Upload
others
View
1
Download
0
Embed Size (px)
Citation preview
CAN’T ONE PUT NEW WINE INTO OLD BOTTLES?
Comparing 23 Global Intergovernmental Organizations (GIGOs)
on the Grounds of Robert Dahl’s Political Theory1
Dr. DawissonBelém Lopes
Professor of International Politics at UFMG – Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Brazil
Visiting Researcher at GIGA – German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Germany (July-August 2013)
Abstract:In a world partially ruled by states, and still devoid of democratic global governance, how to
make political relations among states more pluralistic in their nature? In this paper, we assume Global
Intergovernmental Organizations (henceforth, GIGOs) to function as 'enablers' of inter-state liberal
politics by way of their multilateral institutional frameworks. To make the point, we recall this classic
concept of 'polyarchy' coined in the early 1950s by Robert Dahl. According to Dahl, polyarchy should be
understood as an aspect of democratic phenomena rather than as 'democracy itself.' That is to say,
polyarchy is a bi-dimensional theoretical construct applicable to measure the levels of liberalization in
political societies. It follows that the more actors take part in politics, and the more institutions allow
political opposition, the opener a society (of states) will possibly be. In so being, we want to assess and
rate the level of ‘polyarchization’ of 23 GIGOs which cover varied issue-areas and seize eligibility criteria
(e.g., to gather more than 100 member-states from at least 3 different continents). As for methodology,
a scorecard has been specially developed to help achieving our research objectives in full.
INTRODUCTION
From the late 1970s on, worldviews supported by the premise of ‘systemic anarchy’
have become commonplace in academic reflections on international politics (Bull
1977; Waltz 1979; Keohane 1984; Wendt 1996). The premise of systemic (or structural)
anarchy implies the recognition that in an environment where sovereign states
embody supreme authority over the limits of their respective territories, there can be
no world government. It is a logical corollary to the modern principle of equality
among nations. So if there is not an instance of power above or beyond states, there
would prevail(structural) anarchy. Thus it is up to each state to produce its own
jurisdiction and the legitimate use of force within its borders.
This modern international system (also called 'Westphalian') is extensively based on
the notion of territorial sovereignty and the horizontal relationship among states (as
opposed to the ‘vertical’ relation seen at the domestic level, between the ruler and the
1 This working paper is a by-product of the ‘Contested World Orders’ project, which has been conducted under the
auspices of the German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA) since 2013 until now. I am thankful to GIGA for
partly financing this research enterprise. I also take the opportunity to express my gratitude to João Paulo Oliveira,
Clara Silberschneider, Nikolas Passos, and Patricia Springer for their valuable research assistance over the years.
ruled). Martin Wight (1966) even claimed once that what one identified as
‘international politics’ should actually be termed ‘diplomatics’, since there was no
public space in the world dedicated to sovereign nations, but only interactions, on a
more or less regular basis, between their diplomatic corps (or armed forces, when
diplomacy failed). Kenneth Waltz (1979) postulated that the modern international
system was not the result of deliberate policy choices, but rather a delicate balance
reached among states by launching themselves in efforts for national survival and
constraining each other into some compromise. Hence the origins of the dynamic
realists have named the ‘balance of power’ (Paul etalii 2004).
This mechanistic and sovereigntist perspective was nuanced over the years, along with
profound reconfigurations in the field of international studies. Although there has not
been acknowledged so far any actor to overpower the modern nation-state, we can
already identify some loci of authority that compete with the ‘territorial sovereignty’
paradigm, injecting new political contents and interfering with the course of
international relations. Authors have been using the term ‘governance without
government’ (Rosenau and Czempiel 1992, Young 1999) to describe the fluidity of
political authority in the contemporary world. As for government, they usually refer to
the activities supported by formal authorities, i.e. the police power that ensures the
implementation of duly established policies. For governance it is meant those activities
underpinned by shared goals that may or may not derive from legal responsibilities
and not necessarily rely on police power that be put into practice. According to James
Rosenau and Ernst-Otto Czempiel (1992), governance is broader a concept than
government, as the former is not limited to the latter.
Noting the fragmentation and multiplicity of relations of political authority in
contemporary politics, Rodney Hall and Thomas Biersteker (2002) developed the
concept of ‘private authority’. If it is correct that the term ‘political authority’ was
linkedthrough the course of modernity to the management of public affairs, the
authors realized that, more recently, some private entities have come to project
authority and influence a growing number of international issues. Actors from the
private sector are not important only for the international economy anymore, they
have also become of critical relevance in matters concerning multiple areas of systemic
governance. These agents have been involved in the establishment of social norms,
provision of welfare, safeguarding of contracts, peace keeping, bioethics, among
others. Not coincidentally, Hall and Biersteker (2002) pointed out the emergence of
private authority as an unequivocal sign of global governance. Even though private
authority almost never exceeds the authority of the national state, [for the authors] it
is increasingly important for the understanding of political dynamics in international
relations – which today contemplate actors as diverse as the states, market players,
international organizations, transnational movements, mafias, churches etc. .
The complexity of this framework of‘global governance without a world government’is
aggravated by the debate promoted on political legitimacy in international relations.
The question that comes up in discussions goesas follows: Ifthere are elements of
‘governance without government’ on a global scale, where does it derive its legitimate
authority from? Assumingthe diagnosis that democracy consists of the preferred
political regime and source of procedural legitimacy in domestic constituencies, there
are still serious pitfalls, within the ambit of the modern system of states, to operating
with the democratic formula.
STATE OF THE ART
In thiscurrent stage of international relations, the emergence of global issues which
potentially affect the entire planet has come to demand new public policies that
traditional territorial states mightfind difficult to carry out. These are issues that
require international and cross-border approaches, since its causes and effects are no
longer restricted to one or another state, region or group of states. In sum, the
contemporary problématique canbe enunciated this way: global issues constitute a
reality that few international actors have the wherewithal to tackle in isolation. Claims
for a global governance that is compatible with (some degree of) democracy have thus
spread out.
Nonetheless, suchclaims fora more democratic global governance – that is, one that
provides more open and plural decision-making processes regarding major global
issues with repercussions on planetary scale – often clash with allegations that, in
practical terms, the operationalization of this goal is confined to technocratic elites of
intergovernmental organizations, with little or no connection with an electorate or
genuinely global audiences (Keohane, Macedo and Moravcsik 2009; Marks 2001).
Rather, it is skeptically argued that international organizations entrusted with the tasks
of global governance consist, in most cases, of ‘bureaucratic bargaining systems’
among rulers, because they are opaque and fundamentally anti-democratic (Dahl
1999; Dahrendorf 1999).
It is admitted, however, that this tension between the democratization of international
relations and the performance of international multilateral institutions be perceived
from other angles. Magdalena Bexell, Jonas Tallberg, and Anders Uhlin (2010) despite
grudgingly recognizing the unfulfilled promises of multilateralism and the major
obstacles faced in the implementation of democratic global governance, postulate the
existence of an intense contemporary transnational activity, which, in some cases,
reaches the interior of intergovernmental organizations (see the cases of the European
Union, the International Labour Organization, and the United Nations ), bringing along
democratizing potentials (e.g., the formal inclusion of non-state actors in consultation
and decision-making processes).
Robert Keohane, Stephen Macedo, and Andrew Moravcsik(2009) contend, from a
different point of view, that formal international institutions such as the World Trade
Organization and the European Union, contribute to the promotion of a conception of
‘constitutional democracy’ in international relations, if safeguarding individuals and
minorities against the interests of ruling coalitions and powerful factions. Moreover,
they hypothesize that the promotion of multilateral cooperation unleashes the
propagation of information and arguments – and, by an indirect pathway, the
generation of (some) accountability – as often happens with the cases that are brought
up to the UN Security Council and the International Court of Justice.
So, to think of the complex relationships among democracy, global governance and the
modern system of states requires, in our opinion, a previous attempt to catalogue and
classify the approaches, lest we compare excessively disparate objects. There are in
the literatureat least two ways of approaching the democratization of global
governance, which I will call, for didactic purposes and clarity of argument, (a)
traditional and (b) contemporary.
Traditional approaches to the phenomenon of ‘democratization of global governance’
focus on the aspect of the pluralization of state actors with proven ability to
participate in formal multilateral arrangements, to elaborate and vocalize their
preferences (in equality of conditions with other players) and to make decisions
regarding the various agendas of international relations. They are derived from a
diagnosis that states (actors granted with territoriality and sovereignty) matter and,
more than that, still are necessary pieces to solve the global public administration
puzzle (Cf.Hurrell 2008 for an extended account of what he calls ‘Pluralism’ in IR).
Along this line, Guy Hermet (2002) understands that, although subject to the trends of
globalization in myriad of new issues, the territorial state remains the only actor able
to put a halt, at least provisionally, to the clashes that paralyze the global, regional,
and national political agendas. It is, so to speak, an unavoidable reference in the ‘space
management’ (p. 44). Therefore, any measure to establish democratic governance in
the international system will depend on the effective capacity of sovereign states to
collegially formulate and inscribe international regimes into the proceedings of public
international law.
Darren Hawkins et al. (2006) have employed ‘principal-agent’ theories (derived from
representative democracy) to explain some of the decision processes occurring in
multilateral international organizations. Within this analytical framework, ‘delegation’
takes place when ‘an amount of political authority is conceded to an agent by a
principal, empowering the former in the name of the latter’ (Hawkins et al., 2006, p.
7). According to the authors , delegation within international organizations (IO) works
on very similar lines to that of domestic politics , but with the difference that instead of
individuals, are the states that assign powers (always limited by a term) to the IO.
Thus, international organizations are designed, of course, as the agents that can
implement policy decisions of states and pursue their strategic goals.
The traditional approach to the democratization of global governance will evidently
demand from its adopters an emphasis on the concept of ‘system of states’. It
resembles, in terms of method, the representative/constitutional conception of
democracy, as long as citizens will just be able to influence international affairs
through the national elections they join. As summed up by Susan Marks (2001), it is as
if democracy could only be materialized through the ‘nation-state container’ (p. 50).
Furthermore, there is greater attention to the formalities of international political
participation, which will be led (and monopolized) by sovereign states (Bexell, Tallberg,
and Uhlin 2010).
If states are hubs of political loyalties par excellence, how is it possible to imagine a
legitimate locus of power that is above and beyond sovereign states? For Robert
Howse (2001), the mental operation is relatively simple: He proposes an analogy
between the formal attribution of authority that the states promote in relation to
international organizations, on the one hand, and the (actual or presumed) allocation
of authority of individuals in relation to the representatives of states, on the other.
Interstate multilateralism works as the device by which relations within the system of
states are legitimated, in the shadow of liberal contractualist formulas in modern
political theory.
However, it shall be clear that the argument of multilateralism as an extension of
domestic democracy will invariably prove fallacious because a considerable portion of
the members of global international organizations will always be made up of non-
democratic states. Additionally, as has already been convincingly demonstrated by
Miles Kahler (1992), the larger the number of members of a formal multilateral
arrangement, the greater the tendency of ‘minilateral’ practices to take place (i.e., the
formation of small ‘clubs’ of actors, with similar or compatible interests among
themselves within the framework of international institutions).
In a nearly opposite direction to that of traditionalists, contemporary approaches take
into account the incorporation of non-state actors – such as local governments, NGOs,
advocacy networks, social movements, political parties, transnational corporations,
philanthropic agencies, etc. – into global decision-making practices formerly
dominated by states (Alger 2010; Bexell, Tallberg, and Uhlin 2010;Keohane, Macedo,
and Moravcsik 2009; Prakesh and Gugerty 2010; Tallberget alii 2013). It is, therefore, a
matter of acknowledging the transnational characteristics acquired by democracy in
the midst of a broad and all-encompassing process of globalization of social and
human relations (Marks 2001; Held 2004; Zweifel 2006).
Contemporary interpretations of the democratization of global governance take as a
model the institutional formulas that allow a more direct exercise of democracy by the
‘global citizens’ (those directly involved in political processes), mixing ingredients of
representation, participation and deliberation (Bexell , Tallberg, and Uhlin 2010). The
alleged advantage of the method is its inclusiveness, since the participation of
transnational actors (beyond and below the state) expands and improves the access to
public power of significant strata of the world's population – which would most likely
remain ostracized by the usual representative channels (Marks 2001).
Note that the argument does not go without controversy. As Margaret Keck (2004)
pointed out, the activism of transnational civil society in international organizations
may represent positions not people, ideas not voters. Thus, the inclusion promoted
can collaterally generate problems of selectivity and biases in the representation of the
demos.
In view of the theoretical difficulties and moral problems brought to the fore, authors
such as David Held, Peter Singer, and Jürgen Habermas have tried to imagine
possibilities of inclusion and reconciliation between the traditional democratic method
of decision-making (which assumes the representation and/or participation of each
and every citizen) and the desirable effectiveness of the foreign policies of states. As a
first step, Held (2004) proposed a bold reform in the current model of global
governance that was established throughout the 1990s. ‘The possibility of a global
social-democratic polity is connected to an expanded framework of states and
agencies bound by the principles of the rule of law, democracy, and human rights’, he
states (p. 108). In rejecting the proposal of a gradual evolution within the already
established set of institutions, Held suggested the creation of a comprehensive and
interconnected network of public fora, overlapping cities, states, regions, and finally
the transnational order. In local domains, the participatory processes of the demos
would take place in direct fashion, and in more remote domains, there would be
mediation through representative mechanisms. In this context, the formation of a
global assembly, encompassing all states and agencies, can be envisaged. The focus of
this assembly would be the examination of the most salient issues among global
concerns (issues regarding health and disease, food supply and distribution, financial
instability, foreign debts, climate change, disarmament, nuclear, chemical and
bacteriological weapons, etc.).
Contrary to this view of global democracy (which he labels as ‘Kantian’), Kazancigil
(2002) is of opinion that ‘it takes that all states and nations share similar worldviews,
principles, and political systems, a condition that probably will never be met on a
planetary scale’ (p. 61). The author argues the unfeasibility of a model based on the
concept of ‘global constituency’, because it is a ‘distant perspective, almost utopian’
(Kazancigil , 2002, p. 62). He admits as a most optimistic hypothesis the existence of
regional democratic governance in the world today (namely, in parts of the European
Union), reaching a very limited number of state and non-state actors.
Singer (2004) states that if the group before whom one must justify their behavior is a
tribe or nation, their morality tends to be tribal or national. If, however, the
communication revolution has created a global audience, one might feel the need to
justify their behavior to the whole world. Such a change, for the author, creates the
material basis for a new ethics that reaches all of the planet’s inhabitants. It is
therefore possible to derive that individuals suitably adapted to the new global
dimension of political decisions will be able to think of social integration beyond the
neighborhood, city or country. Contemporaneously, the virtue of thinking the ‘political’
beyond the territorial boundaries of the state seems a requirement.
Regarding the possibilities of applying democratic formulas to international relations,
Habermas (1998) argues that a political community must – if it regards itself as
democratic – be able to distinguish between those who are their members and those
who are not. The self-referential concept of ‘collective self-determination’ points out
the logical space occupied by citizens brought together as members of a particular
political community (as opposed to other political communities gathered under other
states). This particular political community establishes itself as democratic as it proves
capable of elaborating its own standards for the interactions it will promote with other
political communities around the world. The solidarity forged by the population within
a state is rooted in a particular collective identity, supported by historical references
and moral persons. That is what shapes the nation and sets its potential for self-
administration.
A similar argument is put forward by Howse (2001), for whom the applicability of the
term demos in reference to issues related to the modern system of states remains
questionable. The author elucidates his objection as follows: ‘as there is not a
transnational demos, then transnational civil society will continue deriving its
legitimacy from the ability to represent interests, values and those stakeholders which
have some domestic salience’ (Howse 2001, 362).
The two perspectives –traditional and contemporary– are greatly relevant for the
studies on democratization of international politics, either for their potential or their
limits. It is not our intention to propose a reflection on the theme of democratization
of global governance that necessarily evokes the ‘armor of the nation-state’ concept
(Marks, 2001), nor to accept the idea of ‘global governance against the state’ (Hermet,
2001). After all, it is not a matter of pursuing the finely outlined extremes of this
debate, but rather of advancing a useful proposal for the understanding of, say, the
constitutive problem of international politics.
RESEARCH PROBLEM AND RESEARCH DESIGN
Given the ‘systemic anarchy’ – and the absence of a global democratic system or a
universal Leviathan – there surely are theoretical as well as empirical barriers to
‘democratizing’ international politics. Within this paper, our starting question was:
Considered the non-existence of a polity on planetary scale, is there a conceivable way
to speak of democratic political interactions in a system of territorial sovereign states?
First, it is important to recall that different approaches to the subject of
democratizationhave led to different formulas of operationalizing ‘democracy’ at the
academic realm of International Relations (IR). Susan Marks (2001), for instance, has
set forth a tripartite division of the projects for the democratization of global
governance, and grouped them into (a) world government, (b) pan-national
democracy, and (c) cosmopolitan democracy projects. While the first category refers,
quite literally, to the possibility of building a global democratic state, and the second
one to the pool of existing democratic regimes in the world, the third combines
elements from (a) and (b), associating the growing democratization at the domestic
level to the emergence of transnational and supranational institutions with the
capacity to democratize contemporary international politics. RaffaeleMarchetti (2012),
in a different fashion, has dismembered contemporary approaches into transnational
and cosmopolitan, identifying at least three normative models for the purpose of
applying the democratic formula to international politics (see Figure 1). In order to
grasp the degree of ‘transnational democracy’ of different formal international
institutions, Thomas Zweifel (2006) was a pioneer in measuring seven indicators,
namely appointment, political participation, transparency, reason-giving, overrule,
monitoring, and independence. The results proved disheartening for the democrats
around the world: from the eleven entities under evaluation, only two of them (the
European Union and the International Criminal Court) accomplished positive levels of
transnational democracy. All others were considered deficient in Zweifel’s
classification (see Figure 2).
FIGURE 1: Democratic formulasapplied to international politics.
Approach Model Democratic
Scope
Democratic
Principle
Institutional Design
Traditional
Intergovernment
al
NationalDemoi
SymmetricalAssociati
on
InterstateMultilaterali
sm
Contempora
ry (1)
Transnational
TransnationalDem
oi
Inclusion of
representative social
positions
Hybrid Networks (with
state and non-state
actors)
Contempora
ry (2)
Cosmopolitan
Global Demos
Universal inclusion
World Federation
Source: Adapted from Marchetti (2012, p. 12).
FIGURE 2: ‘Transnational democracy’ in eleven international institutions.
Global Multi-
Purpose IOs
Global Issue-Bound
IOs
Regionally-GroundedIOs
Dimension UN ICC WB IMF WTO EU OAU AU NAFTA NATO ASEAN
Appointment -1 0 0 -1 0 +1 -1 -1 0 0 -1
Participation -1 +1 0 0 -1 +1 -1 0 0 -1 0
Transparency 0 0 0 0 -1 0 -1 0 0 0 0
Reason-giving 0 +1 +1 -1 0 +1 -1 -1 -1 -1 -1
Overrule -1 0 -1 -1 +1 +1 0 0 0 0 -1
Monitoring -1 0 0 0 -1 +1 -1 0 0 0 0
Independence -1 +1 -1 0 0 -1 -1 0 -1 0 -1
TOTAL SCORE -5 +3 -1 -3 -2 +4 -6 -2 -2 -2 -4
Ranking 10th 2nd 3rd 8th 4th 1st 11th 7th 4th 4th 9th
Source: Adapted from Zweifel (2006, p. 177).
According to Zweifel (id.), the direct confrontation between the United Nations (UN)
and the World Trade Organization (WTO) was favorable to the second. Taken from the
perspective of its Security Council, the UN was successful in criteria such as
transparency and capacity to offer public arguments (reason-giving). Given the
universe of cases, it has only outperformed the now defunct Organization of African
Unity. On the other hand, the WTO – notwithstanding the difficulties concerning the
monitoring of its members, its lack of transparency, and poor inclusion of actors in
decision-making processes – got good grades in categories such as ‘appointment’ (the
director-general of the institution is appointed by consensual decision among member
states), ‘reason-giving’ and ‘independence’, and its capacity to prevail over its
members (so-called ‘overrule’) deserved special merit. It achieved the fourth place on
the proposed ranking. If paired, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World
Bank achieveddistinct classifications. By those criteria employed, the World Bank
appears to be slightly more used to democratizing processes than the Fund – judgment
based on the ability to share with their policies’ stakeholders the underlying reasons of
their decisions. Overall, the IMF and World Bank are neutral or deficient in relation to
most of the indicators. Both received the grade <-1> for the ‘overrule criterion’, which
leads to the inference that when member states have consolidated their positions, the
twomultilateral banks can do little to resist them (see Figure 2).
The absence of a mechanism toweighing Zweifel’s operational criteria for transnational
democracy is noteworthy. There is no hierarchy among indicators for the calculation of
the index, as they simply assume, in a somewhat vague and impressionistic manner,
values ranging from ‘-1’ (absence of democracy), to ‘+1’ (presence of democracy). In
this scale, ‘0’ (zero) represents a dysfunctional democracy. Nonetheless, the
unilinearityof indicators may distort the conclusions achieved, as there are certain
elements that turn out to be more decisive than othersfor the functioning of
democracy. For example, it might be claimed in defense of the United Nations, that in
privileging the Security Council in this measurement exercise, the author jettisoned all
political potentialsfrom its General Assembly, making use of the proverbial technique
to ‘throw the baby out with the bathwater’.
More important than the index itself and the ranking elaborated by Thomas Zweifelare
in fact those reflections they provoke on the subject. Beginning with the institutional
conception of democracy the author evokes for his analysis. Arguably it is not precisely
a transnational ontology what Zweifel delivers, since the author brings together many
institutes fromdomestic democracy as parameters. It seems inappropriate to expect
that international courts and organizations be able to reproduce, in the same way as
contemporary states do, conventional democratic experiences, given the absence of a
global polity ordemos. Although the greatest problem, in our view, lies not in the
‘methodological statism’ of the study, but in hardly comparable objects, so diverse as a
court of justice, two multilateral banks, two global international organizations, and six
regional international organizations (with rather discrepant levels of
institutionalization and ambitions; see the cases of the EU and NAFTA). This broad
comparative enterprise, albeit laudable, cannot fully achieve its heuristic objectives.
All else taken into account, in this paperwe opted for adapting the conceptual tools of
conventional democratic theory in order to reach our goals. By applying the concept of
‘polyarchy’ to the study of international politics, we somehow subvert the original
plan, inasmuch as this concept was conceived by social scientist Robert Dahl in the
early 1950s to approach institutional environments from domestic politics.
As far asDahl’s political pluralism is concerned, the polyarchization of a society – i.e.,
the increase in levels of political participation and public contestation –should be seen
as just ‘one aspect of democratization’ (Dahl 2005,17). The conceptual parsimony
found in this author’s construct is consistent with his epistemological choice to treat
democracy as a Weberian ideal-typewhich is unattainable in factual situations, both
domestically and internationally speaking.Therefore, as one state develops into a
political system that allows opposition, rivalry or competition between the
government and its adversaries [henceforth, liberalization or contestation or
opposition], itsperceived level of polyarchygrows higher; likewise, whenever one
country expands the number of individuals and groups with access to institutional
mechanisms of participation in political life [henceforth, inclusiveness or participation],
then the dosing of polyarchymight have increased.It must be pointed out, moreover,
that a comprehensive system of public contestation and pluralism should not be
mistaken for the full democratization of a society (see Figure 3).In Dahl’s terms,
Polyarchies (...) can be thought of as regimes relatively (but incompletely)
democratized, or, in other words, polyarchies are institutional schemes that
have been substantially popularized and liberalized, that is, they are highly
inclusive and extensively open to public contestation (Dahl, 2005, p. 31).
FIGURE 3: Liberalization, inclusiveness, and democratization.
Source: Dahl (2005, p. 30).
However intellectually powerful it can be, we are not speaking of a hard-to-grasp
abstraction. Quite the opposite, this is an elegant, academically sound, and
straightforward concept. There is more: following Michael Coppedge (2012), variables
relating to inclusiveness and/or public contestation have been present in no less than
75% of all academic attempts to measure the level of democratization in the world for
the last 50 years. Facts basically refer to academia in the US, Canada and Europe. So,
considerable part of the well-known indices of democracy or democratization that
have been crafted in the world over the last 50 years make use of such categories, of
indicators that relate, one way or the other, to inclusiveness and contestation (see
Figure 4).2
2Michael Coppedge maintains a public database on ‘Data Used in Publications on Democratization’, which is
available at http://www3.nd.edu/~mcoppedg/crd/datacrd.htm (on 25 June 2014).
FIGURE 4:Indicators of ‘country democratization’ derived from conceptual categories by Robert Dahl.
Source: Coppedge(2012, p. 28).
Thus one can reasonably tell that in at least 75% of all cases that have been studied by
Coppedge (id.), indicators derive from Dahliandemocratic conceptions. Although the
labels of operational indicators may vary from piece to piece, they nearly always refer
to one of the two dimensions put forth by Dahl: whether inclusiveness or contestation.
(Very often might refer to both of them.) This omnipresence accounts for the strength
of Robert Dahl’s analytical categories and theoretical model. The same model many
political scientists not long ago had deemed to being old-fashioned, thenuseless. Yet
this attempt of rescuing Dahl’s categories from oblivion displays an extra feature,
which comes for the better for academics and scholars alike: it enables fruitful
dialogues between mainstream political scientists and IR experts.
Concede almost every person who has devoted herself to the study of democracy and
democratization in domesticsocietiescan be said to be a ‘Dahlian’, be that from the
normative or methodological viewpoint. Even so, the most disquieting question
remains unresolved: even if one believes the concept of polyarchyto be of any use for
the study of contemporary politics, would it still be reasonable to speak of
globalpolyarchies? How about having this concept for the study of IR and
intergovernmental organizations? Here we contend that the notion of polyarchy well
fits the discipline of IR and its phenomenology. After all, given the alleged difficulty for
a democratic regime to take place in international affairs, one should be afraid of
adopting thick conceptions of democracy for the study of international politics. In
embracing a thinner and simpler operational definition, one would probably better
account for the kind of democratic experience states and non-state actors will
actuallyenjoy in IR.
In so being, an intergovernmental organization (IGO) that gathers more than 100
member states and is representative of an encompassing relevant international
regime, and yet allows for opposition to its ruling coalition, could possibly be thought
of as a global polyarchy. Dahl (2005) employs his three-tiered classification to cover
the main empirical possibilities for domestic societies: polyarchies, competitive
oligarchies, and inclusive hegemonies. There is also a hidden fourth possibility: when
there is neither participation nor contestation in a political society, it shouldqualifyas a
closed hegemony. The ideal situation happens when the country – or in our case the
IGO – reaches position number 3 (see Figure 3).
Our proposal to assess the ‘polyarchizationof IGOs’ will adopt different metrics and
methodologicalpathways. Considering the practical challenge involved in this research,
we have just elaborated a scorecard to rate the IGO in regard to each dimension of
polyarchy (see Figure 5 for coding). To summarize it, say 75% of this model is
intergovernmental, while 25% goes transnational. In terms of participation and
contestation, approximately 42% of the final score an IGO can get comes from its
perceived ability to include states in decision-making processes, whereas 33%
comesfrom the ability to allow for contestation and 25%from the capacity to make
non-state actors take part in deliberations and decision-making procedures. As for
eligibility criteria, two rules were assumed for an IGO to be considered ‘global’ in
scope: (a) a 3-digit membership; and (b) having member states from at least 3 different
continents.
For the feasibility of this research project, one shall conceive international
organizations as universal and multilateral arenas to host some of the world’s
encompassing regimes, as open to public contestation and participation as it is
reasonable to expect from IGOs in international affairs. We take 23 cases as
representative of the political experience of states in contemporary international
world order.3
3 There they are: FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization); IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency); IBRD
(International Bank for Reconstruction and Development); ICAO (International Civil Aviation Organization); ILO
(International Labor Organization); IMF (International Monetary Fund); IMO (International Maritime Organization);
IOM (International Organization for Migrations); IPU (Inter-Parliamentary Union); ISA (International Seabed
Authority); ITSO (International Telecommunication Satellite Organization); ITU (International Telecommunications
Union); OPCW (Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons); UN (United Nations); UNESCO (United
Nations Education, Science and Culture Organization); UNIDO (United Nations Industrial Development
Organization); UNWTO (United Nations World Tourism Organization); UPU (Universal Postal Union); WCO (World
Customs Organization); WHO (World Health Organization); WIPO (World Intellectual Property Organization); WMO
(World Meteorological Organization); WTO (World Trade Organization).
FIGURE 5:‘Global Polyarchy’ Scorecard (coding).
INCLUSIVENESS SCORE
State inclusiveness
1.1 How do countries accede to the IGO? Compliance with list of charges 0
Political acceptation by member states 1
Unidirectional expression of interest by candidate 2
1.2 How many member states are there? Less than 100 states 0
Between 101 and 150 states 1
More than 150 states 2
1.3 Can each member state participate in every IGO
organ?
Restricted participation in some organs 0
Every member is eligible, but only a few can participate in
some organs
1
Every member has access to every organ 2
1.4 How do countries participate in decision-making
procedures?
Turn (e.g.: there are observers which cannot voice out
their preferences)
0
Turn and voice (e.g.: there are members which can make
speeches, but do not vote)
1
Turn, voice, and vote (e.g.: All members participate,
discuss and vote for proposals)
2
1.5 What is the voting pattern? If there is any a member with formal veto power 0
Voting is asymmetric/weighted 1
Strict voting parity 2
Non-state inclusiveness
1.6 Can non-state actors be accredited
by the IGO?
No 0
Yes 1
1.7 If YES, how can non-state actors obtain formal
recognition?
Compliance with list of charges for acceptance 0
Acceptance of request, or invitation by states 1
Unidirectional expression of interest by non-state actor 2
1.8 How many non-state actors have been accredited
so far?
Less than 1,000 0
More than 1,000 1
1.9 How do non-state actors exert influence on
decision-making procedures?
Turn 0
Turn and Voice 1
Turn, Voice, Vote 2
CONTESTATION SCORE
2.1 Besides the secretariat and the general assembly,
does any other organ make part of the IGO
functional structure?
No 0
Yes 1
2.2 If YES, is there a balanced relationship between
the organs?
No 0
Yes 1
2.3 What is the rule for resolution approval in its
principal organ?
Consensus 0
Qualified Majority 1
Simple Majority 2
2.4 Are there reported cases of contestation to the
IGO institutional formula and/or constitution?
No 0
Yes 1
2.5 Which instruments can a member state make use
of to express its disagreement and/or oppose to
the ruling coalition?
No instrument whatsoever 0
Opposition by voting 1
Opposition via institutional instances 2
Source: Global Polyarchy Database (2014).
In the current stage of IR, the emergence of global issues that potentially affect the
entire planet, has required new types of public management, as traditional territorial
states face unbearable situations in performing their historical tasks. Such existential
menace has come to require an international cross-border approach, since its causes
and effects are no longer circumscribed to either one given state or group of states.
Global issues represent a new reality that few agents are able to cope with. In this
sense, the 23 IGOs we have studied here, thanks to their universal vocation and
representativeness in a nearly planetary scale, are perhaps those formal institutions
which have most advanced tools in public administration to exert influence over fields
as diverse and wide as telecommunications, human rights, environment, trade,
intellectual property, finance etc. From that aspect comes substantial part of the
political authority acquired by Global Intergovernmental Organizations (GIGOs) after
the Cold War – in times of economic and political globalization.
In light of the aforementioned, we state the main hypothesis of thispaper: there might
be a process of ‘polyarchization’ of international politics on the march, which
arguablymanifests in multilateral international organizations. This process is leading to
the inclusion of more and new actors (state and non-state ones) in decision-making
procedures that take place within international bureaucracies as well as greater
openness to public contestation with regard to international regimes. Nevertheless,
this polyarchizationobey different logics andpaces, what stems from the various
coalitions and power correlations that are established inside the many fields of
institutionalized governance in modern international system. As a general objective,
we intend to assess – and measure –whereeach different intergovernmental
organizationstands in so-called‘polyarchization process’ of contemporary international
politics.It is also ourgoal to analyze the potential and limits imposed by institutional
designs and thematic scopesfor the purpose of ‘democratizing’ contemporary
international relations, and to identify key coalitions and emergent power correlations,
in order to spot important trends and compare international regimes on the odds of
having opener and more pluralist management of collective-action problems over
specific issue-areas.
METHODOLOGICAL NOTE
On the index building
2.6 Is the secretary-general elected by the members
or simply appointed by the ruling coalition? 0-1]
Appointment 0
Voting 1
Global Intergovernmental Organizations (GIGOs) have been primarily classified
accordingto their institutional design,that is, by consulting their constitutive treaties,
official documents and all available literature on the subject, and secondarily by
interviewing their bureaucrats, national diplomats and experts on the issue-area. In
carrying out this research effort, a questionnaire has been filled for each GIGO under
analysis, so that references and justifications can be found for the grades received on
every item from the scorecard. Most of the justifications are formal and objective, as
they refer to official texts or articles from the GIGO founding treaty, while others have
required extensive interpretive work from the research team members.4
FINDINGS
By applying our analytical model to evaluateand find the polyarchizationlevel of 23
GIGOs in contemporary world politics, some interesting data have come to the
surface.It firstly drew our attention that organizations primarily related to education
and culture (UNESCO) and global public health (WHO) have scored higher in ‘Global
Polyarchy’ index than all others (see Figures 6 and 10). If both education and public
health are two of the most pressing agendas for domestic policymakers, they do not
enjoy the same status in IR. At least, that would be the intuitive hypothesis to explain
why UNESCO and WHO allow for broad participation and open contestation, despite all
setbacks that might befall member countries as powerful as the United States (for
instance, the polemic Palestinian membership in UNESCO). On the other hand,
multilateral banks (IMF and IBRD) and international security organizations (IAEA and
OPCW) have predictably got some of the lowest scores. However, in approaching the 4
individual cases, they will look different from each other: while the IMF would qualify
as something in between a ‘closed hegemony’ and a ‘competitive oligarchy’; IBRD,
OPCW, and especially IAEAwell fit the ‘inclusive hegemony’ category (much
participation and little contestation).
That is so because – following its institutional design – the IMF strikes in this
comparison as a NGO-avert organization, whose decision-making capacity lies in the
hands of economic greater powers. Another possible explanation for their lower
grades is the almost impervious technicality of debates relating to international
finance and weapons of mass destruction, what could have been decisive for those
organizations to reach the bottom of our ranking. Not to mention the Dahlian
argument that global elites could have tacitly judged that incurring repression costs
would be more expensive a strategy than making concessions to the lesser powers and
non-state actors in education and health issues (Dahl 2005, Acemoglu and Robinson
2006). This same reasoning would not apply to economic and security agendas though.
4 For an assessment of each individual criterion concerning the 23 GIGOs under analysis, see Figure 11.
All in all, the results achieved seem to be fairly consistent with ‘high-versus-low-
politics’ cleavages in IR – and reinforce its usefulness as a country behavior predictor
until today (see Figure 6).
FIGURE 6:GIGOs – Global polyarchies, competitive oligarchies, or inclusive hegemonies?
Source: Global Polyarchy Database (2014).
FIGURE 7: Comparativelevel of contestation in GIGOs.
Source: Global Polyarchy Database (2014).
When it comes to contestation, the five better
WHO and UNESCO – could
oriented’ international regime
institutional design may follow suit the political cleavages and power correlations to be
found inside the organizations. Again,
the greater permissiveness of contesting behaviors within the ambit of technique
bound GIGOs, what sharply contrasts with t
(IAEA, OPCW and IBRD) (see Figure 7)
FIGURE 8: Comparative level of inclusiveness in GIGOs
Source: Global Polyarchy Database (2014).
hen it comes to contestation, the five better-ranked GIGOs – UPU,
could be promptly associated with ‘low-politics’
’ international regimes. There probably lies another clue on how GIGOs’
institutional design may follow suit the political cleavages and power correlations to be
nside the organizations. Again, one can easily infer, by examining available data,
the greater permissiveness of contesting behaviors within the ambit of technique
bound GIGOs, what sharply contrasts with the situation at the ‘bottom
(see Figure 7).
Comparative level of inclusiveness in GIGOs.
UPU, ITU, UNWTO,
’ or ‘technically-
s. There probably lies another clue on how GIGOs’
institutional design may follow suit the political cleavages and power correlations to be
fer, by examining available data,
the greater permissiveness of contesting behaviors within the ambit of technique-
he situation at the ‘bottom-three’ GIGOs
Source: Global Polyarchy Database (2014).
FIGURE 9: Comparative level of ‘NGO
Source: Global Polyarchy Database (2014).
Amongst the most inclusive GIGOs, there will be those that combine state and non
state participation in more balanced ways. Unsurprisingly, UNESCO and WHO have
again reached good grades, whereas the IMF completely fails in including non
representatives in deliberative and decision
IAEA climbs many positions in this inclusiveness ranking and moves up to 3
terms of NGO-friendly GIGOs, t
this bank underwentsince the
then suffered and expanding the participatio
making procedures (Paloni and Zanardi 2006)
respectively ranked 2nd
and 3
and encompassing institutional designs, inasmuch as they allow state and non
actors to regularly interact
topics (Belém Lopes 2012; Kott and Droux 2013)
Source: Global Polyarchy Database (2014).
Comparative level of ‘NGO-friendliness’ in GIGOs.
Source: Global Polyarchy Database (2014).
Amongst the most inclusive GIGOs, there will be those that combine state and non
state participation in more balanced ways. Unsurprisingly, UNESCO and WHO have
again reached good grades, whereas the IMF completely fails in including non
es in deliberative and decision-making procedures. Curiously enough,
IAEA climbs many positions in this inclusiveness ranking and moves up to 3
friendly GIGOs, the IBRD scored higher, possibly because of the reforms
since the late1980s, with a view at absorbing the harsh
expanding the participation of the global civil society in
(Paloni and Zanardi 2006). The UN and the ILO, which have
and 3rd
in this comparison, owe much of it to their sophisticated
and encompassing institutional designs, inasmuch as they allow state and non
actors to regularly interact with each other and deliberate on myriad of
s 2012; Kott and Droux 2013). The IMF, quite to the contrary, does
Amongst the most inclusive GIGOs, there will be those that combine state and non-
state participation in more balanced ways. Unsurprisingly, UNESCO and WHO have
again reached good grades, whereas the IMF completely fails in including non-state
. Curiously enough,
IAEA climbs many positions in this inclusiveness ranking and moves up to 3rd
place. In
ossibly because of the reforms
harsh criticism it
n of the global civil society indecision-
The UN and the ILO, which have
comparison, owe much of it to their sophisticated
and encompassing institutional designs, inasmuch as they allow state and non-state
and deliberate on myriad of international
the contrary, does
not seem to welcome at all
Figures 8 and 9).
FIGURE 10:‘Global Polyarchy’ Index(
Source: Global Polyarchy Database (2014).
A few pending questions
inclusiveness and contestation
happen? A possible explanation for the alleged
complementary relationship
for instance, about the pressure
negotiation environments
globalization that took place in Seattle or Genoa
were not non-state actors
diluted as they happened to
behavior was (at least part
argument has not gone through
especially if one looks to the
IMF by means of NGO inclusion indeliberative practices
A second question to grapple with should be:
processes take place ‘under the same roof’
comparison, while the UN General Assemblyand the Economic and Social Council
get some of the best grades, the UN Security Council drags the
down, given its exclusive club structure and voting mechanisms
qualifies as a middle-ranking
Council, which dentsitspolyarchization
UNs’ as one and the same? (Jolly, Emmerij and Weiss 2009
point that has arisen during research work: Is it
at all the participation of non-state actors in its procedures
‘Global Polyarchy’ Index(as of April 2014).
Database (2014).
s remain. In some cases, an inverse correlation between
inclusiveness and contestation wasargued to exist. If that is actually so
happen? A possible explanation for the alleged trade-off would lie in th
complementary relationship the two dimensions of polyarchy concept
stance, about the pressure non-state actors made for recognition in formal
negotiation environments some 15 years ago, as in the famous protests against
globalization that took place in Seattle or Genoa. That pressure would
state actors accredited to participate in sessions, but
happened to join eventual negotiations. In those situation
behavior was (at least partially) replaced by a new participatory stance
argument has not gone throughsystematic testing yet, it should deserve
the World Bank example – and how it differentiate
IMF by means of NGO inclusion indeliberative practices (Belém Lopes 2013)
question to grapple with should be: What to do when cont
processes take place ‘under the same roof’? Take the caseof the UN.
comparison, while the UN General Assemblyand the Economic and Social Council
some of the best grades, the UN Security Council drags the GIGO classification
, given its exclusive club structure and voting mechanisms. In the end, the UN
ranking organization mostly because of the shadow of its
polyarchization potentials. Still, is it fair to treat the ‘various
UNs’ as one and the same? (Jolly, Emmerij and Weiss 2009) Another methodological
point that has arisen during research work: Is it scientifically soundto combine ‘hard’
state actors in its procedures (see
an inverse correlation between
ly so, why does it
off would lie in the
maintain. Think,
for recognition in formal
some 15 years ago, as in the famous protests against
would grow stronger
, but was otherwise
situations, opposition
ially) replaced by a new participatory stance. Although this
should deserve some credit,
and how it differentiates from the
(Belém Lopes 2013).
What to do when contradictory
the UN. In sheer
comparison, while the UN General Assemblyand the Economic and Social Councilwould
IGO classification
. In the end, the UN
shadow of its Security
entials. Still, is it fair to treat the ‘various
) Another methodological
soundto combine ‘hard’
(formal-institutional) and ‘soft’ (extra-institutional) indicators in the making of an
index? As we invested in the understanding of the institutional hardware of GIGOs, we
have run the risk of leaving most of the political essentials behind, as processes that
take place inside the GIGO do not strictly correspond to institutional settings (Reinalda
and Verbeek 2004). This is why we felt the need to make the ‘hard’ and the ‘soft’
dialogue, however problematic it can prove from an epistemological viewpoint. (For an
erudite account of the WHO contemporary politics and a case for the integration of
hard and soft variables, see Hein and Moon 2013.) Finally, we came across this classic
‘small-n’ research problem, given the limited number of GIGOs in the world today.
According to experts, there are now some 300 active IGOs, but only 10%-15% would
account for GIGOs (Karns and Mingst 2004). 30-40 is definitely not a comfortable
number of single cases to cope with – neither for inferential statistics, nor for in-depth
case studies (George and Bennett 2005;Coppedge 2012). Such difficulties we have
listeddo suggest the need for more investments in this broad research agenda for
better analytical gains in the future.
FINAL REMARKS
Ongoing debate on democratization of international politics is a must, not being
afforded to any Politics and IR academic to bypass. Susan Marks (2001) succinctly
stated the reasons for this phenomenon – on the one side, the commitment to
democracy has never been so disseminated throughout the world, on the other, never
before has the awareness of its empirical limitations been so acute.
In view of the literature, we insist on the need to assess the democratization of
international politics from a variety of, both traditional and contemporary, analytical
prisms. This will allow the understanding of how sovereign states and other important
non-state actors formulate and reformulate the institutional paths to a more plural
and open – and, in a very peculiar sense, more democratic – management of global
governance, under conditions of structural anarchy. The political dynamics of the
contemporary world facilitates the enlargement of membership in intergovernmental
organizations and, by extension, helps such institutions to globally project the values
and rules that emerge from a process of normative construction whose cornerstones
are the organizations themselves. Not to mention, of course, the hundreds – if not
thousands – of non-governmental organizations, subnational governments,
companies, individuals etc. that, since the early 1990s, have been gaining recognition
and authorization to work within the arrangements of global governance, both on ad
hoc basis and on regular advocacy networks.
FIGURE 11: An overview of GIGOs.
Source: Global Polyarchy Database (2014).
Moreover, with regard to intergovernmental organizations and international regimes,
what in fact is at stake is less the ability to replicate the democratic formula (such as
we know it) to tackle the problematic issues of the international agenda, and more the
authority that such institutions are increasingly vested in to play the functions of global
administration (even if not by democratic means). Therefore intergovernmental
organizations and international regimes are bothpolitical actors and meta-political
spaces (that is, microcosms) of this 21st
-century asymmetrical global governance.
REFERENCES
Articles and books
Abbott, K. andSnidal, D. (1997), “Why states act through formal international
organizations?”,Journal of Conflict Resolution, 42.
Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. (2006), The Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy.
Cambridge, CUP.
Alger, C. (2010), “Expanding Governmental Diversity in Global Governance”, Global
Governance 16, pp. 59-79.
Archibugi, D. et al. (eds.)(2012), Global Democracy: Normative and Empirical Perspectives.
Cambridge, CUP.
Auvachez, E. (2009), “Supranational citizenship building and the United Nations”, Global
Governance 15, pp. 43-57.
Barbé, E. (2008), Relaciones Internacionales. Madri, Tecnos.
Barnett, M. andFinnemore, M. (2004), Rules for the World. Cornell University Press.
Barton, J. et al. (2006), The Evolution of the Trade Regime. Princeton University Press.
Belém Lopes, D. (2012), A ONU entre o Passado e o Futuro. Curitiba, Appris.
Belém Lopes, D. (2013), “A volta do pêndulo: revalorização das políticas sociais no Brasil e no
mundo”, Pensar BH. Política Social, v. 32, pp. 5-9.
Belém Lopes, D. andCasarões, G. (2010), “Can International Organizations Be Democratic?
Rethinking Robert Dahl’s Skeptical Argument”. Paper presented at the 60th UK PSA Annual
Meeting in Edinburgh, Scotland, March 2010.
Bexell, M., Tallberg, J. andUhlin, A. (2010), “Democracy in Global Governance”, Global
Governance, n. 16, pp. 81-101.
Buckley, K. (2013), Global Civil Society and Transversal Hegemony: The Globalization-
Contestation Nexus. London, Routledge.
Bull, H. (1977), The Anarchical Society. Londres, Macmillan.
Coppedge, M. (2012), Democratization and Research Methods. Cambridge, CUP.
Dahl, R. (1999), “Can international organizations be democratic?A skeptic's view” in Shapiro, I.
and Hacker-Cordón, C. (eds.), Democracy's Edges, Cambridge, CUP.
Dahl, R. (2005), Poliarquia. São Paulo, Edusp.
Dahrendorf, R, (1999), “The Third Way and Liberty”, Foreign Affairs 78, n. 5
(September/October), pp. 13-17.
Elster, J. (2007), Explaining Social Behavior. Cambridge, Cambridge Univesity Press.
George, A. and Bennett, A. (2005), Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Sciences.
Cambridge, BCSIA.
Habermas, J. (1998), La ConstelaciónPosnacional. Barcelona, Paidós.
Hague, R. andHarrop, M. (2004), Comparative Government and Politics. New York, Palgrave.
Hall, R. and Biersteker, T. (2002), The Emergence of Private Authority. Cambridge, CUP.
Hasenclever, A., Rittberger, V. and Mayer, P. (1997), Theories of International Regimes.
Cambridge, CUP.
Hawkins, D. et al. (org.)(2006), Delegation and Agency in International Organizations.
Cambridge, CUP.
Hein, W. and Moon, S. (2013), Informal Norms in Global Governance: Human Rights,
Intellectual Property Rules and Access to Medicines. Aldershot, Ashgate.
Held, D. (2004), Global Covenant. Oxford, Polity Press.
Hermet, G. (2001), “A democratização dos países emergentes e as relações entre o Estado, as
OIGs e as ONGs” in Milani, C. et al. (org.), Democracia e Governança Mundial. Porto Alegre,
Editora da Universidade (UFRGS).
Hoekman, B. andMavroidis, P. (2007), The World Trade Organization. Londres, Routledge.
Howse, R. (2001), “The legitimacy of the World Trade Organization” in Coicaud, J.-M.
eHeiskanen, V. (org.), op. cit.
Hurrell, A. (2008), On Global Order: Power, Values, and the Constitution of International
Society. New York, OUP.
Jacobson, H. (1979), Networks of Interdependence. New York, Alfred Knopf.
Jolly, R. et al (2009), UN Ideas that Changed the World. Indianapolis, Indiana University Press.
Kahler, M. (1992), “Multilateralism with small and large numbers”, International Organization,
46 (3).
Karns, M. andMingst, K. (2004), International Organizations.Londres, Rienner.
Kazancigil, A. (2001), “A regulação social e a governança democrática da globalização” in
Milani, C. et al. (org.), op. cit.
Keck, M. (2004), “Governance Regimes and the Politics of Discursive Representation” in Piper,
N. e Uhlin, A. (org.), Transnational Activism in Asia.Londres, Routledge.
Kennedy, P. (2007), The Parliament of Man. New York, Random House.
Keohane, R. (1984), After Hegemony. Princeton, Princeton University Press.
Keohane, R., Macedo, S. andMoravcsik, A. (2009), “Democracy-Enhancing Multilateralism”,
International Organization, n. 63, pp. 1-31.
Kott, S. and Droux, J. (eds.)(2013), Globalizing Social Rights: The International Labour
Organization and Beyond. New York, Palgrave Macmillan.
Krasner, S. (org.) (1983), International Regimes. Stanford, Stanford University.
Marchetti, R. (2012), “Modeling Transnational Politics”. Paper presented at the22nd IPSA
World Congress in Madrid, Spain, in July 2012.
Marks, S. (2001), “Democracy and international governance” in Coicaud, J.-M.andHeiskanen, V.
(eds.), The Legitimacy of International Organizations. Tóquio, UNU.
O’Brien, R. et al.(2000), Contesting Global Governance. Cambridge, CUP.
Onuf, N. (1998), The republican legacy in international thought. Cambridge, CUP.
Paloni, A. and Zanardi, M. (eds.)(2006), The IMF, World Bank and Policy Reform. London,
Routledge.
Paul, T.V. et alii (eds.)(2004), Balance of Power: Theory and Practice in the 21st
Century.
Stanford, SUP.
Peterson, M. J. (2009), The UN General Assembly. Londres, Routledge.
Prakash, A. and Gugerty, M.K. (eds.)(2010), Advocacy Organizations and Collective Action.
Cambridge, CUP.
Reinalda, B. (2009), Routledge History of International Organizations: From 1815 to the Present
Day. London, Routledge.
Reinalda, B. (ed.)(2013), Routledge Handbook of International Organization. London,
Routledge.
Reinalda, B. and Verbeek, B. (eds.)(2004), Decision Making Within International Organizations.
London, Routledge.
Rosenau, J. andCzempiel, E.-O. (1992), Governança sem Governo. Brasília, EditoraUnB.
Ruggie, J. (1982), “International Regimes, Transactions, and Change: Embedded Liberalism in
the Postwar Economic Order”, International Organization, 36 (2).
Singer, P. (2004), Um Só Mundo. São Paulo, Martins Fontes.
Singh, N. (2003), “The UN and the Development of International Law” in Kingsbury, B. e
Roberts, A. (org.), United Nations, Divided World. Oxford, Oxford University Press.
Stone, R. (2011), Controlling Institutions: International Organizations and the Global Economy.
Cambridge, CUP.
Tallberg, J. et al. (2013), The Opening Up of International Organizations: Transnational Access
in Global Governance. Cambridge, CUP.
Vreeland, J. R. (2007), The International Monetary Fund. London and New York, Routledge.
Waltz, K. (1979), Theory of International Politics.New York, McGraw Hill.
Wendt, A. (1996), Social Theory of International Relations. Cambridge, CUP.
Wight, M. (1966), “Why is there no international theory?” in Wight, M. e Butterfield, H. (eds.),
Diplomatic Investigations. London, Unwin.
Woods, N. (2006), The Globalizers: The IMF, the World Bank, and their Borrowers. Ithaca and
London, Cornell University Press.
Young, O. (1999), Governance in World Affairs. Cornell University Press.
Zweifel, T. (2006), International Organizations and Democracy.Londres, Lynne Rienner
Publishers.
Database
Global Polyarchy Database (2014). Department of Political Science, Universidade Federal de
Minas Gerais, Brazil.