer the norm (Copenhagen 1984: 261, note 2). If the letter-writing of the

fifteenth century indeed "provides... abundant evidence of change and stasis"

(Copenhagen 1986: 200), then Villena must be counted as a particularly self

conscious example of the latter. This is nowhere more evident than in the letter under consideration here, in which it is quite clear that Villena is

following either epistolary models composed according to the precepts of the

"dictatores," or the model letters included as examples in the "artes

dictaminis." Terminology such as "los refectoriales emolumentos a vuestra

capitular mesa pertenes?ientes;" "vuestras discre?iones" (a form of address);

"dispendio;" "ynnodar;" "porroga?ion," is standard fare in Latin letters

dealing with tithes, taxes, anathemas and general supplication to Church

544

authorities. Villena is thus appropriating to the vernacular the suasive discourse of medieval Latin epistolary communication in ecclesiastical

litigation. The fact that Villena communicates with the Dean and Chapter of Cuenca

in the vernacular - albeit a highly latinized form of it - rather than Latin itself suggests the possibility that his letter was intended to circulate among a somewhat wider audience to serve as a model of its type. In the same way, his Tratado de la consolaci?n was composed

- at least in part - as an

exemplar of epideictic "topoi," and the "dedicatoria" to the translation of the Aeneid was made to serve as a model for a letter "ad maiorem," as the Glosas make abundantly clear (ed. C?tedra 1: 8). All this is part and parcel of Villena's proposals for cultural and political reform based on the notion of

eloquence as a civic virtue, a notion very much on his mind in 1427 when he was working on his translations of the Aeneid, the sine qua non of classical

eloquence in action; the Rhetorica ad Herennium, a model - for Villena - of classical precept; and Dante's Divina commedia, the high point of medieval

"vulgar" eloquence.5 Like so many of Don Enrique's endeavours, this

program for cultural renewal was doomed to failure, thanks in grand measure - and paradoxically

- to the very elements that make him so

fascinating as a writer: that retrospective and erudite quality of medieval

latinity, firmly anchored in formal rhetoric; that "leche retorical" (to use his own term), which also included Aragonese and Valencian "prosa de

cancilleria," imbibed during his formative years in his grandfather's castle in Gandia (in the company of Fray Francisco Eiximenis, among others) and in the court in Barcelona; a "leche" from which he never succeeded in weaning himself, if indeed he ever wished to.6 Thus, his models for the future proceed very much from a past that is already pass?; even in the second quarter of the fifteenth century, he continued to advocate the perpetuation of a praxis that the fourteenth century had begun to discard.

The University of British Columbia

APPENDIX

Letter from Enrique de Villena to the Dean and Chapter of Cuenca (Abbreviations resolved; punctuation and capitals added)

Reuerente dean e venerable cabildo de la iglesia de Cuenca: Yo, don Enrrique de Villena, tio de nuestro sen or el rey e vno de los del su consejo, vos enbio

mucho saludar corao aquellos por cuya contenpla?ion faria las cosas en vuestra

pa?ibilidat honesta e hutiljdat fructuosa reduzibles, signjficando despues que ya 5 con vuestro mensajero escrcuj, en los pasados dias oue ynforma?ion quantos e

quales de mjs vasallos e subditos se ynnodaran obligatiuamente a la solu?ion de

545

los refectoriales emolumentos a vuestra capitular mesa pertenes?ientes, et sy por Perseual Martines como prin?ipal arrendador en pre?io determjnado la renta

dello res?ibiese, e otros como fiadores suyos por comun obliga?ion con el fuesen

10 hunjdos a termjnos prefixos, sometiendose al rrigor eclesiastico contra los defendimjentos reaies que expresamente han ynjbido al layco pueblo que a la ?ensura eclesiastica non se obliguen, e a los reales escriuanos que tales non

res?iban contractos. E allegandose el termjno de la primera e fazedera paga, fueles dada fiyuza por algunos amjgos suyos, desa ?ibdat vezjnos, les obtendrian

15 de vuestra venerable grey capitular porroga?ion espectatiua de algund mas tienpo por que mas sin lision de sus faziendas pudiesen soluer la debda pactizada segund sus obedientes deseauan voluntades. E pen diente la breue especta?ion

con?ebida, fulmjnastes vuestras denun?iatorias cartas contra ellos syn otra

muni?ion pre?edente que por acto espe?ifico se demuestre. E antes que sobresto

20 pudiesen rrequerir, vos, recorriendo a vuestros justificados remedios, corruscastes

las flamjnieras de parti?ipantes contra ellos letras e, poco yntervalo fecho, las de

anatema, con egec?ion deste pueblo al tienpo que los diujnales ?elebrasen offi?ios. E avn se dize que por vn mensajero e de vn camjno vinjeron las

memoradas cartas, maguer en diuersos dias publicadas fuesen, e por esta rrazon

25 afirman fueron ynpedidos a la solu?ion por ellos deseada, non aujendo con quien

njn a quien vendiesen de sus faziendas, abdicandoles la parti?ipa?ion que en la

comunjca?ion de las cosas es ne?esaria, njn pudieron cobrar ?iertas e a ellos

justificadamente debdas pertenes?ientes por non los oyr en el tribunal juyzio. Con todo eso, fueron a otras partes desenparando sus propias casas e la cultura

30 de sus heredades, en gran dispendio e mjnuy?ion de sus faziendas e molesta?ion anxiatiua de sus personas, vendiendo por pre?ios desiguales con la cruciatiua

quexa. E tienen ya ?ierta partida para fazer pago, e por lo residuo buscan de cada

dia quanto las leyes de posybiljdat consienten como ante de los postrimeros

termjnos acaben la fazedera paga. Et non creen ante Dios ser maculados de

35 ynobedien?ia njn fedados de rebelion arogante, njn se tienen por vilipensores de los eclesiasticos mandamjentos, pues que con todas sus fuer?as se disponen a

conpljr lo a ellos man dado, avn que las piadosas reglas canonjcamente san?idas non les ayan seydo guardadas con desaforado pro?eso, enpachandoles por vna

parte lo que les mandauan fazer por otra, jnplicando contradi?ion en la

40 factibiljdat eujdente. E avn dizen que por ellos njn por su presen?ia non fue

detenjdo el diujnal of??io, sallendo luego quando les mandauan de todo el pueblo pr?sente, e a el non tornando fasta que el sol al merediano ?irculo juncto fuese,

quando creyan asaz espa?io discurso despues del conpljmjento de las canonjcas oras. E eso mesmo en la tarde, por que las vesperiales e conplectorias

45 solepnjdades se conpliesen, non tornando a sus abita?iones fasta que el solar rayo

el abitable [e]mjsperio desanparase, e sy no, que dubdan que les no re?ibirades parte de paga, luego vos lleuarian eso que agregado tienen. Por ende, vuestras

discre?iones, con humanjdat tractable en el peso de rrazon consideren sy es de

fazer exsecu?ion en los tenporales bienes por laycal ?ensura a los que por sy, en

50 sy mesmos, e en sus propias sustan?ias fazen execu?ion de fecho, non esperados

termjnos juridicos njn en publicas almonedas queriendo pre?ios razonables con

ferujdo deseo de salljr del liberynto en que son vjnculados, con fiel temor que

durante la tenporal diligen?ia non consuman el curso de la vida del eclesiastico

546

expellidos gremjo, fuera del qual salud no es fallada. E por que se pueda fallar 55 algund medio a la rrazon e al derecho conforme, enbio vos con la pr?sente a

Alfonso Rodrigues de Fes, mj recabdador, que destas cosas mas llenamente vos

podra ynformar por alternadas locu?iones aperitiuas de toda dubda e ynuentivas de los expedientes, el quai vos plega oyr e con aquel desta materia comunjcar, buscando tal via que el derecho e proujsion dese venerable cabildo se guarde, e

60 a estos vasallos mjos asy obligados, como es prelibado, se de posible via a conplir lo a ell os ynjuncto, pues que non mali?iosamente njn peruersa, segund a

entender vos fue dado, non cunplieron al tienpo definjdo la solu?ion conuenjda. Et vsareys de aquella piedat que se predica de la eclesiastica madr?, e sereys conformes a las ynten?iones de los primeras e fundadores padres de vuestra

65 ?ensura, e avn la via juridica art[^ ... ?]ua no podra mas breues termjnos traer.

E de lo que con el dicho Alfonso Rodrigues concluyeredes, vos plega de me

resceujr con fiyuza, que la parte por vos otros elegida e aujda por conuenjble e

mejor yo man dare tener e segujr a los dich os mjs subditos por vos conplazer e

vuestros derechos conseruar, por cuya manuten?ion mas arduas faria cosas

70 segund ofre?ido tengo a vuestra congrega?ion venerable, el bien de la quai la

deydat tras?en dente conserue et aucmente, cubicando de virtud en virtudes en

la excuba?ion de su basilica por que, transmjgrados de la mundana noche al

?elifico dia, fruyendo su beatifica vision, podays pervenjr. Datum apud villam meam de Ginesta jx? kalendas junij anno xxvij?. Don Enrrique.

NOTES TO APPENDIX

Line 8 Perseual. The name seems to have been altered from Pascual The present reading was retained in consultation with Miguel Jim?nez Monteserin, Municipal Archivist of

Cuenca, who informed me that the name "Perseual Martines" appears frequently in other documents of the period.

Line 65 art[i... ?]ua. The word - obviously an adjective referring to "la via juridica"

- has been partly obliterated by the effects of humidity.

NOTES

* This article is a revised version of a paper read at the IV Colloquium on XVc Literature,

Queen Mary and Westfield College, University of London, 4 July 1992.

1 There are no known manuscripts of Los dotze treballs. The sole surviving printed copy of the Catalan version (1514) still surfers from restricted access, but is being edited by Pedro C?tedra together with a new critical edition of the Castilian text. On the

problem of dating Los dotze treballs and Los doze trabajosy see C?tedra 1989: 134-37.

2 I take the opportunity of correcting some typographical errors which appeared in the first printing of this letter in El Crotal?n 2: 514-15. I have also introduced some

changes in punctuation to better reflect the sense of the text.

3 Abundant examples in Buoncompagno de Bologna, Rhetorica antiqua; Hugo de

Bologna, Rationes dictandi prosaice; Guido Faba, Dictamina rhetorica; Epistolaey and Summa dictaminis; Thomas of Capua, Ars dictandi.

547

4 I wish to express my thanks to Prof. Ignacio Soldevila for his helpful comments

concerning Items 1), 2) and 3), and to Prof. David Mackenzie for suggesting the

possibility of Aragonese precursors in the works of Juan Fernandez de Heredia.

5 The most complete discussion of Villena's poetics is to be found in Julian Weiss, The

Poet's Art: Literary Theory in Castile c. 1400-60, 55-97; 143-51. On Villena's reforming zeal, see also Ottavio Di Camillo, El humanismo castellano del sigh XV, 101-03; R. G.

Keightley, "Enrique de Villena's Doze trabajos de Hercules: A Reappraisal," 49-68; Derek C. Carr, "P?rez de Guzman and Villena: A Polemic on Historiography?" 57-70.

6 "Leche llamo a la doctrina de la rectorica porque es dul?e como la l?che e mas se

deleyta en ella el entendimiento quel gusto en lo dul?e; e aun porque se deve aprender en la tierna hedat, porque es mas f??il que la poesia, a cuyo respecto ?sta l?che puede ser dicha" (Glosas a la Eneida, ed. C?tedra 1: 56). On Villena's "tierna hedat" in

Valencia, see Carr and C?tedra 1983: 293-99; and C?tedra 1982: 75-79.

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