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Heath, Fiona, Bor, William, Thompson, Jenny, & Cox, Leonie(2011)Diversity, disruption, continuity: Parenting and social and emotional well-being amongst Aboriginal peoples and Torres Strait Islanders.Australian and New Zealand Journal of Family Therapy, 32(4), pp. 300-313.

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https://doi.org/10.1375/S0814723X0000190X

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DIVERSITY, DISRUPTION, CONTINUITY: Parenting and Social and

Emotional Wellbeing amongst Aboriginal peoples and Torres Strait Islanders.

Keywords: Aboriginal peoples, Torres Strait Islanders, parenting, resilience

Word count = 6453

William Bor, Jenny Thompson, Fiona Heath,

Mater Private Hospital, Brisbane

Leonie Cox

School of Nursing and Midwifery, Queensland University of Technology, Kelvin

Grove, Brisbane.

ABSTRACT

This paper reviews the diversity in parenting values and practices amongst

Aboriginal peoples and Torres Strait Islanders. Firstly, issues arising from the

historical traumatic disruption of families’ attachments are discussed, Then the

contribution Indigenous parenting makes to the development of healthy and

vulnerable individuals becomes the central focus. Family therapists can draw from a

broad understanding of the diversity of parenting values and practices in the context

of a strength-based approach.

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Introduction

In considering the social context of wellbeing, Zubrick et al. (2010) note that

much research has focused on Indigenousi risk factors, trauma and disruptions and

little work has been done on protective factors . This paper takes up that challenge,

contributing to the literature on Indigenous protective factors. Thus, the paper

focuses on parenting values and the wealth of practices found amongst families as

important sources of resilienceii.

This paper is written at the historical moment of Aboriginal parenting coming

under intense government scrutiny with the advent of the Northern Territory

Intervention (Brown and Brown 2007). It is timely to remind readers of how the

issues so blithely reported in the national media actually influences Aboriginal

parents. The following statement is a personal reflection on parenting by Chelsea

Bond:

“As parents (who happen to be Aboriginal), my

husband and I know that we are far from perfect.

Inasmuch as we love our children, we are just as convinced

that we will make mistakes — that is part of life, no doubt. Yet, the

challenges of parenthood are made more difficult by the stigmas

attached to parents who happen to be Aboriginal … When my

husband and I venture out with our children into the predominantly

white spaces of neighbouring suburbs, we cannot help but notice

how people are “reading” us. As Aboriginal parents, we are aware

that the public gaze is transfixed on the horrors of physical and

sexual abuse and neglect of Indigenous children and families, to the

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extent that it makes it difficult for some people to see us beyond

those depictions. I can attest that the stigma of stereotyping is a

heavy burden to shoulder, and is one that we are loath for our

children to inherit”. (Bond, 2009, p. 175)

So what is the source of the stereotyping that is felt so keenly? Part of the

story is that Indigenous people are statistically overrepresented in terms of levels of

psychological, physical and social disadvantage while only making up 2.3% of the

population (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2007; Australian Institute of Health and

Welfare, 2008) and the constant media reporting of these figures solidifies negativity

in the public’s mind . Thus as with many minority groups, Aboriginal parents and

Torres Strait Islander parents function within a system of institutions that reinforce

difference as deficits (García Coll and Pachter, 2002). As Bond commented:

“Aboriginality, I thought as an Aboriginal person, was about ...survival of our

people, our communities, our culture. Why then does Indigenous health discursively

reverberate around the inadequacies, the impairments, and the hopelessness of our

peoples, families and communities” (Bond, 2005, p. 40)?

To counter such deficit discourses, accounts of Aboriginal parenting and the

socio-historical experiences of Aboriginal parents need to be understood during

assessments of their children. The experiences of Indigenous families indicate that

professionals often bring a particular mindset to their work. Specifically, such

workers interpret peoples’ experiences within a mechanistic biomedical framework,

which fails to take account of socio-cultural explanations of various human

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experiences (Cox, 2009; Hunter, 1993; Reser, 1991; Swan and Raphael, 1995).

Hunter (1993) noted that as early as 1988, the National Aboriginal Mental Health

Association called for the provision of culturally informed programs of counselling

and training. Even the term “mental health” is associated with stigma and the term

”social and emotional wellbeing” is preferred (Henderson, et al., 2007, p. 137) .

We argue for a tripartite approach to understanding Indigenous parenting.

Professionals firstly require knowledge and skills of engagement. While progress has

been made in the availability of cultural sensitivity training programs, doubt remains

as to their accountability and effectiveness (Royal Australian College of General

Practictioners, 2010; Westwood and Westwood, 2010).. Secondly, an understanding

of the past and present history of trauma is required. Sensitivity to the impacts of

colonisation and ongoing social marginalisation on identity and parenting is

important. Such awareness assists in establishing a respectful working alliance and

the development of strength based interventions (Bond, 2009). Thirdly, an awareness

of the existing data on Indigenous parenting is a crucial part of knowledge and skills

development. In summary, this paper aims to enhance family therapists’ appreciation

of both the historical and socio-political parenting context and present knowledge of

parenting values and practices. Such an approach leads to holistic clinical

formulations and actions when professionals confront complex family needs, and

facilitates a strengths-based approach.

Historical issues and their impact on Indigenous parenting

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It is important to note that there is not a single Indigenous culture. In pre-colonial

times, there were over 250 Aboriginal language groups and over 700 clans in Australia,

each with its own social organisation (Arthur and Morphy, 2005). The Torres Strait

Islanders also had at least two language clusters with some cultural differences between

communitiesiii. In contemporary times there are both similarities and differences

between and within Aboriginal and Torres Islander peoples (Garvey, 2008). Pre-

colonial commonalities amongst groups include connectedness to specific areas of land,

and clear principles and values that determined cultural and social responsibilities,

including parenting responsibilities (Garvey, 2008). Kinship systems linked by

language and cultural practices remain an integral part of communities’ identity and

relationships.

Historical factors have a significant impact upon present day parenting

amongst Indigenous Australians. These include state and federal government

policies of neglect, extermination or assimilation, forced displacement from

traditional lands and culture, and the separation from family and kinship systems

commonly called the Stolen Generations (Haebich, 2000). Further, physical,

emotional, sexual and economic abuse within the institutions used to replace

Indigenous family structures is well documented (Beckett, 1987; Secretariat of

National Aboriginal and Islander Child Care Inc., 2004). Further, in their report on

the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander

Children from their Families, the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission

(HREOC) commented: ‘The Inquiry was told of the practice in the Torres Strait

Islands of sending children born to Islander mothers and non-Islanders to mission

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dormitories on the Islands (such as at Thursday Island) or to mainland institutions up

until the late 1970s (Human Rights and Equal Opportunities Commission (HREOC),

1997, p. 65). The removal of children from their families was so extensive that

HREOC noted that:

“Nationally we can conclude with confidence that between one in three and

one in ten Indigenous children were forcibly removed from their families

and communities in the period from approximately 1910 until 1970. Most

families have been affected in one or more generations, by the forcible

removal of one or more children” (Human Rights and Equal Opportunities

Commission, 1997, p. 31).

A major impact of government policies of assimilation on parenting was the

disruption of attachment bonds between children and parents and between siblings.

The separation of children from parents, and the often abrupt way in which the

children were taken, had significant effects. Case reports by Haebich (2000), and

HREOC (1997) indicate that many individuals experience what could now be

diagnosed as traumatic grief as well as disrupted attachments to family, place and

culture. Traumatic grief has both cognitive and emotional effects on individuals

including numbness, disbelief, distrust, anger, and a sense of futility about the future

(Prigerson, Shear, and Jacobs, 1999). The record shows that many children from the

Stolen Generations experienced physical abuse, sexual abuse, loss of a parent, and

placement in foster care thus indicating increased risk of mental health and other

problems in adulthood (Haebich, 2000; Secretariat of National Aboriginal and

Islander Child Care Inc., 2004).

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The impacts of disrupted attachment, traumatic grief, abuse and pervasive

racism upon the ability to parent are many and varied. It could be argued that the

separation of families resulted in a loss of trans-generational modelling of parenting

skills as institutionalisation meant that some had no experience of being parented

themself outside the often harsh discipline of dormitories. For some, there was a loss

of social identity and support in parenting because of being removed from kinship

networks. It is well recognised that disrupted attachments of children can lead to the

development of a disorganised attachment style, which may be transmitted to

subsequent generations ( Bailey, Moran, Pederson and

Bento 2007; Bernier and Meins, 2008; Goldberg, 1991; Grienenberger,

Kelly, and Slade, 2005). The impacts of disrupted attachment and traumatic grief on

parenting are of particular interest in working with Indigenous peoples. Further,

parents may experience conflict between models of parenting learned within

mainstream culture and models of parenting taught by Elders, or may wish to reject

mainstream parenting models. In addition, serious mental health issues arising from

current and past trauma and grief may affect the ability to parent effectively. The

ability of individuals to trust official agencies and seek help from them was damaged

by historical experience, a major issue that is rarely accounted for in efforts to

ameliorate these problems (Cox, 2007).

Parenting values

Values are an individual’s enduring beliefs, principles and ideals, and

contribute to the actions they take to influence their world. Parenting values also help

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shape parenting practices. While there is no single set of values held by Indigenous

parents, some of the values identified in the literature are discussed below.

Nelson and Allison (2000) found that amongst Murri families in Brisbane,

physical, emotional and spiritual survival; identification with the land and

prioritisation of relationship and family, were key values underpinning life

experiences. Core values in parenting included survival, safety, involvement in social

relationships with immediate and extended family, development of identity and a

strong sense of self, education and belief in the child’s ability to reach their potential.

Marlin, Campbell and Agius (1996) found that for Nunga families in South

Australia, self-regulation and self-reliance from a young age were valued and

encouraged. Like the Nunga families, Nelson and Allison (2000) discovered that

amongst the Murri families they worked with, independence was encouraged in play

from an early age, which was not structured or supervised by adults. Responsibility

was valued, and as a consequence, older children were expected to care for younger

children. Further, while children were valued as equals with adults, respect for

others, especially Elders, was important.

According to Kolar and Soriano (2000), in Torres Strait Islander groups a

number of values underpinned the society as a whole and thus influenced parenting

values. These included the important role of extended family in parenting children,

sharing with others, and having respect for and helping one another. Parents had

responsibility for providing children with a secure nurturing environment, and

grandparents, aunts and uncles had responsibility for transmitting traditional values

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and skills, which were regarded as very important (Cooperative Research Centre for

Aboriginal Health, 2006). At an individual level, parents reported valuing the

development of imagination and creativity, which they thought was eroded by the

availability of ready-made toys.

Like the Aboriginal parents interviewed by Nelson and Allison (2000) in

Brisbane, Torres Strait Islander parents valued the safety provided by a small inter-

connected community. While the ability to support children through transitions was

important, they saw this could conflict with their desire for education for their

secondary school-aged children, who had to go away to attend high school.

Participants identified personal experience, community and culture as sources of

parental values and many stated that their own upbringing exerted a strong influence

on how they raised their children (Cooperative Research Centre for Aboriginal

Health (CRCAH, 2006). In addition, both Torres Strait Islander and Aboriginal

parents were aware of needing to help their children develop skills to live within

mainstream Australia. Thus education was highly valued, particularly as a means of

gaining future employment (Bartrouney and Soriano, 2001; Cooperative Research

Centre for Aboriginal Health, Telethon Institute for Child Health Research, and

Department of Families Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, 2008;

Cooperative Research Centre for Aboriginal Health, 2006; Malin, et al., 1996;

Nelson and Allison, 2000).

Overall then, the values described in the literature that underpin Indigenous

parenting, include the importance of extended family and community in rearing

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children, and the importance of social relationships, social responsibility, social

harmony and respect for others. Internal values that parents wanted to inculcate in

their children included a strong sense of identity and self-worth, independence, self-

reliance, creativity, and a belief that they can achieve. In addition, parents said they

valued safety, education, good health and knowledge of traditional culture. The

values described underpin parenting practices and we turn to these now.

Parenting practices

Parenting practices are precise goal directed actions based around a particular

theme e.g. discipline (Steinberg and Silk 2002). An issue of interest to family

therapists are differences between parenting practices amongst Indigenous families

and the mainstream Anglo Australian population. Differences were reported in the

areas of sleeping, feeding, learning, discipline, relationships, development of self-

worth, identity and emotional regulation (Cooperative Research Centre for

Aboriginal Health, et al., 2008). We will deal with each of these in turn.

Sleeping and feeding

A review by Penman (2006) indicated that when children are young, some

Aboriginal parents display a more anticipatory parenting style, which is most evident

in sleeping and eating. The review also indicated that children from the Yapa and

Anangu people of Central Australia were not expected to fit into routines of eating

and sleeping in particular places and at particular times, as is often expected in

Anglo-Australian cultures. Instead, these children slept when they were tired and ate

when they wanted. Food was made available and children could help themselves.

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Cox’s work with several families in NSW and Queensland, from 1995 to the present

time, supports these observations (Cox, 2000).

Learning and education

In the Nunga families and the Brisbane Murri families, learning was based on

experience, listening and observing (Malin, et al., 1996; Nelson and Allison, 2000),

while respondents from the ACT/Queanbeyan area said that setting a good example

was important in learning (Cooperative Research Centre for Aboriginal Health, et al.,

2008) . Similarities were found in the Torres Strait where, according to Bartrouney

and Soriano (2001), learning occurred from observation and participation in

activities, “yarning” and storytelling . People from the Warrki Jarrinjaku said that in

central and western deserts of Australia, children are introduced to their language

through non-verbal interactions (gestures and signs) and baby talk with family and

kin (Warrki Jarrinjaku ACRS Project Team, 2002). Nelson and Allison (2000)

referred to the concept of intuitive parenting, where Brisbane Murri parents stated

that they “just knew” what they had to do. Such knowledge may reflect a parent’s

own experiences of growing up.

Fleer and Williams-Kennedy (2002) worked with the families of six

Aboriginal preschool-aged children from different regions of Australia to explore the

development of literacy. They found that there were a number of ways that teaching

amongst Aboriginal people differed from other educational settings. For example,

Aboriginal teachers assumed that learning was a two-way process, so the children

were taught something, which they passed on to others. Listening was important,

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but, unlike in Anglo-Australian settings, did not have to be marked by looking at the

teacher, although this is likely to be highly contextual and dependent on the

particular relationship between pupil and teacher as well as other factors. Further,

specific gestures (easily missed by outsiders), as well as words, were used to

communicate.

According to Fleer and Williams-Kennedy (2002), Aboriginal teachers

helped children to learn to “read” others by considering their own feelings, and

implicit and explicit learning were important. It was found that amongst Aboriginal

families, making a mistake was part of learning, so mistakes were responded to with

humour and followed up by teachers demonstrating what to do. Children were

taught to ask questions and the questions to ask, however there was less use of direct

questioning and less elaborated responses to questions. In contrast to the

individualistic focus of mainstream education, children were not expected to compete

against family members but to share information, skills and knowledge.

Discipline

Malin, Campbell and Agius (1996) observed that amongst the Nunga

families, discipline was often indirect and included selective attention, non-

intervention, modelling and loaded conversation. Overt forms of discipline such as

teasing and scaring by external threat were used to control behaviour. Further, even

though children were given a lot of freedom to ignore a caregiver’s request, the

children did respond in emergency situations. Similar sensibilities were found by

Nelson and Allison (2000) who reported that amongst the Murri families, discipline

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included teaching by example (modelling) or experiencing the consequence of an

action (non-intervention).

Kolar and Soriano (2000) and Bartrouney and Soriano (2001) argued that

discipline amongst Torres Strait Islander families was in a process of change, having

been influenced by Australian laws and norms. Many parents said that they perceived

laws against physical punishment of children as hindering effective discipline,

leading to a breakdown in discipline and respect for relationships. It appeared that

the limitation on physical punishment left these parents feeling unable to set limits

with their children although setting rules and boundaries was seen as a parental role.

Relationships

One of the issues highlighted in the Indigenous parenting studies, was that

parenting responsibilities were shared by the community and extended families.

Collard, Crowe, Harries and Taylor (1994, p. 35) wrote that there is a “culture of

complex systems of obligations and responsibilities imparted through an oral

tradition, an absolute belief that all people are worthy of respect, and mutual

expectations and a principle of reciprocity which contributes to family harmony.

These features are fundamental elements of family life, child rearing and kinship

maintenance”. Also highlighted in the Torres Strait Island parenting literature is the

practice of a shared responsibility for raising children where children had a number

of people watching over their growth and development (Cooperative Research

Centre for Aboriginal Health, et al., 2006). Parents were responsible for providing

children with a secure and nurturing environment, whereas discipline, transmitting

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cultural values, skills and practices, and ensuring continuity of moral ideas and

behaviour were shared with maternal and paternal grandparents, aunts and uncles.

Work in the ACT/Queanbeyan region reported that both parents and

grandparents had roles in listening and giving encouragement when children felt

isolated and this work reinforced that children enjoy considerable autonomy over

positive actions (Cooperative Research Centre for Aboriginal Health, et al., 2008).

Within the Yolunga community in Arnhem Land, the mother and father had the

primary responsibility of being with children, but family members shared child care,

and taught ceremony and singing (FaCSIA, 2006). Yeo (2003) reported that in

Aboriginal communities in NSW connection was encouraged through language that

promoted an in-group (family) and an out-group (others) . Yeo (2003) noted the

importance of harmony within the community where agreeing to be polite was

preferred to open disagreement.

A practice that is quite different to the general population, but relatively

common amongst Indigenous families, is the role of the extended family and others

in fostering and raising children. It is crucial that health professionals understand

that a biological parent may not be whom an Indigenous client is referring to when

they talk about Mum or Dad. Rather they may be referring to the person who “grew

them up” which can be a relative of one of their biological parents (cousin-sister;

cousin- brother), it may be their own sibling or, more often, a grandparent. At times

however, the person who ‘grew them up’ may be a lifelong associate with no

biological relation.

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Further, due to kinship networks and putative kinship, they may well call

more than one person Mum and Dad , and in some areas, the gender of the person is

for some groups not relevant as men can be mothers and women can be fathers (Cox,

2000). These issues impact on the requirement for people to name the next-of-kin in

hospitals, as the person they wish to list may not meet health professionals’

expectations. Nonetheless, the latter must accept the fluid, complex and dynamic

nature of Aboriginal identity and family without censure, if adequate and culturally

safe health services are to be achieved, and respect the client’s designation of who is

their next-of-kin. With a client’s permission, discussing issues such as this with

senior family members to ensure agreement and respect for the airing of various

views, could provide a good way forward.

Self-worth and identity

Respondents to Nelson and Allison’s study (2000) and the ACT/Queanbeyan focus

groups study (Cooperative Research Centre for Aboriginal Health, et al., 2008)

reported that self esteem was linked to a strong sense of cultural identity, and to

achievement and recognition through competition, particularly sport. Respondents

expected children to work around the house, which contributed to self-worth. Other

ways self-worth was developed by children was by being involved in their leisure

activities, setting a good example, teaching children respect and how to get on in life,

and by not interfering in the choices they made. According to Bartrouney and

Soriano (2001), achievement encouraged the development of self-worth and

discouraged unhealthy behaviour, like drug and alcohol use, in the Torres Strait. In

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addition, their own language was taught first to ensure development of a strong

cultural identity.

Emotional regulation

A recent review noted that Indigenous children were encouraged to be

unselfish, compassionate and generous where helping and encouraging each other

was fostered (Penman, 2006). Similarly, Malin and et al. (1996) found that the

expression of negative emotions towards someone who is older and more

knowledgeable may be interpreted as a sign of disrespect, and thus children were

required to show restraint in the expression of negative emotions towards adults.

Within the attachment literature, the emotional sensitivity of a primary

caregiver is widely regarded as contributing to the development of emotional

regulation (Van Ijzendoorn, Schuengel, and Bakemans-Kranenburg, 1999). Yeo’s

(2003) work with Aboriginal community members in NSW reported that Aboriginal

caregivers displayed sensitivity to their infants by observing the infant closely and

responding to facial changes to prevent discomfort, whereas the Anglo-Australian

caregiver was more likely to respond to physical distress signals such as crying.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander parenting and the development of

resilient and healthy children and adults

Research has established that resiliency is fostered in multiple ways amongst

Indigenous families (Cooperative Research Centre for Aboriginal Health, et al.,

2006, 2008). Parent respondents described important contributors to the development

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of healthy children and adults, including strong family support systems and role

models, quality childcare within and outside the family, knowing their child’s health

status, feeling connected to the child before and after birth, and opportunities for

learning about culture and history. Further, experiences of achievement and strength

fostered resilience. Factors such as a relative lack of restriction placed on children

and a lack of easy access to a variety of services and activities were perceived to

reduce resilience.

The same research outlined that access to good health care, a culturally

inclusive position in the extended family, caring and support, strong positive role

models, and opportunities to gain cultural appreciation and knowledge, were

important contributors to perceived health and development in 5-17 year olds.

Further, the availability of Aboriginal support networks, access to cultural and social

education, and socialisation within the Aboriginal and broader society were other

important factors. In addition, the instillation of a strong work ethic, a good

education, and study facilities at home were factors that parents felt contributed to

resilience in youth. Finally, carers and parents felt that alerting children to dangers

in society, such as drug addiction and paedophiles, was important. According to

parents and carers, encouraging children to prioritise and maintain their Aboriginal

identity and maintaining the strong influence of family as children grow up, also

helped to foster resilience.

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An example of the way in which parents and Elders encourage children to

prioritise their Aboriginal identity is explained in the following conversation with a

South East Queensland Elder:

“Elders at Cherbourg encouraged children to prioritise and be proud of their

Aboriginal identity through remembering their family. They might ask: "Who's

your mob? Who's your family?" And then give the young people positive

messages about their family from the Elders' own experiences of living together

with those families in earlier days. For example a typical conversation might be:

"I remember your grandfather - he was a great footballer and he worked on the

railway... he had several people working under him. He was a proud man and

he'd be ashamed to know you're carrying that name and getting into trouble all

the time." These young boys got a lot of respect from the Elders so they'd sit

with them and talk with them and if they wanted advice they might say for

example "which way old fella?" A program using this term in the local language

was developed to work with young men, police and the Elders. With the loss of

these Elders during the 1990s it's been observed that this kind of encouragement

from Elders to young people is often replaced by rousing at them and putting

them down which leads to shame, low self worth and feeling unhappy about

their identity” (J. Thompson, personal communication, 21 March, 2011).

Malin, Campbell and Agius (1996) described a carer within the Nunga

community as saying that experiences of being teased or harassed by siblings, being

independent and learning from mistakes built resilience in childreniv. Cox (2000)

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identified the same dynamics in her research, while Johns (1999) reported that

Aboriginal carers allowed higher levels of risk taking in children’s play in order to

help develop survival skills. Torres Strait Islander parents felt that parental support,

input from extended family, physical exercise, good nutrition, cultural identity,

language, and feeling secure helped build resilience in children. Two factors were

perceived to reduce resilience, namely poor self esteem and a lack of discipline by

parents (Bartrouney and Soriano, 2001).

Other resiliency practices have been highlighted such as an emphasis on self-

reliance, large kinships systems, and in Torres Strait communities the assignment of

a mentor, all assisted in the healthy development of children (Penman, 2006). Walker

and Shepherd (2008) have summarized research showing that financial security,

healthy nutrition, and religious or spiritual beliefs were important . Further, within a

family, good communication, emotional support, adequate supervision, secure

attachments and the celebration of family traditions all contributed to resilience in

Aboriginal children.

Conclusion

For family therapists, the above descriptions of parenting values and diverse

practices suggest a broad positive field from which to draw numerous examples of

protective and resilient factors. There is no single set of parenting practices among

Aboriginal Australians and Torres Strait Islander Australians. Despite this,

commonalities that influence parenting across these dynamic cultural contexts

include connectedness to specific areas of land (including urban and rural areas),

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clear principles and values that determine cultural and social responsibilities, and

identity that is strongly linked to family, kinship and community ties. Aboriginal and

Torres Strait Islander carers and parents identified the importance of encouraging

children to prioritise and maintain their identity with opportunities for learning about

culture and history, strong family support systems and role models, and quality

childcare within and outside the family. The parents saw that resilient children need

experiences of achievement and strength. However failure to instil a connection to

cultural roots, instil discipline and respect, a lack of family/cultural support and

things to do, all contribute to risk and vulnerability.

The key to a therapist using a strength-based approach in identifying current

and trans-generational parenting values and practices that foster resilience, is to make

no assumptions about the family situation of their clients but rather to consider each

situation as unique. Such an approach enables clients to share their parenting

experiences, family dynamics and socio-cultural history at their own pace. At the

same time, family therapists can sensitively explore and document the experience of

trans-generational trauma. Preserving Indigenous clients’ dignity is accomplished

through knowledge about how families and communities experienced history and

how contemporary society might appear from their point of view when they are

constantly represented as deficient and problematic. The major skill is to put aside

one’s assumptions, beliefs and values to enable clients to tell their story without

overlaying it with the professional’s own ideas.

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As Cox (2007) demonstrates, a major barrier in encounters between health

professionals and Indigenous people is establishing trust; government practices such as

the on-going Northern Territory Intervention compound this problem. However, the

role of active listening skills, the use of plain English, the appropriate use of humour

and the ability of the therapist to make a human connection with Indigenous clients

cannot be over emphasised. In brief, family therapists can foster engagement by

recognising that Indigenous people themselves are the experts on their situation. Given

a supportive environment Indigenous clients will volunteer information on the status of

their connections to land and community, their kinship bonds and the values that

encourage and maintain Indigenous identity.

Therapists need to adopt an open minded view to the diversity and legitimacy of

current parenting values and practices. Working in partnership with specialist

Indigenous health workers and services as agreed with your clients, can allow sensitive

exploration of a range of issues including transgenerational trauma in relation to the

Stolen Generations and government policy and practice more generally. This position

of cultural humility and respect on the part of therapists can lead to a balanced

therapeutic alliance from which to pursue a variety of therapeutic approaches.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank Dr Komla Tsey and Dr Karen Turner for

their helpful comments regarding this paper.

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i The authors use the term ‘Indigenous’ in the paper while being aware that First Nations peoples in Australia belong to many different language and kinship groups and thus use many locally specific terms to refer to themselves and their identity. We also use the terms ‘Aboriginal people’ and ‘Torres Strait Islanders’ attempting to recognise heterogeneity. ii The notion of resilience is highly contested in the literature so a straightforward definition of it is not readily available. For an overview of work on this complex concept readers are referred to Luthar, Cicchetti, and Becker (2000). For our purposes we follow the usage suggested by Garvey (2008) who cites work by Garmezy (1991) and Catalano, Berglund et al., (2002): “...the concept of resilience does not solely suggest an invulnerability to stress, but also an ability to recover from negative events and to adapt to stress and change in healthy and constructive ways” (Garvey, 2008, p. 35).

iii Although for ease of reference, we use or quote the term communities in the paper, it should be recognised that the authors do not see communities as the homogenous bounded entities that the term often implies. As Brint (2001) indicates the term operates as a ‘symbol and aspiration’ rather than an observable reality. Thus, we recognise that communities are multi-faceted and heterogeneous, and that groups function within broad, dynamic social contexts. In Indigenous contexts these dynamics concern connections to ancestry, land, culture, spirituality and kinship (Broome, 2001). iv Of course as many readers will know from their own family experiences, teasing and general harassment by siblings is common in various socio-cultural contexts.