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See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/235996824
Capture or Culture? Comparing Fisheries Co-management and Aquaculture in Southern Laos
Book · January 2001
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Simon R. Bush
Wageningen University
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University of Wisconsin–Madison
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https://www.researchgate.net/institution/Wageningen_University?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_6https://www.researchgate.net/institution/Wageningen_University?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_6https://www.researchgate.net/institution/Wageningen_University?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_6https://www.researchgate.net/institution/Wageningen_University?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_6https://www.researchgate.net/institution/Wageningen_University?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_6https://www.researchgate.net/institution/Wageningen_University?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_6https://www.researchgate.net/institution/Wageningen_University?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_6https://www.researchgate.net/institution/University_of_Wisconsin-Madison?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_6https://www.researchgate.net/institution/University_of_Wisconsin-Madison?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_6https://www.researchgate.net/institution/University_of_Wisconsin-Madison?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_6https://www.researchgate.net/institution/University_of_Wisconsin-Madison?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_6https://www.researchgate.net/institution/University_of_Wisconsin-Madison?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_6https://www.researchgate.net/institution/University_of_Wisconsin-Madison?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_6https://www.researchgate.net/institution/University_of_Wisconsin-Madison?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_6https://www.researchgate.net/institution/University_of_Wisconsin-Madison?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_6https://www.researchgate.net/?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_1https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Ian_Baird?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_7https://www.researchgate.net/institution/University_of_Wisconsin-Madison?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_6https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Ian_Baird?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_5https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Ian_Baird?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_4https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Simon_Bush?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_7https://www.researchgate.net/institution/Wageningen_University?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_6https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Simon_Bush?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg%3D%3D&el=1_x_5https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Simon_Bush?enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQY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2001 Discussion Paper – Unpublished
Capture or Culture?
Comparing Fisheries Co-Management and Aquaculture in Southern Laos
Simon R. Bush
Australian Mekong Resource Centre (AMRC), Division of Geography, University of Sydney, NSW 2006
Australia email: [email protected]
Ian G. Baird
Pakse, Champasak, Lao PDR email: [email protected]
Running Head: Capture and Culture Fisheries in Southern Laos
Keywords: Aquaculture, Fisheries, Community Management, Co-Management, Laos
Abstract
This paper argues that there is a bias in fisheries management in Laos toward aquaculture
development by donors and the government alike, even though aquaculture has the potential
to cause serious social and environmental impacts. Examples are given of three communities
that have or wish to adopt aquaculture in Champasak, one of the most fish abundant
provinces in the country. These are followed by a case study of a community based fisheries
co-management system of Fish Conservation Zones and other regulations in the mainstream
Mekong River that could be used in a more balanced approach to aquatic resources
management in the future.
mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]
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Introduction
Freshwater fish and other inland aquatic animals constitute a very important source of food
and income for rural people living adjacent to the Mekong River and her tributaries,
including those in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR or Laos). Within Laos
there is an abundance of aquaecosystems that include the mainstream Mekong River, main
tributaries, small streams, seasonal back swamps, and wet-rice fields (Claridge 1996). These
environments provide habitat for between 500 (Kottelat and Whitten 1996) and 1200
(Rainboth 1996) fish species in the Mekong River Basin, and also a diversity of fisheries
exploited by rural communities (Claridge et al. 1997).
The importance of aquatic resources to the majority of the rural population of Laos is evident
in the various estimates of fish consumption. These range from the national government
estimate of 7 kg/person/year (Phonvisay 1994) to recent locally specific mean estimates of
17.5 kg/person/year in Savannakhet (Garaway 1999) and 29.06 kg/person/year in Luang
Phrabang (Sjorslev and Coates 2000). In Khong District, Champasak province (see figure 1),
which supports some of the most productive and biodiverse fisheries in the country (Baird
2000), the mean estimate was calculated at 42 kg/person/year, and fish were consumed in 52-
95% of all meals (Baird et al. 1998). In Sanasomboun District, also in Champasak province,
where wildcapture fisheries are believed to be less productive, fish is estimated to be present
in 30-85% of all meals (Noraseng et al. 1999). The vast majority of the fish consumed in
Laos are wild, and aquaculture contributes little to fish production in most parts of the
country, especially in rural areas.
For a number of years estimates of total wildcapture production were set at 20,000 Mt/yr for
Laos (FAO 1996), and recent government estimates put the production only slightly higher at
26,000 Mt/yr. (DLF 1999). This underestimation is a direct result of the difficulties faced in
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estimating catches in predominantly subsistence fisheries, and it has effectively meant that
wildcapture fisheries have been undervalued in national, regional and international
development and research forums (MRC 1995; Garaway 1999; MRC 1999). Recent
estimates of 205,788 Mt/yr by the Mekong River Commission (MRC) (Sjorslev and Coates
2000) are more realistic and in keeping with the production estimates for other countries in
the Mekong Basin, including Cambodia, which is believed to produce over 1 million Mt/yr.
(van Zalinge 1998). In comparison, estimates of the national production of small-scale
aquaculture in Laos range from 7,540 Mt/yr (DLF 1997, cited in Guttman 2000) to 8,240
Mt/yr (Guttman and Funge-Smith 2000). Despite tacit assumptions that the wild capture
fisheries are in decline due to increasing fishing pressure on stocks by rising populations,
there has been a disproportionate focus on aquaculture by the Lao government and the donor
community (see UNDP 1996).
Efforts toward the management and development of Lao fisheries (Phonvisay 1994, 1997), as
well as those of many other riparian countries’ fisheries (MRC 2000), have largely been
focused upon the provision of income and nutrition through the extension of Small-Scale
Rural Aquaculture (SRA). Resultantly, aquaculture has received the bulk of donor funding in
recent years even though it is less important to the rural population of Laos than wildcapture
fisheries. Only a few projects have been developed to support the improvement of
community-based management of wildcapture fisheries in Laos, such the Lao Community
Fisheries and Dolphin Conservation Project and its successor, the Environmental Protection
and Community Development in Siphandone Wetland Project (UNDP 1996; Baird 1999;
Baird and Flaherty 1999). There have, however, also been research projects focused on
enhancing community fisheries (Noraseng et al. 1999; Garaway et al. 1999), and a small
number have focused specifically on technical monitoring of wildcapture fisheries through
catch-per-unit-effort (CPUE) studies (Warren et al. 1998; Noraseng and Warren 1999). As
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Ruddle (1993) argues, such biases toward aquaculture can be more a function of satisfying
the policies of donor agencies rather than a response to a need for aquaculture.
This paper argues that there has been a strong and disproportional focus on aquaculture in the
management and development of Lao fisheries and that this focus is the result of biases
toward aquaculture within international development circles. Furthermore, it is argued that
aquaculture, as Kelly (1996) presented, has in some cases “been ‘naturalised’…as a common
sensical and irrefutable positive solution to underdevelopment” (p.43) and that this process of
naturalisation has permeated through to the expectations of fishing communities despite
obvious restrictions in meeting, or wanting to meet those expectations. Finally, it is proposed
that natural aquatic co-management regimes are sometimes a realistic, cost-effective way of
improving natural resource management, protecting biodiversity, increasing fish productivity,
increasing community solidarity, and reducing rural poverty.
A background to fishery and aquaculture development in Laos is provided, followed by a
review of generic concerns related to inland aquaculture. We then present some of the
expectations that two groups of fishers in Champasak hold for aquaculture and one example
of the impact of aquaculture in Khong District. Finally, a case study of a successful
community based co-management system based on Fish Conservation Zones (FCZ) and other
regulations in Khong District is given.
Aquaculture in Laos
Aquaculture in Laos has had a longer history than most realise. The use of trap ponds in
Laos and northeast Thailand date back hundreds of years (Setboonsarng 1993). In the
northern provinces of Laos aquaculture was thought to have been imported around 1,000
years ago when ethnic Han moved down the mainland Southeast Asian peninsula from China
bringing with them Common Carp (Cyprinus carpio) and Giant Goldfish (Carassius
auratus), as well as the required technical knowledge for both rice-fish and small scale
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aquaculture systems (Williams 1997; Edwards 2000). However, despite this, aquaculture has
only been increasingly evident for the last 40 years and is still only a relatively new
production technology in the southern provinces. As mentioned above, aquaculture fish
production remains very limited in the country.
Aquaculture was first introduced to Laos, as a development project, in the 1950s by the
United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and became the focus of
fisheries development. In 1956 a plan for inland aquaculture was written and supported by
USAID in collaboration with the Government of Thailand (USAID 1973). The plan included
the development of seven aquaculture stations of which five were built, and later abandoned
due to political instability, in Pakse, Savannakhet, Thakek, Khong Sedone and Nong Teng in
Vientiane. Then as part of a larger development aid portfolio to Laos valued at US$74
million per year from 1968 to 1973 (Chanda 1982), and after a USAID feasibility study in
1965, the stations were restored and aquaculture was targeted as a means of diverting ethnic
minority communities from opium growing (USAID 1973).
Although USAID pulled out of Laos just prior to the 1975 change of government,
aquaculture has remained as the most dominant fisheries development paradigm. Initial
efforts in 1978 came from the Mekong Interim Committee with the Management of the Tha
Nong Pilot Fish Farm project (Gupta et al. 2000). However, the longest running initiative for
aquaculture development in Laos has been through the ongoing support of the Food and
Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations (FAO) Aquaculture project by the United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP) (Singh 1994). The first two phases of the project
(LAO/78/014 and LAO/82/014) were focused on seed production and technical capacity of
hatcheries (Guttman 2000) and developed trials on cage culture in Ngam Ngum reservoir
north of the national capital Vientiane (Gupta et al. 2000). The third phase, Development of
Fish Culture Extension (LAO/89/003), began in 1989 and was followed up by the Provincial
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Aquaculture Development (LAO/97/007) project which sought to strengthen extension
models and promote small-scale rural aquaculture technologies in the provinces of
Oudomxay, Sayabouri, Xieng Khouang, Savannakhet and Sekong (Funge-Smith 1999;
Funge-Smith 2000; Guttman 2000). More recently, since 1993, the Asian Institute of
Technology (AIT) Aqua-Outreach Program (AOP) has worked in close cooperation with the
Department of Livestock and Fisheries (DLF) in Savannakhet province developing nursing
and spawning networks (Gupta et al. 2000).
The historical focus on aquaculture is seen here as being due to a combination of factors.
These include the natural complexities associated with effectively implementing wildcapture
fisheries monitoring, the lack of national expertise in formal fish ecology (the first fish
ecology PhD undertaken by a Lao national is currently in progress), and the lack of funding
by international donor agencies. Alternatively, culture fisheries are seen as definable,
predictable, production oriented technologies that are oriented toward a product that is
already highly regarded, nutritionally and culturally, by the Lao population.
In terms of funding, output driven capture fisheries offer less opportunity for tangible budget
expenditure compared to any form of culture fisheries. Inputs to culture based fisheries
include infrastructure ranging from hatcheries, fish stations, extension offices, ponds or
cages, and even the development of social infrastructure such as fingerling and feed trade as
well as markets for the end product. In terms of extended tangible benefit from donor funds,
culture based fisheries appear to be more attractive than wildcapture fisheries. The other side
to this is that capture fisheries are highly complex or, as Wilson et al. (1994) argued, chaotic,
and not amenable to numerical, infrastructure based sampling and management.
Wildcapture fisheries have generally been marginalised to the point of being seen as an
almost irrelevant, ‘hunter -gatherer’ activity, not in keeping with the development goals of
governments or rural development agencies the world over. The increased use of trap ponds
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in some parts of Laos and northeast Thailand is sometimes taken as a sign of a growing
adoption of aquaculture (Setboonsarng 1993). However, the increased prevalence of trap
ponds is very much a wildcapture phenomenon and should be considered as such (Shoemaker
et al. 2001).
Rural communities wishing to comply and adopt aquaculture and culture based fisheries must
overcome a range of economic, socio-technical, institutional or environmental constraints that
have become evident in recent studies and projects (Thomas 1994; FAO/UNDP 1996; Lee
1997; Funge-Smith 1999; Funge-Smith 2000). Under such circumstances it is the more well
off land owning farmers and, conversely, not poor and landless farmers in rural communities
who generally have the resources to participate.
Some concerns over aquaculture
Over the last two decades a range of generic concerns have been documented over the
application and development of aquaculture in developing countries. Although most of the
critiques of aquaculture have focused on brackish water shrimp culture (Bailey 1988; Hannig
1988; Phillips 1988; Muluk and Bailey 1996; Primavera 1997; Thanh-Be et al. 1999), there
also exists a range of social and environmental concerns relevant to inland rural aquaculture
and aquaculture in general.
Social-economic impacts have been derived from increased social stratification, changing
land tenure rights (Weeks 1990; Weeks 1992; Kelly 1996; Ruddle 1996), changing labour
patterns (Weeks 1992; Muluk and Bailey 1996; Ruddle 1996), loss of genetic diversity and
subsequent nutrition (Weeks 1990; Weeks 1992), and changing authority-power structures
and community cohesiveness (Ruddle 1993). Although some recent projects in Laos have
kept such potential impacts in mind, and have tried to develop a good understanding of
gender and access related issues (Murray and Sayasane 1998), the limitations of aquaculture
remain, including high entry costs for pond construction and risk from debt incursion (ibid.).
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These factors have resulted in low levels of adoption amongst the least well off families
(Funge-Smith 2000).
Environmental impacts of aquaculture have received a great deal of attention and have
included invasion of natural systems by exotic species, risks associated with the introduction
of genetically and hormonally modified organisms, associations between aquaculture and
disease outbreaks such as Epizootic Ulcerative Syndrome (EUS), high Feed Conversion
Rates of carnivorous species, nutrient pollution, habitat degradation, and water diversion
from small streams and other aquatic habitats (Fernando 1991; Welcomme and Vidthayanon
1999; Barg and Phillips 2000; New 1999; WRI 1999.; Baird 1999a; Folke 1998; de Moor
1996; Barnabe 1994; Stickney 1994; Phillips et al. 1993; Austin 1993; Pullin 1993; Costa-
Pierce et al. 1993; Csavas 1993; King 1993). Despite Tan et al. (1999, cited in Guttman and
Funge-Smith 2000) finding little in the way of current impacts of SRA in Laos, apart from
localised effects of fish escaping and nutrient discharge during flood periods, there is good
reason to believe that impacts will increase as aquaculture becomes more prevalent
throughout the country.
Common Carp (Cyprinus carpio) and Tilapia (Oreochromis spp.), the main aquaculture
species promoted in Asia, and Laos, are recognised as established in parts of the Mekong
Basin (Welcomme and Vidthayanon 2000). In other parts of the world, both species have
shown to be persistent exotic species (Powell and Powell 1999) with direct impacts on native
species through habitat alternation and competition with native species (Oguta-Ohwayo 1990;
Fernando 1991; Costa-Pierce et al. 1993; de Moor 1996; Zambrano et al. 1999; Economidis
et al. 2000). There is already evidence for breeding populations of Common Carp in the
mainstream Mekong as mostly small (
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Ou River, in Luang Phrabang province, communities consider Common Carp as one of the
most important species caught (ibid.).
Although it is true that the environmental and social impacts of SRA are undocumented and,
at this stage, thought to be low, the focus on aquaculture by government and donor agencies
alike will only serve to raise the expectations that communities have of aquaculture and so
increase its prevalence. We recognise that there is a place for aquaculture in Laos but the
diversion of funds and effort away from the responsible management of wildcapture fisheries
is detrimental to the long-term sustainability of natural resources.
Cultured Fisheries in Capture Communities
Champasak province has one of, if not the most abundant wildcapture fishery in Laos, even
though there have been reports that the area of aquaculture in the province has increased by
1,000 ha in recent years as a result of irrigation development (Gupta et al. 2000). Khong
District alone has a reported annual wild catch of 4,000 Mt/yr. (Baird et al. 1998). With
reports of such increases of aquaculture, the province provides a starting place for
questioning the role and expectation of aquaculture by local communities and the government
alike.
The following highlights these expectations in three communities in Champasak. The first
two, Ban Don Kho and Ban Nok, are situated on the Mainstream Mekong. Interviews with
fishers in these villages highlight the expectation that they hold for the wildcapture fishery
and for aquaculture. The third community, Ban Oupaxa, in Khong District, presents an
example of a direct impact from the privatisation of a common property resource as a result
of the adoption of aquaculture. These examples are not designed to separately challenge the
application and use of aquaculture but rather provide some background to the adoption of
aquaculture technologies in communities that have access to wild capture resources.
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This represents a divide between government and local communities in that policy can
directly influence people to adopt inappropriate technologies under the rubric of development
and food security, in accordance with international or national ‘targets’ (Maxwell 1999). In
light of this the following perceptions and expectations of villagers are now presented, taking
into account the social position of the informants and their own political, social and economic
expectations.
Ban Don Kho – Island fishing community
Ban Don Kho is an island village on the Mekong River 30 km north of the provincial capital
Pakse. The community is a farming and fishing community with the waters around the island
being renowned as fishing grounds for spawning Probarbus jullieni ( Pa Eun in Lao). The
Indigenous Fisheries Development and Management Project (IFDMP) together with the
Provincial Department of Livestock and Fisheries (DLF) have sought to use P. jullieni caught
from these waters for induced breeding and for generating P. jullieni fry for enhancing small
water bodies in Champasak Province. The village has a small area of wet rice cultivation and
dry season vegetable gardens are situated on seasonally exposed sandbars and riverbanks.
Bush (1999) investigated the various modes of fisheries management in the village in light of
pressures from emerging local and international markets. A group of five male villagers from
the island were interviewed. One was the village headman while the others were small
holding landowners on the island as well as master fishers.
A series of questions were asked to ascertain whether more or less fish were being sold
compared to five years ago. The group agreed that more fish were being sold because there
were more fish caught. They were then asked, circumspectly, whether there would be more
or less fish in the future. The group agreed that there would be less. The questioning then
moved onto alternatives with a view to illicit ideas on management of the fishery. The group
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agreed, after some discussion, that the village would like aquaculture ponds to make up for
the lack of fish being caught in the river.
This poses some important questions as well as interesting politics. It is also recognised that
the answers given could have been a function of there being a foreign researcher present and,
as experienced in other situations, foreign fishery researchers are sometimes seen as
aquaculture experts. It must also be realised that the group was made up of leaders within the
community who had access to government policy that focuses on aquaculture. In particular,
the group were directly involved in the activities of the IDFMP and DLF in spawning P.
jullieni that essentially exposed a community involved in the trade of wild caught Mekong
fish (Noraseng et al. 1999) to the possibility of culturing their most expensive riverine fish. It
must be noted, however, that attempts to culture P. jullieni by the DLF in any great number
have not yet been successful. This has therefore resulted in an interest in aquaculture by a
group of farmers and fishers with a relatively robust wildcapture fishery and limited
resources, in terms of land, to actually own ponds.
This may well be an example of government policy being played out in the minds of villagers
in a situation where it is not practical to implement. However, it does highlight the
incongruous ideals of villagers responding in line with government policy in relation to their
actual abilities and circumstance.
Ban Nok – Commercial fish traders
Ban Nok is a village near Pathoumphone Town that is 45km south of Pakse. The group
interviewed was made up of one export fish trader and a number of professional fishers who
sold fish to the trader. The export trader sold fish up river to Thailand.
The group agreed that there were previously more fish and that there would be less fish in the
future. When asked what they would do when there were less fish, they remarked that this
was not a problem because they were already investing in aquaculture. Further questions
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revealed that some of the group had fishponds as a result of the road construction near their
rice fields from which soil was taken, thus highlighting the circumstantial rather than planned
development of aquaculture.
The group then explained that they would continue catching wild fish, even though they
already (and increasingly) had access to fish to eat from aquaculture. The fish they targeted
from the Mekong were large migratory Pangasius spp. catfish and the carp Cirrhinus
microlepis ( Pa Phone in Lao). These fish are purely export species for Thai markets, making
them essentially commercial species.
As in Ban Don Kho, this raises a series of issues. It appears that this group essentially sees
aquaculture as an alternative to wildcapture fisheries and as such a realistic means of
attaining income and nutrition. In doing so, the fishers are seemingly discounting
wildcapture management through their expectation of aquaculture.
It is irresponsible to argue that aquaculture will be able to replace wildcapture fisheries. It is
also incorrect to argue that aquaculture always causes fishers to devalue wildcapture
fisheries. Although the environmental concerns over aquaculture discussed in the above
section are very real for many communities around the world, they may seem distant to most
communities in Champasak, especially those that have such a strong tradition in wildcapture
fisheries. There are however more evident social impacts. Issues of social stratification,
although shown to be minimal in communities in other southern provinces in Laos (Garaway
1999), are very real in terms of access to protein, if wildcapture fisheries were to be depleted
on the basis described by the fishers. An aquaculture in Laos based on such premises,
whether intentional or not, may be detrimental rather than beneficial to communities and
wildcapture fisheries alike. Especially as it is increasingly shown that it is poorer households
that rely on wild fishery resources (Garaway 1999).
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Ban Oupaxa – Privatisation of the commons
In Ban Oupaxa village, in Khong District, the introduction of aquaculture has led to the
privatisation of common property resources by the relatively powerful and influential. A
village swamp, a natural depression previously fished by everyone in the community, became
effectively privatised a few years ago after one of the more powerful members of the
community decided he wanted to try farming fish in the natural pond. Essentially, a resource
that used to benefit the whole community, including the poor, was taken and given over to a
single well-off family. This not only reduced fishing access but also redirected water away
from being used to feed livestock and water small gardens. The privatisation of common
property in the name of promoting aquaculture is one of the most serious problems that
aquaculture advocates must address, especially if they wish to convince critics that
aquaculture does not represent a threat to the poor.
Natural Aquatic Resource Co-Management in Khong District, Champasak Province
Nowhere in Laos are wild capture fisheries more important to local people than in the
southernmost part of the country, in Khong District, Champasak Province, where most of the
over 65,000 people who populate the district are semi-subsistence rice farmers and small-
scale fishers living on numerous islands in the middle of the Mekong River, or along the
banks of the river (Baird 1999b; Baird et al. 1998).
Based on a rapid survey carried out in 14 Khong villages chosen using a stratified random
selection process in 1997, 94% of the families in the district participate in at least subsistence
fisheries, and the average person in Khong caught 62 kg of fish over a twelve month period in
1996/1997 (Baird et al. 1998). Fish products are the most important source of animal protein
consumed during approximately 80% of the meals in Khong, and the total annual fish catch
for the district has been estimated to be around 4,000 metric tonnes [Baird, 1998 #289;
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Phonvisay, 2001 #740. Estimates of the value of the traded fish in Khong range from
between US$450,000 (Phonvisay and Bush 2001) and over US$1 million (Baird et al. 1998).
In 1993, the Lao Community Fisheries and Dolphin Protection Project (LCFDPP) was
established as a small NGO and local Lao Government supported initiative designed to
promote the conservation and sustainable management of natural aquatic resources in the
mainstream Mekong River and adjacent seasonal streams, rice fields, and natural depressions
using participatory methods. The LCFDPP attempted to assist locals in bettering the quality
of their lives while at the same time improving environmental conditions, which are the basis
for aquatic productivity. The initiative led to the establishment of a natural aquatic resource
co-management programme in cooperation with local Government, in which communities
have been given the authority to establish and implement their own unique sets of co-
management regulations through a participatory and voluntary process (Baird 1999).
Between 1993 and 1999, 63 villages in Khong District established co-management
regulations for managing aquatic resources in the vicinities of their communities.
Communities in Khong and other parts of Laos are relatively homogenous and economically
unstratified, leading to a relatively small number of stakeholders compared with what is
common in many other parts of the world (Ireson 1995; Ireson 1996; Baird 1999).
Community based systems or resource management are often extremely varied as a function
of both the diversity of landscapes they preside over (Hviding 1994) and the diversity of
communities involved (Baird 1999a). This is in generally in contrast with the often narrow,
homogenous systems of centralised management (Hviding 1994). Within such government
systems, planners often overlook the value of existing rural activities and systems set up by
communities (Stanley 1991). Therefore the formulation of co-management regulations
should be done in a way that allows communities to take control of local planning processes
through conducting negotiations within and between communities and with other
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stakeholders. Concurrently, the Lao government has never really had a strongly centralised
control over rural areas (Evans 1995). Therefore the implementation of community based
and co-management systems generally fit the model of management proposed by Wilson et
al. (1994: 292) as “…a hierarchical management structure that depends heavily upon its most
decentralised elements”. In this sense “the community” are recognised not merely as an
aggregate of individuals, people or fishing boats but rather as a discrete group with a moral
nature and therefore the ability to successfully manage their own resources (McCay, 1998).
In Khong, the main stakeholders involved in this process were: 1. Villages (including all their
members i.e. both men and women); 2. Government (including line agencies responsible for
aquatic resources); and 3. Non-government Organisation (NGO) projects supporting co-
management in Khong district. As part of the regulations, which are recognized by the
Government, individual communities have established 68 separate Fish Conservation Zones
(FCZs), or fishery “no-take zones”, in the mainstream Mekong River. The establishment of
FCZs has been one of the most important elements of the co-management system, although a
wide range of regulations related to various aquatic resource management have been adopted
in different communities. They include:
1) Banning the use of fish traps in streams at the beginning of the rainy season when
some fish species migrate up to rain fed rice fields, natural depressions and other
wetlands to spawn.
2) Prohibiting the capture of snakehead fish (Channa striata) (Pa Kho in Lao) fry with
scoop nets.
3)
Restricting the harvesting of frogs ( Rana spp.) (K op in Lao), especially during the
spawning season.
4)
Restricting a number of fishing gear restrictions, including fish spearing at night and
water banging fishing.
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5) Protecting wetland habitat.
The aquatic resource co-management programme in Khong has been successful, and local
people largely believe that fish stocks and fish catches have increased due to the
implementation of co-management regulations, including the establishment of FCZs (Hogan
1997; Meusch 1997; Cunningham 1998; Chomchanta et al. 2000). Improved village
solidarity has also been widely reported (Baird 1999b), and this has all been done at a very
low cost to donors and the Government, since villagers do most of the work themselves.
While there remain a number of unanswered technical and biological questions regarding the
reasons why the establishment of various management strategies, including the establishment
of FCZs, has led to increased fish stocks (Baird and Flaherty 1999; Chomchanta et al. 2000),
villagers are insistent that the systems are working and have widely reported that they intend
to continue implementing the systems indefinitely. A number of reviewers have also
concluded that the programme has been successful and appropriate (see Baird and Flaherty
1999; Meusch 1997; Hogan 1997; Cunningham 1998; Chomchanta et al. 2000).
Aquatic Resource Management
Many development projects have been initiated based on the assumption that aquaculture is
the best or only way to increase the amount of fish products available to the local population.
This is a dangerous assumption. While aquaculture may well be a suitable intervention for
improving fisheries productivity in certain areas, especially dry areas with few natural
fisheries, we should not assume that aquaculture will always be a suitable intervention
(Gregory and Guttman 1996), or that aquaculture generally does not contribute to the
degradation of natural resources that are the basis for productive wild capture fisheries.
This is not a new thesis. Past critiques of aquaculture have stressed the need for balance
between culture and capture fisheries, recognising the need for appropriate interventions
(Ruddle 1993; Gregory and Guttman 1996). However, there is a need to place greater
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/237318020_Capture_or_Culture_Management_of_ricefield_fisheries_in_South_East_Asia?el=1_x_8&enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg==https://www.researchgate.net/publication/237318020_Capture_or_Culture_Management_of_ricefield_fisheries_in_South_East_Asia?el=1_x_8&enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg==https://www.researchgate.net/publication/237318020_Capture_or_Culture_Management_of_ricefield_fisheries_in_South_East_Asia?el=1_x_8&enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg==https://www.researchgate.net/publication/237318020_Capture_or_Culture_Management_of_ricefield_fisheries_in_South_East_Asia?el=1_x_8&enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg==
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emphasis on alternatives to aquaculture such as community-based management and co-
management. Furthermore, the burden of proof should be on the proponents of aquaculture to
provide sufficient evidence to justify introducing new species for aquaculture, or altering
habitats to accommodate aquaculture. It must be recognised that aquaculture and wild fish
stocks are often in competition for the same limited resources, such as land, water and
nutrients (Folke 1998; New 1999; Barg and Phillips 2000). Internationally, aquaculturists
have largely managed to take advantage of the system, and have avoided internalising the
external costs associated with aquaculture development (Folke 1998).
In Laos, government policy on aquaculture is seemingly raising the expectations of
aquaculture among communities already with access to wildcapture fisheries as indicated in
Ban Don Kho and Ban Nok. In this sense there is a difference between the government’s
policy, the relevance of aquaculture, and the lack of practical adoption of it in the villages.
As such more research could determine whether there is a real priority for aquaculture for
rural communities, what the uses, both direct and indirect, of wildcapture and aquaculture
resources are and, who within these communities are specifically adopting aquaculture, and
why.
As has been shown in Khong District, the initiation of community-based aquatic resource co-
management can be a sustainable alternative to the promotion of aquaculture, and can
increase the amount of fish available to local populations as well as protect biodiversity.
While it may not always be possible to establish workable co-management systems in
particular areas (Baird 1999), we argue that it should generally be one of the first avenues
considered, with aquaculture only being introduced after the overall situation related to
natural aquatic resources has been considered in detail. The government and development
agencies need to reconsider the ways in which they approach natural aquatic resource
management issues in Laos and other countries around the world. While it is admirable that
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/270399263_The_Ecological_Footprint_Concept_for_Sustainable_Seafood_Production_A_Review?el=1_x_8&enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg==https://www.researchgate.net/publication/270399263_The_Ecological_Footprint_Concept_for_Sustainable_Seafood_Production_A_Review?el=1_x_8&enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg==https://www.researchgate.net/publication/270399263_The_Ecological_Footprint_Concept_for_Sustainable_Seafood_Production_A_Review?el=1_x_8&enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg==https://www.researchgate.net/publication/270399263_The_Ecological_Footprint_Concept_for_Sustainable_Seafood_Production_A_Review?el=1_x_8&enrichId=rgreq-1b4aec1b-2f7a-483a-8c0b-ebbbcc709ec5&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIzNTk5NjgyNDtBUzoyNTQxNzkwNjMxMDM0ODlAMTQzNzYxMjQxOTUwMg==
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efforts have been made to integrate small-scale aquaculture with other agricultural activities
(Edwards 1994; Edwards 1998; Edwards et al. 1999), we now need to advance further to
considering aquaculture in the broader context of overall natural aquatic resource
management.
Recent turns in aquatic resources management may reflect a move toward a more balanced
view. Leading on from a shift in the focus of donors such as the United Kingdom’s
Department for International Development (DFID), which is advocating the Sustainable
Livelihood Approach to development (DFID 1999), as first developed by Chambers and
Conway (1992). The approach is based on a holistic model of development that takes into
account human, natural, financial, social and physical capital that influence structures and
processes within households or communities framed within a context of vulnerability (DFID
1999). Such a model has the potential for including the multi-faceted aspects of rural natural
resource use as well as production technologies such as SRA. However, before this occurs
greater attention needs to be given to community based and co-management structures
governing wildcapture fisheries in order to raise its profile within government and donor
circles.
Conclusion
The purpose of this paper is not to deny the potential importance of aquaculture as a means of
producing increased amounts of affordable aquatic protein, especially when herbivorous and
omnivorous finfish species are being cultured on a small-scale and as a part of integrated
farming systems. While there has not been space here to review the benefits of aquaculture,
it is acknowledged that aquaculture has the potential to benefit society and the environment.
Nor is the objective of this paper to claim that natural aquatic co-management will always
represent the most appropriate form of intervention in particular areas. Many social and
environmental factors need to be considered, and individual circumstances are generally
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complex. Aquaculture can benefit local people in rural areas, but we need to be cautious and
careful when it comes to promoting it. While aquaculture activities are sometimes essentially
environmentally and socially benign, they can cause or increase various kinds of
environmental and social problems, especially when enough precautions are not taken. We
need to be especially alert for problems, and address them at an early stage, preferably before
they happen.
Aquaculture will undoubtedly continue to be developed in countries like Laos. Therefore, it
is necessary to push for the adoption of more sustainable forms, rather than denying it role in
rural development. Essentially, aquaculture needs to be developed carefully, and in
accordance with the precautionary principle, although following the adoption of such an
approach will certainly slow the growth of aquaculture over the short term (New 1999).
However, careful promotion of aquaculture should benefit aquaculture in the long term, by
silencing its critics through improving practices.
Aquaculture in Laos and other countries in the region should not be regarded as the only
means for increasing fish production. Instead, the first avenue of intervention should
generally be to promote the conservation and sustainable management of naturally occurring
aquatic resources, since most rural people still rely primarily on these for their subsistence
and welfare. Well-managed wild fish stocks can help to take up the slack when famines,
flooding and drought cause land-based crops to fail. They are especially important for the
poorest of the poor, and subsistence-oriented people living in rural areas. After the
wildcapture issues have been considered, possibilities for promoting sustainable and
equitable aquaculture can be considered within the overall context of wild capture fisheries
and natural aquatic resource management. Some types of aquaculture have a useful role to
play in improving the livelihoods of local people, but we need to remain critical and sceptical
regarding the benefits that are often assumed to come from aquaculture. Aquaculture is not a
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panacea for solving the wild capture fisheries problems that we are facing worldwide, and
aquaculture cannot and should not be seen a substitute for sound fisheries management that
allows for the full participation of all stakeholders. It is but a part of the equation, and how it
is extended and promoted will indicate whether it is helpful to the rural poor and the
environment or not.
Future research needs to focus on balancing models of aquatic resources management at
donor, government and local levels focusing on the needs of communities, rather than
unrealistically fuelling their expectations. Such research will provide for a better resistance
to livelihood vulnerability, as well as address issues of resource sustainability and
biodiversity rather than focusing solely on production. This in turn will move aquatic
resources management away from aquaculture and toward a more balanced approach.
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