SPECPOLBackgrounder

CAIMUN 2018Canada International Model United NAtions

Topic A: Addressing Violence During the Independence Process

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CANADA INTERNATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS 2018

Director’s Letter

Dear Delegates,

My name is Benjamin Steven, and I have the honour of serving as your Director for the Special Political and Decolonization Committee at CAIMUN 2018. I am currently a junior at St. George’s School, and began my involvement in Model United Nations three years ago. I was driven to pursue MUN both by curiosity, and in some ways peer pressure, but soon after it evolved into one of my greatest passions. I am immensely grateful for the opportunities and connections these conferences never fail to create, and I aspire to cultivate those very same opportunities and connections for newer delegates today.

The primary function of SPECPOL has always been to resolve conflicts regarding decolonization; however, recent mandate expansions now allow the committee to tackle issues such as atomic radiation and space exploration. For this reason, I consider SPECPOL to be the most diverse of all MUN committees. The selected topics compliment this diversity, and as a Director I look forward to observing your thoughtful discussions and resolutions.

While SPECPOL is considered a beginner committee, I would like to challenge that notion. A classification should not dictate the outcome of a committee’s discussions nor should it dissuade its respective delegates from deeply exploring the complexities of global issues, especially such pertinent ones like the privatization of space or the independence process. I encourage all delegates to extensively research their country’s positions and fully immerse themselves in the field of international relations. That being said, I fully understand that Model United Nations may be unfamiliar to you, and I sincerely hope that you use CAIMUN as an opportunity to learn, and hopefully discover the same passion that captivated me three years ago.

If there is anything I can do to improve your CAIMUN experience either before or during the conference, please reach out to me with any questions, comments, or concerns, and I will respond as soon as possible.

I look forward to seeing you soon!

Sincerely,

Benjamin StevenDirector of SPECPOL

SecretariatJulian Miller

Secretary-General

Andrew YunDirector-General

Ashley Phord-ToyChief of Staff

Alvin ZouUnder-Secretary-General of

Delegate Affairs

Shakil JessaUnder-Secretary-General of

Logistics

Rosa RahimiUnder-Secretary-General of Committees (Specialized)

Sean LeeUnder-Secretary-General of

Committees (General)

Nick YoungUnder-Secretary-General of

Marketing

Annabeth LinUnder-Secretary-General of

Sponsorships

Adrian YungUnder-Secretary-General of

IT & Media

Allan LeeUnder-Secretary-General of

Conference

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Committee DescriptionThe United Nations Fourth Committee, also referred to as the Special Political and Decolonization Committee (SPECPOL) was created in 1945 to “address decolonization in a post World War II era”. The term decolonization stems from the fact that around this time a third of the world’s population lived in non-governing territories which were dependent on colonial powers.1 Although SPECPOL was originally limited to decolonization, it expanded in 1990 to discuss a wide range of special political issues, which include atomic radiation, human rights, peacekeeping, public information, and outer space.2 Today, the committee includes all 193 UN member states, and still remains committed to its goal to improving self-sufficiency in the international community.

An important distinction of SPECPOL, one which is consistent amongst most General Assemblies, is the committee cannot take military action, and instead creates resolutions which can be passed on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) for future consideration.3 These resolutions are also unique when compared to resolutions brought forward from other General Assemblies, as they pertain less to contemporary issues and instead focus on addressing previous unresolved sources of political tension. Ultimately, SPECPOL aims to improve relations between member states, and hopes to create unification throughout the entire international community.

IntroductionThe United Nations stands for peace and equality, and encourages its member states to promote these ideals between their citizens. However, the unexpected growth of violent independence movements has highlighted the fact that the U.N., and its subsequent member states, have not sufficiently addressed various populations’ demands for recognition and self-determination -modern examples include Catalonia and Kurdistan. Both of these regions, realizing the emerging outcry for independence, have recently held referenda with the overwhelming vote being in favour of secession. However, the validity of these referenda were rejected by the respective parent states, Spain and Iraq, and the resulting fallout has created tension in both regions.

These two instances are testaments to a larger issue; small regions, united through historically rooted commonalities including race or ancestry, lack the political power necessary to secede from their parent states. One of the primary causes is the lack of any formal legal document outlining how nations can achieve sovereignty. The most apt alternative the UN Charter, which grants the right of self-determination, which is interpreted as the right to choose who governs a populace, not the right of formal recognition from the international community. This interpretation leaves small nations unable to assert themselves on the world stage, and thus exist as “unrecognized states” who have declared independence but have not been recognized by the United Nations or their parent states.

With no means of obtaining independence diplomatically, self-determined nations turn to violence to pressure their governments into acknowledging their independence. Nationalism, defined as loyalty or devotion to a nation, strengthens these sharp divisions, effectively creating an “Us 1 http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=43868#.Wj3XjrT81AZ2 http://www.un.org/en/ga/fourth/3 http://www.un.org/en/sections/issues-depth/peace-and-security/

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vs. Them” mentality. Examples include the historical FLQ Crisis in Quebec, militant groups in Basque Country and Tamil Eelam, and the growing tension in Kurdistan. Although patriotism is not inherently harmful, it is important that all appropriate measures are taken to ensure that violent forms of separatist movements are tempered.

When discussing this topic, it is extremely important that delegates understand the contentious relationship between parent states and regions attempting to gain independence. Pre-established borders change drastically as new countries form, which could potentially usher in economic downfall for the parent state or even the newly formed country. Therefore, delegates should strive to find a compromise between both parties; one which will allow separatist movements to address their needs and assert themselves diplomatically, but also note the concerns of the parent states. Furthermore, this compromise should recognize the importance of peacekeeping, and demonstrate that the international landscape is open to change, but only when negotiations are conducted in good faith and with safety as a top priority.

Timeline1765-1783Philosophical differences create political tension between Great Britain and the Thirteen Colonies. These colonies were ardent protestors of the “taxation without representation” system imposed upon them by Great Britain. The tensions culminate in the American Revolutionary War, resulting in the establishment of the independent United States of America.4

1789-1848The American Revolutionary War inspires the “Age of Revolution”, leading to the Haitian Revolution and the Irish Rebellion of 1798. Because of these revolutions, Haiti becomes an independent state, and Great Britain signs the Act of Union in 1801, giving Ireland representation at the House of Commons in Westminster, London.

June 26th 1945The UN Charter is signed, outlining the purpose of the United Nations. Within these purposes is a call to “develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace.”5

March 12th 1930Indian independence leader Mahatma Gandhi defies Britain’s Salt Acts and leads a march to Dandi, India, intending to produce their own salt illegally. This movement inspires India to join Gandhi’s acts of civil disobedience rather than resorting to violence to obtain independence.6

December 14th 1960The United Nations General Assembly adopts Resolution 1514, also known as the “Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.” One of the preambulatory clauses states “All peoples have an inalienable right to complete freedom, the exercise of their

4 en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American_Revolutionary_War5 https://treaties.un.org/doc/publication/ctc/uncharter.pdf6 https://www.thoughtco.com/what-was-gandhis-salt-march-195475

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sovereignty and the integrity of their national territory.”7

July 6th 1967Southern ethnic groups in Nigeria declare the Independent Republic of Biafra. Nigeria refuses to recognize Biafra, leading to a 3 year civil war ending in 1970. During this period, one million lives are lost.8

October 5th 1970The Front de Libération du Québec (FLQ), a militant separatist movement, kidnaps James Cross, the British trade commissioner in Montreal, and Pierre Laporte, the Minister of Immigration. Canada invokes the War Measures Act when Pierre Laporte is killed by an independent FLQ cell known as Chénier.9

February 17th 2008Kosovo, a UN protectorate, becomes the seventh nation to declare independence from Yugoslavia, signalling the end of a civil war which had killed 10,000 people. UNSC members including the United States, France, and the United Kingdom recognize the declaration while Russia and Serbia strongly protest. A grenade is thrown at the UN building in Mitrovica and Serbian citizens smash windows of the US embassy.10

July 9th 2011South Sudan achieves complete independence after 99% of eligible voters back separation from Sudan in a referendum held between January 9 to 15, 2011. The secession is finalized through an former 2005 agreement known as the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and ends Africa’s longest-running civil war. Five days later on July 14, 2011, the United Nations officially welcomes South Sudan as the 193rd member state.

September 25th 2017Iraqi Kurdistan, located in the north of Iraq, holds a referendum to decide on a declaration of independence. 92 percent of voters overwhelmingly support independence. Turkey considers shutting down its frontier with Kurdistan and imposes a trade ban. Iraq’s Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi decides against military force to quash the results, firmly stating “We don’t want a fight between Iraqi citizens.”11

October 1st 2017Catalonia holds a referendum for independence despite the Madrid central government declaring it illegal. In response, Spain orders in The Civil Guard, a semi-militarized police force, to interfere with the voting procedure through the usage of rubber bullets and attacking citizens at voting stations.12

7 http://www.un.org/en/decolonization/declaration.shtml8 https://www.naija.ng/629644-10-things-need-know-biafra-biafran-war.html#6296449 http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/october-crisis10 http://www.nytimes.com/2008/02/18/world/europe/18kosovo.html11 https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/sep/27/over-92-of-iraqs-kurds-vote-for-independence12 http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/catalan-crisis-why-does-catalonia-want-independence-do-peo-ple-really-support-it-spain-latest-a8025836.html

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Historical Analysis

The Ties Between Violence and Separatism

Historically, independence and violence have been synonymous. This rationale dates as far back as the Roman Empire, which despite being well known for law and order, consistently found itself in conflict against Celtic resisters.13 During the 18th and 19th century, European colonies in Australia, New Zealand, and the Americas began to secede from their parent states. These secessions began either during or after World War I, and are considered the origins of self determination and the right to self governance. Around this time, US President Woodrow Wilson, understanding the importance of participatory regional governance, advocated at the League of Nations for its widespread integration. However, the failure of the League of Nation meant that his ideal never came to fruition.14

In the 20th century, the number of sovereign states tripled from 55 to the 192 that make up the United Nations today. Unfortunately, the UN Charter and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples did little to address the connection between violence and separatism. During this time, Biafra attempted to secede from Nigeria, resulting in a civil war, the loss of one million lives, and accusations of Biafran genocide. In spite of these struggles, Biafran independence was never recognized.15

A notable exception to this trend is India. Their path to independence, though not without tension, was largely peaceful. Independence leader Mahatma Gandhi believed in a unified strength, and called upon fellow minded nationalists to pressure the British government through acts of civil disobedience. This was met with violence from the British, but nevertheless Gandhi remained steadfast in his goal to create independence peacefully. His plan eventually succeeded on August 15, 1947.16 This led to a brief period of seemingly peaceful separatism during the 1960s to the 1980s, during which ethnic minorities held referenda to achieve local governance. The Welsh in Scotland, the Basques in Spain, and the Flemish in Belgium succeeded in this regard, but did not achieve the full sovereignty that they originally sought. The Quebecois in Canada also embraced peaceful autonomy, but an independent terrorist cell known as the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ) impeded upon the merits of movement, prompting the provincial government to declare a referendum as a stopgap to the violence. Both referenda, one in 1980 and the other in 1995, failed. This pattern of diplomatic self-determination was broken just before the 2000s, when East Timor seceded from Indonesia after a U.N supervised referendum. However, violence in the region resumed because the annexation of East Timor was never recognised by the United Nations. The Indonesian military assisted anti-separatists, which killed 1,400 Timorese and caused 300,000 to flee. In the end, the tension was only resolved after the U.N. deployed Australian peacekeepers.17

In summary, violence and separatism have gone hand in hand throughout history. Many U.N. member states were founded after World Wars and revolutionary movements; separatist leaders understood this and decided that in order to attain sovereignty, they too would have to take up 13 http://www.historynet.com/empire-vs-tribe-the-roman-empire-and-the-celts.htm14 https://us.sagepub.com/sites/default/files/upm-binaries/36778_Chapter2.pdf15 Ibid16 http://www.crf-usa.org/black-history-month/gandhi-and-civil-disobedience17 Supra note 14

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arms. As a result, violence was ingrained into the culture of separatism, and this culture has since prevailed over peace.

The Aftermath of Separatism

Modern and historical separatism is/was fueled with a desire for improvement. There is an assumption that “Those engaging in secessions [believe] their quality of life will improve once they establish their own nation.”18 This assumption holds true in cases such as India or the United States; however, their dates of independence well exceed 50 years ago. Because of this, they lack relevance to the political landscape of today. Instead, it is better to cite more contemporary examples such as Timor-Leste South Sudan to understand the after effects of separatism.

Timor-Leste, also known as East Timor, was founded on May 20, 2002, following the United Nations-sponsored act of self-determination, which required Indonesia to relinquish control of the territory.19 Independence did not come easily, however, as Indonesian militias destroyed over half of East Timor’s infrastructure. Governments that were formed post-independence centralized power, and were largely considered to be corrupt by the populace but were eventually removed through democratic elections in 2007.20 This ousting reassured private companies to invest in Timor-Leste, reducing the poverty rate from 50 percent to 37 percent.21 Overall, Timor-Leste, and its respective populace, have dramatically improved their quality of life through political advocacy, a stable government, the gradual return of refugees formally displaced after fleeing from Indonesian rule, and a doubling of its GDP per capita.

South Sudan, in contrast to East Timor, had a complicated path to independence, marred with ethno-religious conflicts that have driven the country to civil war today. These conflicts were due to the central governments location to the north, whose identity vastly differs from the south. As a result, the northern central government attempted to impose Islam on the south, treating non-muslims as “second-class citizens.”22 Today, the South Sudan government is not Muslim, and therefore does not force its citizens to convert to Islam; however, despite the current constitution calling for freedom of the press, journalists critical of the government are under attack. These issues are magnified by South Sudan’s volatile economy, which is over-reliant on oil reserves that directly affect the livelihood of citizens; for example, in 2009 it was estimated that 51 percent of South Sudan citizens lived in extreme poverty when prices dropped from $145 per barrel to $53 per barrel.23

In summation, the international community should draw upon these these examples to create peace and stability in unstable regions currently seeking autonomy and/or sovereignty. Both countries were founded from conflict; however, in the case of Timor-Leste, the proper implementation of democratic processes prevented the country from descending into civil war, unlike South Sudan. If the international community decides to allow all regions to self-determine, or reduce barriers that complicate the independence process, then it is vital that the implementation of elections and freedom from persecution for self-determination are considered and discussed thoroughly.18 https://ir.library.oregonstate.edu/downloads/nv935507j19 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/East_Timor20 Supra note 1821 Ibid22 Ibid23 https://inflationdata.com/Inflation/Inflation_Rate/Historical_Oil_Prices_Table.asp

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Current SituationIn order to understand the correlation between violence and separatism, one must also comprehend the factors that underlie independence movements today, as well as the current understanding of the modern independence process.

Today’s Separatist Movements

As of 2018, there are 21 separatist movements throughout Europe. Although some advocate for complete sovereignty, the common demand is greater political autonomy within the movements’ regions. As seen in the photo below, Europe would look very different if every contemporary movement succeeds in their goal of greater regional autonomy or complete sovereignty.In North America, separatism is rare, but has manifested itself in states that oppose federal

administrations. The United States briefly observed a Texas secessionist movement after the reelection of Barack Obama and an insurgency in California after the election of current US president Donald J. Trump. In Asia, specifically China, violent protests in Tibet and Xinjiang, “inspired by land grabs, environmental damage, and deprivation of religious beliefs”24, have been long discredited by the Central People’s Government.

These movements vary geographically, but their roots can be attributed to two common factors, the first being globalization. For example, European states that were once fully independent are 24 https://thediplomat.com/2016/07/tibet-xinjiang-and-chinas-strong-state-complex/

Map of Various Proposed European Separations [https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2017/oct/27/beyond-catalonia-pro-independence-movements-in-europe-map]

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becoming federal states, giving up portions of their agency to the European Union. However, separatist region leaders are highly critical of the EU, asserting that it fails to adequately ensure respect for separatist regions. The same situation can be applied to the United Nations, who some believe has over-extended its influence and is now unjustly interfering in domestic affairs. Without a clear understanding on the power and influence (or lack thereof) of international bodies, separatists are uncertain about alternative approaches they can utilize to promote cooperation between their respective regions and the parent-state.

The other factor is simply self-interest. This especially applies to wealthy regions like Catalonia, whose belief in an unfair federal taxation policy led to its referendum, and the consequent violence at polling stations. This was also a driving factor behind the United Kingdom’s departure from the EU. Because national capitals control transnational organizations, they ultimately decide the allocation of funds for regional development, which means that regions cannot request funding from their parent-states, as the parent-states are subject to transnational organizations.25

Obtaining Sovereignty in the 21st Century

Because there is no legal document explaining the independence process, separatists must turn to precedent in order to understand how they can create a new sovereign state. For starters, the potential state holds a referendum to determine whether the public wishes to become independent or remain a territory. Assuming the referendum results in a favourable majority, the territory must have its independence recognized by the parent-state. If it has been recognized, they must apply for membership within the United Nations.26 The conditions for membership are laid out in the UN Charter, and are as follows:

1. The State submits an application to the Secretary-General and a letter formally stating that it accepts the obligations under the Charter.

2. The Security Council considers the application. Any recommendation for admission must receive the affirmative votes of 9 of the 15 members of the Council, provided that none of its five permanent members — China, France, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America — have voted against the application.

3. If the Council recommends admission, the recommendation is presented to the General Assembly for consideration. A two-thirds majority vote is necessary in the Assembly for admission of a new State.

4. Membership becomes effective the date the resolution for admission is adopted.27

These conditions provide clarity and address the ambiguity surrounding the independence process, but are marred by the fundamental issue that they only pertain to current UN member states, many of whom have vested interests in the separatist regions. Recognizing these regions consequently results in the loss of territory, and a dramatic shift in border lines. This impedes on the parent-state’s ability to make an objective decision about the validity of a separatist region, and without a method of bypassing this obstacle, separatist regions remain “unrecognized states” who declare independence but have yet to see it ratified.

25 https://www.huffingtonpost.com/kimon-valaskakis/separatism-everywhere-the_b_4977800.html26 https://theconversation.com/how-does-a-country-become-a-country-an-expert-explains-8196227 http://www.un.org/en/sections/member-states/about-un-membership/index.html

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UN/International InvolvementAlthough the United Nations is mostly vocal pertaining to issues of self-determination and independence, in special cases it has taken tangible steps to resolving matters of contention in conflict regions.

The Kosovo Conflict

Perhaps the most prominent example of direct U.N. involvement in connection to a separatist movement, Kosovo’s declaration of independence from Serbia in February of 2008 was met with divisive reactions from member states. Both major European powers and the United States supported Kosovo’s declaration, despite protests from Serbia. As a whole, the United Nations was concerned about the possibility of renewed instability in the region, noting previous experiences in 1999 after the creation of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) in response to NATO bombings in the region. In 2008, Kosovo was beginning to establish itself as an independent body, despite fierce criticism by Serbia. As tensions grew, the United Nations ultimately decided to allow UNMIK to become an interim administration, with its primary objectives being to create political stability and promote a settlement between Kosovo and Serbia.28

As the mission continued, it became clear that UNMIK was not improving relations between Kosovo and Serbia. On the contrary, the involvement of UNMIK smeared the United Nation’s reputation in the region, mostly due to failure to consult with the local population. As influence in the region slipped away, then U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stressed the importance of “participatory governance”29, implying that political stability can not be achieved without public contribution. Recently, a panel lambasted the United Nations for numerous human rights violations, describing the UNMIK mission as a “total failure”, citing negligence causing mass lead poisoning at United Nations camps in 2006. Heeding the advice of the panel, the U.N. has pledged to “establish a Trust Fund to implement community-based assistance projects”30 as well as issue a formal apology for UNMIK actions. To this day, Kosovo remains under Serbian control as Serbia exercises its sovereign control over the territory, despite half of the UN’s member states recognising its independence.

To summarize, the United Nations’ former relationship with Kosovo demonstrates that complete oversight and authority in an unstable region is not conducive to a healthy political environment. While today’s separatist movements do not match the severity of Kosovo’s, they share similar characteristics; therefore, open-ended solutions that encourage inclusion from all parties will likely create long lasting change, and promote integration between new countries and their former parent states.

The Minsk Agreements

In late March of 2014, at the height of the crisis in Ukraine, Crimean separatists declared a 97% majority in favour of joining Russia and seceding from Ukraine. Prominent members of the

28 http://www.un.org/en/events/tenstories/08/kosovo.shtml29 https://www.eureporter.co/world/2015/04/17/analysis-the-un-in-kosovo-success-or-failure/30 http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=56852#.WmknvVQ-fBK

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international community, including the European Union and the United States, swiftly imposed sanctions barring separatist leaders from travelling abroad and freezing their assets. At a domestic level, Ukraine launched an “anti-terrorists operation” against the rebels.

To mitigate concerns about a possible civil war in Ukraine, a peace deal was brokered between Ukraine and the separatists, known as Minsk 1. However, the deal quickly fell apart and by January of 2015, full-scale fighting had reemerged.31 In February of the same year, the international community, led by Germany’s chancellor Angela Merkel, brokered the “Package of Measures for the Implementation of the Minsk Agreements”, titled Minsk II. The plan included a ceasefire and the withdrawal of heavy weapons, which was overseen by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), in exchange for local elections and amnesty for separatist leaders.32

Although there have been claims by the Ukraine and the separatist groups that neither party has completely fulfilled their end of the bargain, the Minsk agreements are important achievements that signify the international community is capable of creating peace in separatist regions. The agreements also provide an indication of what separatist leaders desire - autonomous governments and freedom from persecution.

Potential SolutionsClarification on Key Terms

Because of the ambiguity surrounding the terms “self-determination”, the UN Charter is left largely for interpretation. Current UN member states view self-determination as the right for a populace to choose a regional government as its main authority, which would still be subservient to federal governments on some matters, such as defence. As seen in examples such as Catalonia or Kurdistan, this does not necessarily reflect the interests of the people. Separatist movements view self-determination as the right to create new nations in the case of a favourable majority. The contrast between these two definitions harm negotiations between countries and nations, because if negotiations fall through, violence becomes the new means of achieving independence. Therefore, a redefinition or clarification on the right to self-determine would create common ground that secessionist movements and countries can utilize during future negotiations.

Establishing Legal Grounds

With no legal document officially outlining what constitutes a sovereign state, or how to secede from one, separatist movements cannot assert themselves diplomatically in the status quo. By creating internationally agreed on conditions that new states must adhere to in order to be considered independent, UN member states and respective governments would no longer be required to pass judgement on the merits of individual movements. These conditions can include transparency during referenda, international observance, approval procedures, and transitional periods. This eliminates any potential conflicts of interest, and instead encourages cooperation and communication. The conditions that constitute a sovereign nation and the independence process requirements should be discussed and ultimately decided upon by the SPECPOL delegates.

31 https://www.economist.com/blogs/economist-explains/2016/09/economist-explains-732 Ibid

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Decriminalizing Separatism

By allowing the usage of military or other armed forces to undermine referenda in separatist regions, the United Nations will continue to be perceived as an aggressor infringing upon basic human rights. For that reason, the committee could discuss the ethical implications of using force to quash separatism. If it is agreed upon that force is not a practical option, then the committee can discuss penalties which can be imposed on member states who violate the UN standard of peacekeeping. Alternatively, if it is agreed that force is an answer to militant separatist movements, the committee can discuss peaceful but assertive tactics that governments can apply to potential uprisings.

Bloc PositionsNorth America and Oceania

Countries in this bloc observe very few secessionist movements; consequently, their stances are largely neutral. Canada and the United States, two nations who define North America, have both either witnessed the atrocities of revolutionary wars or have achieved independence peacefully. In addition, the United States has supported Kosovo’s independence while taking a hardline stance against Crimean secession. It was only recently that the US has deviated from this neutrality; while previous administrations supported peaceful two-state solutions to the Israel Palestine conflict, the Trump administration has decided to support Israel wholeheartedly. Canada has remained amicable in regards to engaging in discussions with Quebec, and only invoked military measures when absolutely necessary, such as when the October Crisis began. In Oceania, the Australian Human Rights Commission released two covenants stating that “All peoples have the right of self-determination… They freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.”33 These covenants especially apply to Australia’s indigenous population, who are granted an “ongoing process of choice” and given opportunities to meet their social, economic, and cultural needs. However, also explicitly stated in the covenants, self determination does not include the possible creation of an indigenous state.34

In short, the overarching principles of freedom and equality, observed in both continents, mean that nations in this group will take supportive stances for regions seeking autonomy, but only if the parent-state is either unwilling to engage in negotiations or is violently suppressing potential states.

South America

Separatism in South America, similar to North America and Oceania, is rare. However, the uprising in Catalonia has inspired voters in south Brazil, specifically in the states of Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina and Paraná. Their desire for secession echo sentiments observed in European separatist movements: unfair taxation stemming from poor government performance, or difference in economic policies. “The South is My Country” movement in Rio Grande spawned from these frustrations, but were overwhelmingly dismissed by the electorate, only witnessing 3% voter turnout. Any future attempts at Rio Grande secession are considered to ultimately become failures given Brazil’s constitution explicitly stating that the country is “formed by the

33 https://www.humanrights.gov.au/right-self-determination34 Ibid

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indissoluble union of states.”35 In 2007, Commercially minded and wealthy Eastern regions in Bolivia, such as Santa Cruz, briefly considered secession to protect their resources from the socialist ideas of Evo Morales, the former Bolivian president. This was met with sharp criticisms from pro-government protesters, who created blockades on the outskirts of Santa Cruz. They argued that the “white-ruled” Eastern regions were creating a monopoly on the Bolivian natural gas reserves, and demanded that some control of the oil reserves be allocated to the poorer Western regions. While the protests began as peaceful, the tensions soon escalated, resulting in the deaths of three protesters and one officer.

One final distinction that defines South American separatism is unlike African or Asian nations, linguistic and ethnic divisions are not conducive to secessionist attitudes. Although indigenous populations represent a significant demographic, they are “too crushed, dispersed, and/or divided to attempt [secessionism].”36 Alternatively, indigenous populations in South America seek autonomy as a means of preserving their disappearing culture and to be treated as full citizens.

Europe

Because Europe faces an identity crisis as a result of globalization, it also observes multiple independence movements. Since the EU relies on wealthy countries such as Germany, France, Italy, and formally the United Kingdom, it would like to stray away from violence so as to maintain political stability and economic consistency. Furthermore, many independence movements within Europe stem from inequality in taxation, such as Catalonian independence or Brexit. Most European states are hesitant to use force to repel separatism, meaning it is important to Europeans that outliers such as the Catalonia referendum are thoroughly discussed and peaceful alternatives are proposed. Overall, European and EU member states should promote identity in an increasingly globalized landscape, as well as advocate for peaceful forms of self-determination.

Asia

The common consensus amongst UN member states in Asia is that it is important to establish clear and firm governance. Ever since the occupation of Tibet, China has spared no expense in ensuring it is the dominating force in the region, and has even resorted to military powers to quash separatism. However, in a rare instance of compromise, it has granted autonomy in the form of Special Administrative Region (SAR) to Hong Kong. It grants the region autonomy but requires it to work closely with China on matters of defence. Russia has not experienced violent forms of separatism, but instead has taken tangible steps to support independence movements outside its borders. However, the Kremlin remains fearful or growing nationalism against the Russian state, and Vladimir Putin has strongly encouraged language classes to promote Russian identity. In the Middle East, Israel and Palestine are currently deadlocked in a heated conflict over territorial claims, and neither groups seek the proposed two-state solution suggested by the United Nations and international superpowers. Finally, rising Kurdish nationalism and its recent referendum has led to sanctions imposed onto the region by Turkish, Iranian, and Iraqi administrations. Turkey and Iraq in particular have threatened “dire consequences” if Kurdish separatists continue to push for independence, bolstering their threats with cooperative military drills between the Turkish and Iraq military.

35 https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-10-04/catalan-vote-inspires-brazil-s-southern-separatist-move-ment36 https://www.economist.com/news/americas/21731659-continent-without-catalonias-why-latin-america-has-no-se-rious-separatist-movements

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Africa

Because African nations have extremely volatile economies, any loss of territory places an enormous burden on governments to maintain an already faltering money supply. Furthermore, The Scramble for Africa between 1881 and 1914 divided pre-established borders for indigenous tribes, creating ethnic cleavages. Nigeria, for example, is made up of more than 250 different ethnicities, 500 native tongues and roughly 190 million people. This caused the Igbo people in southeastern Nigeria to rebel, believing the ethnic cleavages made Nigeria’s government unable to accommodate their needs. While they made up a majority of pro-Biafran forces during the Biafra Civil War, powerful Igbo leaders have denounced the creation of a Biafran state and worked to create a unified Nigeria in recent years. Their intervention has been seen as an attempt to defuse escalating tensions that consistently divide rival communities.37 Ultimately, Africa’s period of colonial rule, coupled with inefficient governments, make it the ideal breeding ground for nationalism and separatism. Therefore, African nations should work to promote cooperation between people and governments to ensure that they can avoid political instability.

Discussion Questions1. To what extent are separatist movements justified?2. Who should control the final say on self-determination? Nations who identify as a sovereign

state or the parent-state that currently governs them?3. Do foreign bodies have the right to recognize or not recognize emerging nations? Should

recognition be strictly domestic?4. What does your country believe is the best possible course to address separatism? Would

your country respond with military action to quell separatism, or would it engage in peaceful negotiations?

5. Has your country ever lived through colonial rule?6. Has your country ever governed a region which later became a sovereign state? Was there a

peaceful transition of power or did independence come about through violence?

Further Resources• https://us.sagepub.com/sites/default/files/upm-binaries/36778_Chapter2.pdf • http://www.un.org/en/decolonization/declaration.shtml• http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/catalan-crisis-why-does-catalonia-want-

independence-do-people-really-support-it-spain-latest-a8025836.html• https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2017/oct/27/beyond-catalonia-pro-

independence-movements-in-europe-map• http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-41475770• https://theconversation.com/passion-and-pain-why-secessionist-movements-rarely-

succeed-85097• http://www.businessinsider.com/why-catalan-kurds-voting-independence-movements-

secession-2017-10• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lists_of_active_separatist_movements• http://time.com/4963163/catalan-kurds-referendum-independence/

37 http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2017/01/21/man-fighting-independence-tiny-west-african-nation-biafra-council/

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• http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/cracking-independence-movements-bad-idea-171219075614245.html

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