Camping the Border Munster

8/2/2019 Camping the Border Munster

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Addison.S.CampingtheBorder.UniversityofMnster,8May2009 1

CampingtheBorder:TheExceptionalPoliticsofInternalDisplacementin

Acholiland,NorthernUganda.

SimonAddison

PaperpresentedataconferenceonSpacesofExceptionattheUniversityof

Mnster,Germany,8May2009

InhisreworkingofHannahArendtsarticlewerefugees,GiorgioAgambenidentified

the forcedmigrant fleeingpersecution toa state other than their own as the critical

figureofmodernpolitics.

At the heart of this pronouncement lay the notion that it is the refugeewho in the

contemporaryconjunctureincarnatesthefundamentalcontradictionbetweentherights

ofmanandtherightsofthecitizenthatexposesthefoundationalroleplayedbybarelife

indefiningtheWesternpoliticalconstitution,whichisthatofthesovereignstate.

For Agamben, this role is founded upon a crisis. In transgressing the border and in

movingbeyondtheprescribedprotectionofhercitizenship,therefugeebreaksupthe

identitybetweenmanand citizen,betweennativityandnationality, therebythrowing

into crisis the old fiction of sovereignty by unhinging the foundational trinity of

state/nation/territory,andexposingthemselvesastheconstitutiveexceptionofmodern

politicsWhentherightsofmanarenolongertherightsofthecitizen,thenheistrulysacred..[thatis]destinedtodie.

Criticalherearetwoprincipalnotions:

1)Therefugeeexposesthelimitpointoftheprinciplewhichinscribeslifeitselfintothe

trinityofstate/nation/territorybybringingintoquestionthefictionofthefree-floating

rightsofmanandreinforcingthepre-eminenceoftherightsofthecitizenfoundedupontiesofblood,andsoil

2)ThecentralityoftheborderasthedefiningprincipleofWesternpolitics,inthatitis

only throughthe transgressionof theborderthatseparatestwopoliticalentitiesthattherefugeeaspurenakedlife isbroughtintoexistencethroughitsevasionofthelink

betweenblood,andsoil

Now we have already heard this morning about a variety of ways in which theexceptionalityoftherefugee,theirbarelifemaybespatializedthroughandinthelocus

oftherefugeecamp,andinasensetheexceptionalsituationoftherefugeeandofthe

campsthatholdthemisself-evidentinthattheexistclearlyoutsidethestatethatholds

theformalresponsibilitytoprotectthem,andarecastadrift,abandonedinaseaoffree-floatingrightsbeyondpoliticstobecomeexemplarsofbarelife.

Iwish to highlighta rather different set of circumstances inwhich anothergroup ofthoseforciblydisplacedbyconflictandpersecutioncanalsobeseentorepresentthis

radicalcrisisofexceptionalitythatbringthefictionofthestateintoquestionhereIam

talkingaboutInternallyDisplacedPeople


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According to the United Nations Guidelines on Internal Displacement, Internally

DisplacedPersons(orIDPsastheyaremorecommonlyknown)are"personsorgroupsofpersonswhohavebeenforcedorobligedtofleeortoleavetheirhomesorplacesof

habitualresidence, inparticularasa resultofor inordertoavoidtheeffectsofarmed

conflict, situations of generalised violence, violations of human rights or natural or

human-madedisasters,andwho have notcrossedaninternationallyrecognised Stateborder."

Assuch,theybeardistinctresemblancetorefugeesexceptinthefundamentalfactthat

theyremainundertheformalprotectionofthestatefromwhichtheyareentitledtherightsofcitizenshipthrougheithertheirbirthortheirresidencywithinitsterritory.

Theinternallydisplacedhoweveroftenfindthemselvesinsituationsthatinwhichthey

toohavebeenabandoned,infact,bythestatetofindthemselvesinhabitingazoneofindistinctioninwhichtheytooapproachastateof defactostatelessness.

Dr.FrancisDeng,whofor15yearswastheindividualresponsiblefordevelopingthe

approachoftheUnitedNationsto theidentifiedglobalcrisisofinternaldisplacement,hascharacterizedIDPsas

dispossessedbytheirgovernments,abandonedbynationalauthorities,forcedintoalifeofdestitutionandindignity,flockswithoutshepherdswhoareoftenmurdered,

starved,raped,enslaved,arrested,tortured,conscripted,forcedtoprovidelabour,made

tomoverepeatedly,deniedidentitydocumentsandabusedinotherways.

IDPs,hesuggests,existattheheartofaProtectionParadox.Thisparadox,heargues,

refersto theclearlyerroneousassumptionthatthe internallydisplacedremainunder

theprotectionoftheirnationalgovernmentswhileinmatteroffact,inmostcasesitis

thesesamegovernmentsthatareactuallynotonlythecauseoftheirdisplacement,butalsooftheiractiveneglectandpersecution.

Suchdisplacement,heargues,tendstoaffectminoritiesandmarginalizedcommunities,

byplacingthemin asituationinwhichcitizenshipbecomesof littlemorethanpapervalue, in which they are disconnected from their rights and in which their

marginalisationbecomestantamounttostatelessness.

Sucha situation,Dengsuggests,constitutesa vacuumofresponsibility inwhich the

nationstatefailstoexerciseitssovereigntyeffectively,therebyopeningthepossibility

forinternationalinterventiontotakeuptheresponsibility toassist andprotect those

affected.

ItismycontentionthatthisprotectionparadoxwhichDengpresentsinhighlyrealist

terms actually presents us with a further critical example of how the exception

operatesasadefiningmomentwithinthemodernpoliticalconstitution.

Ishallseektoexplainthisinalittledetailbyexaminingbrieflyaparticularsituationof

internaldisplacementthatfoundintheAcholiregionofnorthernUgandabetweenin

2005.

Many of you, I am sure, will have heard about what has been taking place in the

northern region ofUgandaover the years, but just to givea verybriefoverview,the

northernregionofUgandaisanareathatsince1986,hasbeenaffectedbyabrutalcivil

conflict between the armed forces of the incumbent regime of President Yoweri


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Museveni(knownastheUgandanPeoplesDefenceForce)andaseriesofrebelgroups,

thelatestofwhichisknownastheLordsResistanceArmy.

Sinceitbegan,thisconflicthasbeencentredaroundthethreenortherndistrictsknown

collectivelyasAcholilandGulu,KitgumandPader(andnowalsoAmuru).Thisregion

isthetraditionalhomelandofUgandasAcholipeople,aLuospeakinggroupofclans,whohavehistoricallyoccupieda territorythat straddlesthecurrent frontierbetween

Uganda andSudan,andwhose cousins nowoccupy theSouthern Sudanese regionof

Equatoria.

Theconflictbeganin1986,aftertheforcesoftherebelNationalResistanceArmy(NRA),

ledbyoneYoweriMuseveni,overthrewtheshortlivedregimeofUgandasfirstAcholi

President,TitoOkello,followingafiveyeararmedstruggle.

FollowingtheirdefeatbytheNRA,thestateforcesoftheUgandanNationalLiberation

Army (UNLA), a large proportion of whom hailed from the Acholi region, fled the

Ugandancapital,Kampala,fearingreprisalsatthehandsoftheNRA.Seekingshelterand

support these forces entered Southern Sudan where they regrouped as the UgandaPeoples Defence Army (UPDA) with the intention of trying to retrieve power from

Museveni.FromtheretheylaunchedacounteroffensiveintoGuluDistrictin1986,and

thismarkedthebeginningofwhathasnowbecomeAfricaslongestrunningcivilwar.

While theUPDA itselfwasrelatively short-lived, signing a peace agreementwith the

Museveniregimein1988,itspawnedaseriesofrebelgroups,allofwhichhavesprung

looselyfromwithintheAcholicommunity.

Thelatestofthese,theLRA,whichcameintoexistencein1991,hasevolvedintooneof

themost fearsome and long-lived rebel groups on the African continent. Reputed to

havebegunasanoffshootoftheHolySpiritMobileForceswhichwereledwithsomesuccessbyspiritualistAliceAumaLakwena,theyareledbyoneJosephKony.

Kony,whowasreputedlyaCatholicaltarboyinhisyouth,joinedtheUPDAstruggleasayouth,laterfollowingAliceLakwena,whoheclaimswashiscousin,andthentakingup

hercauseuponherdefeatatJinjain1987.

Aswellashercausehealsoadoptedmanyofhermethods,whichcentredaroundaset

of ritual safety precautions and a syncretic spiritual cosmology that combined

evangelicalChristiantheologywithtraditionalAcholibeliefs,andwhichidentifiedAlice

Lakwena as a powerful and prophetic intermediary between the material and spirit

worlds.

Kony,intakingupLakwenasmantlehasdevelopedthiscosmologyfurther,inparticular

bybringingelementsofIslamintothemixasaresultoftimespentinSudan.Hehas

assumedforhimselftheidentityofapowerfulmystic,prophet,soothsayerandgeneral

whocommuneswiththespiritworldtogainguidanceinhowtocommandhisforces,

andhasusedthepositionofspiritualauthoritythathehastakenuponhimselftoclaim

justificationfortheLRAsstruggleto liberateboththeAcholipeople,andUgandaasa

whole,fromtheeviloftheMuseveniregime.Hepurportedlywishestoinstallanew

regime inUgandabaseduponthe tencommandmentsofGod thoughit is unclear

whatthesetencommandmentsmightbe.

Whatweknowof JosephKonyscosmologyandhisclaimsto spiritualpowerhaveled

manytoconcludethattheLRAislittlemorethanabizarre,irrational,superstitious,


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primitive, satanic, millenarian or plain crackpot cult with little in the way of a

rationalpoliticalobjective.

Inspiteofitsreputationasacrackpotbunchofbandits,evidencesuggeststhatoverthe

yearstheLRAhasactuallydevelopedintoarelativelycomplex,wellorganized,globally

networked,andhighlyresilientgroupthathassignificantabilityinguerillawarfareandwhichhassuccessfullyevadedcaptureanddefeat(evenwhenattackedrecentlybythe

conjoinedforcesofUganda,SouthernSudan,DRC,andtheUNwiththesupportofthe

US). In particular, the LRA for many years brokered a strategic alliance with the

GovernmentofSudanwhichbroughtit a safe havenonSudanese territory,Sudanesemilitaryandlogisticalsupport,andinwhichtheLRAregularlyactedasareservemilitia

fortheSudaneseArmedForces(SAF)initsconflictwiththeSPLA.

In addition, while official discourses have sought to portray the LRA as an aimlessopportunistic cult with no coherent agenda, the group has published a variety of

politicalmanifestosovertheyearsinwhichtheyhaveclaimedthattheyseek:

theoverthrowoftheMuseveniregime therestorationofmulti-partypolitics theintroductionofconstitutionalfederalism thepromotionofhumanrights theendofcorruption andparliamentaryreform

Central to this political project has been a claim that the LRA seek redress fromtheMuseveniregimefortheperceivedinjusticeandinequalitythathasbeensufferedby

the Acholi people, and the rest of northernUganda, since they came topower. This

claim,whichisbaseduponacombinationofstrongemotionsofinjusticeatthewayin

whichtheOkelloregimewasousted,thewaythatAcholiassetswerelootedinthewakeoftheNRAvictory,andinthegradualimpoverishmentofthenorthernregionduringa

timeofgreatnationalgrowth,reflectsdeeplyheldfeelingsofinjusticeamongordinary

Acholi,andassuch,theLRAhaveoftenclaimedtobeactingastheagentfortheAcholipeople,andforUgandansmoregenerallyinastruggleforhumanrights,civicrightsand

equality.

Thisclaimsitshoweveruneasilywiththefactthatfromthemid1990sonwardstheLRA

developed a brutal strategy of violence againstcivilians inwhich they systematically

begantoabduct,attackandmassacreciviliansacrosstheregion,butparticularlyinthe

districtsofAcholiland.

Upuntilthebeginningofthepeaceprocessin2006violencehadbecomepervasive,inAcholiland as the LRA threatened civilians with a brutal cocktail of psychological

violence, physical violence and coercion that consumed everyday life. Everymoment

was touched by the fear of attack and every action taken by the civilian population

carriedwithitthefearofabductionormurder.

ThereasonsfortheLRAsuseofviolenceagainstciviliansasacentralmilitarytacticare

notclear,thoughitissafetosurmisethatthisviolenceaimsto:

producefearandterrorinthepopulation driveciviliansintosubmissionandcontrol cleanseciviliansoftheirsins punish them for 1) supposedly betraying of the LRA in the 1990s and 2)

collaboratingwiththeMuseveniregime


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replenishtheresourcesoftheLRAthroughabductionandlootingThefullimpactoftheviolenceuponthecivilianpopulationofbothnorthernUgandaand

SouthernSudanhasnotyetbeenfullyunderstood.Nolargescalemortalitysurveyhas

beenundertakentocrediblyjudgethenumberskilledasaresultofthefightingoverthe

pasttwentyyears,butestimatesrangeintothetensofthousands.

Oneofthemostobviousimpactsof theviolenceuponthecivilianpopulationhowever

hasbeenforceddisplacement,whichhasbecomeafurtherdefiningcharacteristicofthe

situationintheregion.

In2006around1.8millionpeoplehadbeenforciblydisplacedinthenorthernregionas

awholeandwerelivinginavastarchipelagoofcamps.Ofthesedisplacedpeople,over

one million were located in the Acholi districts, where around 95% of the civilianpopulationhadbeenforcedfromtheirruralhomesandintothecamps,leavinganarea

thesizeofBelgiumalmostentirelydepopulated.Thesheerintensityofdisplacementin

Acholiland at the time made it one of the most serious crises of conflict related

displacementintheworld.

Withthepopulationofseveralthousandruralvillagesconcentratedintoanetworkofno

more than 200 camps, conditions for the civilian population were unsurprisinglyappalling. Camp sizes ranged from only a few hundred inhabitants in the smallest

camps, toover 65,000 in the largest,where populationdensities farexceeding those

foundinsomeofAfricaslargestslums.

Itwasasituationthatin2003ledtheUnitedNationsEmergencyReliefCoordinator,Jan

Egeland, tonameNorthernUgandatheworldsworst forgottenhumanitarian crisis.

Thefiguresspeakforthemselves.In2005humanitarianagenciesreportedthefollowing

statistics.AllfiguresareforAcholilandonly:

ExcessdeathrateswerethreetimeshigherthanthatrecordedinDarfurinOct2005with122peopledieexcessdeathseachdayand918dieexcessdeathseachweek.

Crude Mortality Rate in the Acholi IDP Camps was 1.54 / 10,000 / day acrossAcholiland,butashighas2.79inPader(comparedto0.46fortherestofUganda)

103 people were dying from war-related disease each day principally frommalaria,URIsanddiarrhoealdisease

The Under5smortality ratewas 3.18/10,000/day, compared totheUgandannationalaverageof0.98/10,000/day

80%ofschoolsintheregionwereclosedwith240,000childrenhavingnoaccesstoeducation

IDPhouseholdswithnoaccesstoland 78% IDPhouseholdsdependentuponfoodrelief 84% StuntedchildreninKitgumDistrict 48% Estimatedthat65%ofcampinhabitantslivedinabsolutepoverty 1 Constant threat of attack and abduction from LRA in camps, villages, fields and

alonghighways

40,000night-commutersacrosstheregion

Moregeneralconditionsinthecampsincluded:

1Absolutepovertyisaconditionoflifeincludessodegradedbydisease,illiteracy,malnutrition,andsqualorastodenyitsvictimsbasichumannecessities(RobertMcNamara)


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SystematicfailureofUPDFprotectionincamps IntimidationandviolenceathandsofUPDF Increasedlevelsofsexualandgenderbasedviolence Collapseoffamilylife Reportedcollapseoflocalculture

Inabilitytocarryoutritualpractices Collapseoftraditionalleadershipstructures Collapseofjudicialsystemformalandtraditional Collapseofeducationandhealthsystems Psychicandmoraldistress

Itwasasituationinwhichthelevelsofphysical,social,cultural,politicalandeconomic

degradationprompted OlaraOtunnu,a senior international diplomatwhocame from

MucwiniinKitgumDistrict,toprovocativelyrefertothesituationasagenocide.

DuringthetimeofmyfieldworkinthecampsofAcholilandbetween2002and2005,

oneofthemostsignificantissuesaboutthesituationwastherelativelylittlesystematic

humanitarian assistance that hadbeen provided to thedisplacedpopulation.Prior to2004,thestatehadprovidednocrisisspecificassistanceto theadministrationsofthe

conflict-affecteddistrictsandhadmadenoprovisionsforcrisis-specificinfrastructure

provision beyond the resource allocation set out in the Poverty Reduction StrategyPapers that elaborated national development strategy. The President refused on

numerousoccasionstodeclareastateofemergencyortodefinethenorthasadisaster

area, and few international humanitarian organizations had established significant

operational presences in the region beyond theWorld Food Programme, whichwasdeliveringfoodtowelloveramilliondisplacedpeoplebytheendof2004.

Inmanyways,thedevelopingcrisisinnorthernUgandahadnotevenregisteredonthe

humanitarianhierarchyofconcerneitherinternationallyornationally.Otherprioritiessuch asDarfur, Iraq, Afghanistan andDRChaddrawn thebulk of international relief

resources, and the Ugandan government was focused upon development priorities.

Similarly, themajority of international actors inUganda had been focused for manyyearsuponsupportingtheUgandaneconomicmiracle(consistent7%GDPgrowthfora

numberofyearsinthe1990s)inactingasabeaconforthedevelopmentof therestof

thecontinentalongneoliberallines.

WhenI arrivedinUgandain2002onlyahandfulofagencieswereevenpresentinthe

north(atthetimeWFPwas theonlyUNagencyoperationalintheAcholisub-region),

and over time itbecame clear that themajority of international diplomats and NGO

workerswhoweremainlybasedinKampalahadlittleunderstandingoftheseverityof

thecrisis a factnotedbyJanEgeland inhis recentbookabout histime as theERC,where hedescribeshis shockatrealizing that the vastmajority ofseniorUNstaff in

UgandahadsimplyhadnotbeentoNorthernUganda.

As a result, the vastmajority of camp inhabitants felt abandoned both by the state,

which had failed to take into account the particularity of their situation, and by the

internationalcommunity.

This situation changed rather rapidly following thevisit of JanEgeland inDecember

2003, as he brought the severity of the situation clearly to the attention of the

internationalcommunity.2004sawarapidescalationinthescaleofreliefinterventions

form the international community, and increasing pressure upon the Ugandan

governmenttodomoretoaddressthecrisis.


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Theprincipleleverappliedtopushthegovernmenttoactonthisissuewasapolicyon

internaldisplacementwhichhadbeenindraftformatsince2001.Thepolicy,whichwastheresponsibilityoftheDepartmentforDisasterManagementandRefugeesunderthe

OfficeofthePrimeMinister,hadoriginallybeeninstigatedonthesuggestionofUNOCHA

aspartofitscapacitybuildingprogramme,andthefirstdrafthadevenbeenwrittenbya

memberofstafffromUNOCHAsoffice.VerylittleefforthadbeenmadehowevertopushthepolicythroughCabinetforratificationanditlanguishedatthatlevelforalmostfive

years.

The policy was seen to be a highly positive step forward in the global project ofextending the Guiding Principleson Internal Displacement, uponwhich itwasbased,

from international norms tonational legislation, and it had received praise from the

UNsSpecialRepresentativeonInternalDisplacementDr.FrancisDengwhenhevisited

thecountryin2003.

Intheeyesoftheinternationalcommunity,thispolicywouldprovideanadequateand

responsivepolicyframeworkforaddressingthesituationinAcholilandbyelaborating

standardsandguidelinesforgovernment-ledhumanitarianaction.

Assuch,theinternationalcommunitywasdeeplycommittedtoframingthesituationin

thenorthwithinthelanguageoftheGuidingPrinciples,whichdefinedthesituationasoneofconflict-relatedinternaldisplacement.

Inspiritandinword,thedefinitionofinternaldisplacementprovidedbytheGuiding

Principles,and indeedtheprinciples themselvesprovidewhatmightbeconsideredacomprehensiveandsuitablybroadconceptionofinternaldisplacementtocovermost

situationsofforceddisplacementrelatedtoconflictornaturaldisasterthatisconfined

withintheboundariesofanationstate.

As such, in spirit andword, seeking to frame thedisplacement situation innorthern

Ugandainthetermsofinternaldisplacementappearedtomakesense.Onthefaceofit

thesituationappearedcleartomosthumanitarianworkers,diplomatsandgovernmentofficials.TheLordsResistanceArmy,beingasuperstitious,primitive,criminalcultwas

preyingupontheverypeopleitpurportedtorepresentinaquesttoproduceterrorand

achievematerialgains.

Assuch,thepopulationofAcholilandhad,naturally,fledLRAviolencefortheprotection

ofcamps,wheretheycouldavailthemselvesofthesecurityprovidedbytheUgandan

army.Assuch,theinternaldisplacementwasgenerallyunderstoodto bea stochastic

protectiveresponsetothethreatofrebelviolence.

Whileitwasacknowledgedthattheconditionsinthecampswereappalling,whatwas

mostneeded,accordingtothiscommunity,wasmoreandbetterreliefdeliveryinorder

tomakeconditionsmorebearableuntilsuchatimeasthedisplacedciviliansmightseek

toreturnhomeprobablyaftertheLRAhadbeendefeatedorafterapeacedealhad

beensigned.TheGuidingPrinciplesthereforewereseentoprovideausefultool,along

withtheSpherestandardsforplanningandimplementingmoreeffectivehumanitarian

reliefinterventionsthatwouldbothsavelivesandsupportlivelihoodsuntilnormality

couldberestored.

This,Iwouldargue,constitutedthedominanthumanitariannarrativeinUgandaatthe

timeandwasreflectedintherapidincreaseinhumanitarianprogramminginnorthern

Uganda. Unfortunately this increase in humanitarian response had little impact in


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achievingeitheroftheseends,andservedtodolittlethanreinforceandentrenchthe

campstructures.

What issignificant formydiscussionhere isthefact that thisdominanthumanitarian

narrative, which was underwritten by an adherence to a narrative of internal

displacementoftenfailedtotakeanyaccountoftheactualnatureofdisplacementintheregion,andinparticularthespecificconditionsofdisplacementfacedbythepopulation

ofAcholilandwhencomparedtothosedisplacedelsewhereintheregion.

For while the direct correlation made between LRA violence on the one hand andcivilianmigrationontheotherwasseenasself-evidentbymost,thisfailedtotakeinto

accountthefactthatthescaleofinternaldisplacementinAcholiland,thecampsystem,

andtheappallinghumanitariancrisisintheregionhavebeen,insignificantpart,adirect

resultofUgandangovernmentpolicy.

TheMuseveniregimebegantoforciblydisplacepeopleintheAcholiregionalmostas

soonasitsforcesreachedGuluDistrictfollowingtheirseizureofthestatein1986,and

over the years it has become an integral (though unwritten) component of thegovernments counter-insurgency policy. As we can see from this table, which is

unavoidably only illustrative rather than definitive, we can discern a trend of

increasingly frequent and increasingly intense displacement of the population inAcholiland as a result of state displacement orders, culminating in the 2002

displacementorderwhichledto95%ofthepopulationofthesub-regioncongregatein

thecamps.

Thegovernmenthasalwaysarguedthatthedisplacementordershavebeenputinplace

astheonlyrationalmeanstoprotecttheAcholipopulation.Thishasnothoweverbeen

theconvictionoftheAcholipeoplethemselveswhofromtheveryearliestdaysreferred

tothecampsnotasprotectedvillagesasdidthestate,butasconcentrationcamps.

How the encampmentordersweredecideduponhasnot always been clear. None of

thempassedthroughthenormallegalchannels,eachwasimplementedonanexecutiveordermadebythePresidentandenactedbythemilitary.Eachasimplementedthrough

recoursetoviolenceagainstciviliansandnoneadheredtothemostbasicprovisionsof

internationalhumanitarianlaw.Aswehaveseen,theencampmentresultedinserious

humanitarianconditionsfortheaffectedpopulations.

Whileitisallbutimpossibletoestablishjusthowmuchdisplacementatanyparticular

timewasattributabletogovernmentdisplacementordersortovoluntarymovementas

aresponsetoLRAviolence(the1997displacementsinKitgumareoneclearexample

where a distinction is possible), it is incontrovertible that these orders had a verysignificantimpactuponoverallinternaldisplacement.

Ofparticular importanceare thefacts thateachdisplacementorderwasimplemented

throughtheuseofdirectviolenceagainstcivilianswhichforcedthemintocamps,and

alsothatinmanycasesonceincampsthecivilianpopulationwascontainedtherebyuse

ofmilitaryforce.Assuch,thosemovingintocampsasaresultofmilitaryordersrarely

returnedhomeuntilgiventhegreenlight.Thefinalsignificantfactorconcernsthefact

that theseordersbecame increasingly comprehensiveandpunitive, illustrated by the

fact that the2002order required allpeople inAcholilandtoenter camps,onpain of

death. Unsurprisingly this led to a massive spike in camp populations and a rapid

worseningofhumanitarianconditionstherein.


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The fact of these displacement orders leads me to suggest that the displacement

situationinAcholilandshouldbereferredtomorecorrectly(aswassuggestedinitiallybyJonBennettin1999)asoneofforcedrelocationorregroupement.

Regroupement has been used a standard method in counter-insurgency practice

throughoutthemodernerawithexamplestobefoundfromplacesasvariedasCubaduringthe Spanish-AmericanWar, SouthAfricaduringtheBoerwar,Malaysiaduring

WW2,KenyaduringMauMau, andVietnamduring theVietnamWar. Themostwell-

known example of regroupment from recent years however was that witnessed in

Burundi, and it was this situation that led to the development of the InteragencyStandingCommitteesdefinitionofregroupement:

Regroupement, involves the massive forced movement of entire

communities to sites at varying distances from their homes. These sitestypicallylackallbasicservices,aresometimesonthesidesor topsofsteep

hillsand,whileofficiallyadministeredbycivilianauthorities,areinpractice

underthecontrolofmilitaryunits.Inmanycasescommunitieshavebeen

movedwithnopriornotice,inthemiddleofthenight,andareallowedtotakeonlywhattheycancarry.Theirhomesarethenoftenlooted.

PolicyonForcedRelocationinBurundi(IASC2000)

Aswecansee,thesituationinAcholiland,closelyresembledthatidentifiedinBurundi.

What is curious here though is that in Burundi the international community was

stridentinitscondemnationoftheaction,puttinginplaceasetofprinciplestoguide

humanitarianagenciesinengaginginthecampsthathadbeensetupasaresult.Theseprinciples, which were referred to as The Griffiths Principles after their author, UN

humanitarian coordinator Martin Griffiths, firstly, strongly denounced the policy of

forced relocation, and secondly imposed strict conditions on the provision of

humanitarianreliefpendingtherepealofthepolicyandthereleaseofencampedpeopletoreturnhomefreely.

InUgandaontheotherhand,nosuchcondemnationwasmade,nosuchconditionswereplaced on aid delivery and, as Chris Dolan, Tim Allen, SverkerFinnstrm and Adam

Branch have all pointed out, humanitarian agencies became deeply complicit in the

forceddisplacementoftheAcholipopulation,andintheentrenchmentoftheconditions

thatOlaraOtunnuhadreferredtoasgenocide.

Before moving on, I just want to reinforce that I do not suggest that humanitarian

organizationsanddonorstatesfailedtoacknowledgetheroleplayedbythestateinthe

displacementprocess.AnumberofreportspublishedbyorganizationssuchasAmnesty

International, Human Rights Watch and the Civil Society Organisations for Peace inNorthernUganda(CSOPNU),allmadethispointrepeatedly,highlightinginparticular:

1. The states failure to abide by both the Guiding Principles on InternalDisplacement and other provision of humanitarian law in implementing the

regroupment

2. The states responsibility for the protection and well-being of the regroupedpopulation.

Many individual humanitarian workers were also keenly aware of their complicit

positionwithintheregroupementprocessbutfeltincapableofdoinganythingaboutit.

Theneedsoftheencampedpopulationweresogreatandsourgentthatmostagreed

thatthehumanitarianimperativetosavelivesandsupportlivelihoodshadtobethe


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priority,notmatterwhatthelongertermimpacts.Similarly,theprospectofpullingout

on the principled grounds of protest at the states displacement policy was alsoconsideredimpossibleasitwould,inthewordsofoneDFIDofficialhaveamountedto

pressingthenuclearbuttonfortheAcholipeople.

TheregroupementofthepeopleofAcholilandwasimplementedthroughavarietyofpracticesthatincluded:

Aseriesofincreasinglycomprehensivedisplacementordersthatwereappliedtothe populationof a discrete territorywhich constitutedonly a portion of theconflict-affectedregion

Thatthisterritorywasthehomeofadistinctethno-linguisticgrouptheAcholi ThattheseorderswereexecutiveordermadebythePresidentandexecutedby

theUgandanarmy The orders were made without reference to Uganda law and without

consultationwithUgandanParliament

Theordersestablishedadefactostateofemergencywithoutactuallydeclaringastateofemergency(forwhichadequatelegalprovisionsexist)

BydoingsoPresidentMuseveniandtheUPDFenactedaclearstateofexceptionwhichwasdefinedterritoriallyaroundtheDistrictsofAcholiland

Overtheyearstheforceddisplacementsfailedinalmosteverywaytoadheretotherelevantinternationalguidelines,normsandlaws

The dispacement was implemented by recourse to violence against thepopulationofAcholilandatthehandofthearmy

ThedisplacementseffectivelytransformedtheentiretyofAcholilandintoafree-firezoneinwhichthedistinctionbetweencivilianandcombatantwasdissolved

As such, it became possible for the UPDF to kill civilians in the territory ofAcholilandwith almostutter impunity, andcountlessreports ofsuchviolence

weregatheredovertheyears Finally, the state of severe physical, social, political, juridical, cultural andpsychological degradation to which the population of Acholilandwas subject

withinthecampscanbedescribedaslittleshortofanabjectanimalexistence

TakingintoaccountGiorgioAgambensworkonthelogicoftheexception,therecanbe

little doubt that the regroupement process inAcholilandoperated as an almost text

bookexampleofhowthestateofexceptioncanbeenmobilisedtoreduceaparticularpopulationtoastateofbarelife.

Itismysuggestionthatthisargumentgoessomewaytoansweringoneoftheabiding

questionsaskedbyanalystsofthesituationinAcholiland:Howandwhywasthisabletohappen,andwhy didthe international communitydoso little tochallenge it?Indeed

whydidtheinternationalcommunityeffectivelysupportit?

Partly, Ibelieve the answer lieswith themanner inwhich thewar, theLRA and theAcholipopulationwereconfiguredwithinofficialdiscourses.Fromthebeginningofthe

conflict the Ugandan government argued that regroupement, was necessary on a

numberofcounts.

Firstly,itwassaidtobenecessaryiftheAcholipopulationwastobeprotectedfromthe

maraudingbanditsoftheLRA.Inparticularitwasclaimedthatprotectingciviliansin

centrallocationswouldbemoreeffectiveandcheaperthantrying topatrol thewhole

region.


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Secondlyitwassaidtobenecessarytoenablecleardistinctionsbetweenciviliansand

rebelsinthefield.Ifcivilianswereincampsanyonefoundoutsidethemcouldsafelybeassumedtobearebel.

Thirdly,itwasclaimedthattheAcholipeoplewerecollaboratorswiththerebelsand

neededtobeseparatedfromthemasacounterinsurgencystrategy.

Theseargumentswerepowerful,inspiteofthefactthat:

a) ThethreatofLRAviolenceactuallyappearedtoincreaseoncepeoplehadbeenmovedintocamps

b) Thatratherthanallowingaclearerdistinctionbetweencivilianandcombatantstheregroupmenttransformedallciviliansintopotentialtargets

c) LittlecredibleevidenceexistedtoproveanymeaningfullevelsofcollaborationbetweenthetheAcholipopulationandtheLRA

Unfortunately each of these arguments went almost wholly unchallenged by the

international humanitariananddonor communityandthe campswere seen bymany

internationalobserverstobeamoreorlessrationalandevendesirablemechanismfortheprotectionof the Acholipopulationfrom thedangers of thewar zone.Partly this

mayhavebeentheresultofthefactthatverylittledatahadbeencollectedonthewar

and the humanitariansituation at the time, but itwas also reinforced by the official

discourseofthewar.

Ontheonehandthisdiscoursearguedthatthatthiswasaclearcaseofalunatictribal

warlordwhowasholdinghisownpeopletoransomthroughacampaignofinsaneand

senselessviolence,withthesupportofanenemygovernment, inthehopeofwinningthespoilsofwarandofdestroyingUgandasroadtopeace,developmentandprosperity

andthatcivilianshadtobeprotectedmilitarilyfromthethreatofviolence

OntheotherhanditwasarguedthattheUgandanstate,whichunderYoweriMusevenis

leadershiphadbecomeaformidableallynotonlyoftheUSandtheUKinthewaron

terror, but also of the international financial institutions in their project of global

structuraladjustment,wasabeaconofmodernizingrationalitythatwasworkinghard

toliveup toitsresponsibility toprotect,eveninspiteof itsshortcomings,andwhich

wasdoingitsbesttostanduptotheforcesofdarknessandirrationalitythatthreatened

fromtheNorthandfromSudan.

This was a discourse that the Ugandan state had worked hard to develop over thecourseoftwodecadesanditwasreinforcedadmirablybyitsinternationalallies.Itwas

alsoadiscoursethatIsuggestisimportantinthisconsiderationofthepoliticallogicof

regroupmentinUgandainanumberofways.

From its earliest days the Museveni regime, known at the time as The Movement

SystemofGovernment,hadestablisheditselfasamodernizingmovementthatsought

tobringreason,orderandscientificprinciplesofgovernmenttotheUgandanstate.In

doing so, the Movement was represented as a revolutionary movement for peace,

democracy anddevelopmentbasedupon a rational understandingofhowtoaddress

socialproblemsforthegoodoftheentireUgandanpopulation.

UponwinningpowerMusevenisoughttomakegoodon thesepromisesbyinitiatinga

wide range ofmodernization programmes including structural adjustment, economic


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liberalizationandthedecentralizationoflocalgovernmentadministration,therebynot

onlygarneringtherespectoftheinternationalcommunitybutenteringthecommunityofnationsasanequalplayerinthegameofneoliberalglobalization.

ThisclaimtoanewformofnationhoodforUganda,wasbased,Isuggest,uponaradical

new discourse of Ugandan governmentality that sought to eradicate the countrysviolentpast and toproduce a new formofutopic space in Uganda.TheMovements

discoursepromisedtotransformUgandafromanationfracturedbyprimordialethnic

enmities into a truly modern and democratic nation-state in which ethnicity was

transcendedbynationalunityundertheMovementtent.Assuch,MusevenisMovementwas made effectively equivalent to the Ugandan nation, to the stability, peace and

developmentofthecountry.Movementdiscoursethuspromisedanewfutureofpost-

ethnicpeaceandprosperity.

Assuch,MuseveniandtheMovementsucceededinestablishingwhatwemightthinkof

asanewformofpoliticalcommunityinUganda,anewsocialcontractforsecuringthe

goodlifeofthepolisbasedaroundtheMovements10pointplan.

Itwasadiscoursethatheldinitshearthoweveracriticalcontradiction.Centraltothe

success ofMovements discursive coupwas a sustained and explicit juxtaposition of

MuseveniandhismodernizingMovementtoaUgandanpastinwhichethnicityruledpoliticsandwhichwasbarbaric,primordial,fascistic,evensatanicseriesofregimeshad

mobilised ethnicity in a manner that threatened the coherence and health of the

Ugandanbodypolitics.

Nearlyallofthesesupposedlyatavisticregimes foundtheir regional rootsamong the

ethnicgroupsof theNorthandparticularlyamongtheLangi(Obote),theNubi(Amin)

and the Acholi (Okello) and in painting the past black Museveni and the Movement

servedtoreinforce alreadyexisting enmities betweentheirnaturalsupporters in theSouthandSouthwestandthepopulationsoftheNorth.Indeedithasbeenquiteclearly

shown that even during the days of its liberation struggle Musevenis National

Resistance Army (NRA) had mobilised a propaganda campaign through which thestrugglewas justified bypromisingnot onlyanend to northern rule but also thata

reckoningforpastwrongswouldbewrought.

TheAcholi,itturnedoutweretheprimetargetforsuchareckoning,particularlydueto

thehistoricalrolethattheyhadplayedastroopsinthenationalarmiesoftheanciens

rgimes.AsthemainstayoftheUgandanarmedforcesfornearly80yearstheAcholi

wereidentifiedinthepopularimaginationasbeingresponsibleforthevastmajorityof

theatrocitiesthathadbeencarriedoutunderpreviousregimes.Thisisaconvictionthat

persistsintothepresentday.Assuch,whenMusevenicametopoweritwasridinguponawaveofdeeplyentrenchedfeelingstowardstheAcholiasanethnicgroupthatwas:

1. responsibleforhistoricatrocitiesinSouthernUganda2. complicitintheviolentethnificationofUgandanpolitics,3. inherentlymilitant,4. inevitablyopposedtotheMuseveniregime,and5. linkedbothbylanguageandtothehistoricalenemyofSudan

When,uponlosingpowertheAcholiforcesoftheUgandanarmyfledintoSudanand

launchedarebelliontotakebackpower,theirfateintheeyesoftheMuseveniandhis

Movement appears to have been sealed. By retreating onto enemy territory and

challengingtheauthorityoftheMuseveniregimetheycametobelinkedinextricablyto

thedeeplyhistoricalthreattotheUgandanbodypolitic that isSudan,andthislinkage


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hasonlybecomeworsesincetheearly1990swhentheLordsResistanceArmyaccepted

formalmilitaryandfinancialsupportfromtheSudanesestate.

Mypointhereisthis,thatinseekingtobringaboutarevolutionintheUgandanstate

that shifted themode of governmentality from one that tended almost inevitably to

recidivist ethnic chauvinism to one that embodies the principles of western liberalbiopoliticswithinanAfricanformMusevenismodernizingrevolutionestablishedanew

political community based upon Movement principles. In doing so the Movement

established a clear boundary between those who conformedwith the new vision of

Ugandancitizenship and those who did not and thiswas a boundary that took clearshapebothtemporallyandspatiallyaroundfirstly,thenorthandsecondly,theAcholi.

Assuch,Iwouldarguethatwecandiscernthebeginningsofa clearprocessbywhich

therelationofthesovereignbancametobeappliedtotheresidentsoftheAcholiregion.

ItisthisactofabandonmentviatheexerciseofsovereignpowerthatIsuggestfindsits

most concrete and most devastating materialization in the process of internal

displacementthathasbeenimplementedinAcholilandoverthepasttwentyyears.This

becomesparticularlyclear ifweconsider thespecificpracticesthathavebeenusedtoimplementthedisplacementprocess.

Theban, I argue can beidentified ina varietyofways legally, spatially, bodily andsubjectively. I shall briefly run through a selection of examples of how it is made

manifest:

1.Displacementorders

Agambennotesthatoneofthekeydefiningelementsofthesovereignbanisthefactthat

it takesplace outside the law.The sovereign suspends the law by taking themselves

outsidethelaw.WefindexactlythisconditioninthedisplacementordersinAcholiland.In every case it appears that the displacement orders were enacted as executive

decisionsbythePresidenthimself.InnoinstanceweretheytakenbeforeParliamentfor

considerationandin no instancewasthe appropriate legislationenacted toallow forsuchactionstotakeplaceeveninspiteofthefactthatclearlegislationonhowand

under what circumstances a state of emergency might be enacted. Thus, a state of

emergencywas put in place by the President in fact but not in law. In doing so he

succeededinestablishinghimselfaspurepowerbeyondtheboundsoflaw,suspending

lawinfact,whilstleavingitinoperation.

2.Thederogationofrights

This suspensionof the law was applied in each case toa very specific territory andcommunity: thepopulation resident inAcholiland. Thestate, in enacting thestate of

emergency (ofwhich the internal displacement ordersconstituted a centralelement)

failed to uphold its own responsibilities as the state both under Ugandan law and

international law, thereby placing the inhabitants of Acholiland into a clear state of

exception. This state of exception bore real material, physical and psychological

consequences. The displacement of the Acholi population was implemented using

meansof forceduring which significantnumbers of Ugandan citizenswere killed or

maimedbytheforcesthatweretaskedtoprotectthem.Onceinthecampnoservices

were made available to them by the state, which indirectly caused serious levels of

physical suffering and excess deaths. Similarly hundreds of camp dwellers suffered

directabuseandviolenceinthecampsatthehandsofthemilitaryandpoliceprotecting

them,whileLRAviolenceagainstciviliansactuallyincreasedinintensityfollowingthe


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massdisplacement.AsChrisDolanasputit,Ratherthanprotectingpeoplefromthe

warzone,thecampsbecamethewarzone.

3.Thereductiontobarelife

Havingbeenforcedtomoveintothecamps,thepopulationofAcholilandhadnochoicebuttolivealifethattheythemselvesequatedtoananimalexistence.Unabletocultivate

food,unabletoprovidefortheirownlivelihoods,unabletoperformtheirculturalrites,

unable to access sufficient food, water, health care and education, the Acholi people

almost universally considered their containment in the camps as a form ofimprisonment that was slowly and inexorably destroying them as a people. Most

referred to the camps not as protected villages as the government urged, but as

concentrationcampsandsome,suchasOlaraOtunnu,evenwentsofaras toinvoke

thecomparisonwiththegenocidalcampsoftheHolocaust.

WhilesuchacomparisoncertainlyexaggeratedthematerialrealityoftheAcholicamps,

it clearly communicated how many Acholi camp residents experienced their own

situation. This was a situation in which they felt abandoned by the Ugandan state.Almost universally the camp residents that I interviewed retained a sharp sense of

themselvesasUgandancitizenstowhomthestateowedadutyandtowhichtheyalso

borearesponsibility.Theirsituationinthecampswasonethatbroughtthatfeelingofcontractualrelationintostarkreliefleadingonewomantoaskwherearewe,arewein

Uganda,orareweinSudan,sometimesIfeelthatgovernmentwantsustobeinSudan,

thenwewillnolongerbeaproblem.

WiththatstatementthiswomandrovehomeformewhatItaketobethethreefinaland

definingconclusionofthismeditationonthenatureofdisplacementinAcholiland:

1.ThatbyorderingandimposingtheforceddisplacementinthewaythatitdidtheUgandangovernmentenactedaveryfundamentalstateofexceptionthatserved

to materialize its own sovereign power spatially, bodily, subjectively,

discursively and juridically through the abandonment of the population ofAcholilandtoastateofbarelife.

2. That this act of abandonment was facilitated by, and has even found itsjustification in, the contradictory manner in which the Museveni regime has

constructed itself in relation to ethnicity in Uganda. On the one hand the

Museveniregimehasconstructeditselfasamodern,unifying,biopoliticalstate

thatplacesthehealthandwell-beingoftheUgandanbodypoliticasitsnumber

onepriority.Ontheotheritshaspursuedthisvisionbyreinforcinga seriesof

ethnicfracturesthathaveeffectivelyconsignedtheAcholitoastateofbarelifethathasthreatenedtodestroythembothphysicallyandculturally.

3. The encampment of the Acholi, produced an internal border within Ugandabehindwhichastateofexceptionwasproduced.Thisborder,bothspatialand

politicalwas foundedupon the reproduction of a particular setof discourses

thatidentifiedtheAcholipeoplewithexternalthreatsfromanexternalterritory

LRAandSudanproducingtheAcholiasaninternalotherwithintheUgandan

bodypolitic.Indoingso,IwouldarguethattheAcholicametoinhabitthesame

symbolicandpoliticalspaceoccupiedbytherefugee inAgambensanalysisof

We refugees - they exposed the essential crisis in Uganda of the trinity of

blood,territoryandorder.

SA

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