Burma - An Appeal to the Ethnic Leaders

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    Burma Kanbawza Win

    Burma is the first country outside the Communist bloc to recognise the Peoples

    Republic of China in its creation on 1st Oct, 1949 and since then the Burmese Generals have verymuch admired Chairman Mao, especially his theorythat power comes out of the barrel of a gun

    and they have practiced this theory for more than half a century starting from March 2nd 1962

    After more than fifty years of gross human rights violation, ethnic cleansing, forced labour,

    forced relocation, child soldiers implemented by brutal dictatorship and taking the country from

    the rice bowl to the rice hole of Asia these narco Generals, heads of the rapist Tatmadaw came to

    realise that they are about to lose their independence. The country is clearly heading to become

    6th autonomous region of China1 as they had to depend solely on the magnanimity of China from

    arms, ammunition and economic supplies to diplomatic support at the UN. They have witness the

    treatment of the Chinese Communists to the Tibetan of how the Tibetan language and Buddhism

    were suppressed systematically and that Mandalay the second capital of Burma has been label as2nd

    Beijing as the country has been being flooded by more than 5 million Chinese, both legal and

    illegal Chinese immigrants and that even the local people especially the ward and township

    elders are learning Chinese language replacing the lingua franca Burmese language.2

    Than Shwe the evil genius and the supremo realise that the only way to wriggle out of the

    Chinese orbit is to be friend with the United States of America, the arsenal of democracy and to

    be friends with US it must change to democracy at least in some form of semblance. So he

    gracefully retired and controlled it from behind and chose able lieutenant Thein Sein in his place

    and gave him his blessings to change.

    The Myanmar leaders both the Generals and the pro democracy groups led by Daw AungSan Suu Kyi realising that their policy of a great nation using brute chauvinism and ethnic

    cleansing over the non Myanmar for half a century is not working in their favour but ratherhaving an adverse effect of pushing them to a pariah state. So they have taken a leave out of the

    dictum and strategy of Deng Xiaopings Theory - of using economics to outflank politics3 At

    last they have painfully discovered that the dual colonial policy of the Myanmar over the Non

    Myanmar, the ethnic nationalities instead reaching their goal has led the ethnic nationalities to be

    more united and more resistant. Now that the country has opened up to market reforms is using

    skillfully the economic development projects in the ethnic nationalities dominated area to

    marginalize the opposition. The government have deliberately used the market system as an aid

    to political cooperation - locally through cross-border groupings that bring together capital, labor

    and natural resources from neighboring states in what are now known as a new Burma which

    goes further than any previous economic venture.

    1The five autonomous regions of China are Xinjiang, Tibet, Inner Mongolia, Guangxi and Ningxia

    2Please refer to Kanbawza Wins ArticleNi How MarorHas President Bush Agree of Burma becoming an

    autonomous region of China published in Kao Wao News and Asian Tribune3From Mao Ze Dong's Thinking to Deng Xiao Ping's Theory=.

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    Up to this day the ethnic nationalities rights have not been effectively guaranteed in thenew political setting. The fallacies of the electoral system means that the Myanmar majorityparties are likely to remain dominant in national politics after the 2015 general election and thearmycommanders will continue to wield personal power in the states and regions

    The diversity of international groups including the US making wrong approaches could

    complicate rather than help events in the field. The agendas and relationships of internationalagencies are not always clear, even though there the number of international actors working inregional investments in the non Myanmar area is growing. In recent months, however, the paceof economic pressure has accelerated and many ethnic communities fear that they will bebypassed in local planning and progress as the new political system is not yet fully representativeor functioning.

    The ethnic borderlands are strategically located in the path of many new investmentprojects. There are concerns that the country and people could suffer the resource curse thatundermined resource development and the equitable sharing of wealth. e.g. the oil and gaspipelines to China, the Kaledan Gateway project with India and the Dawei Development projectwith Thailand. But this is only the beginning: China wants to open up the country to the sub-

    Asian region via a north-south corridor, while Japan is interested in another from east to west.Special economic zones, too, are being mooted that are expected to lead to more landexpropriation and this is deepening concerns about the future of the many displaced persons,refugees and migrant workers in the ethnic national borderlands. Huge economic andhumanitarian challenges remain. This clearly proves that the majority Myanmar led by theTatmadaw will be the only one that profited with the help of international companies.

    Burma is now at a sensitive stage in its political transition. Under the Thein Seinadministration there is are encouraging prospects for the future, however, reform is still at a veryearly stage and there should be no underestimation of the difficult challenges that lie ahead. Afterdecades of division, intensive efforts are still required to bring about an inclusive and lastingpeace.

    There is still in need of electoral rules, census, land tenure rights, education, investmentand economic reform which are all necessary to guarantee the rights of all peoples. Independentinstitutions must also strive to grow in an environment where power and decision-making areoften in the hands of small elites. And, as events move quickly, it is vital that all parts of thecountry are included, but the Thein Sein government with the tactic approval of NLD hasdeliberately neglected it in ethnic dominated areas

    It is rather dangerous that the current optimistic mood in Burma and within theinternational community is obscuring the fact that the existing hurdles have the potential toseriously obstruct the on-going democratisation process. The absence of availabledemocratisation theories, which could be applied to Burmas current political climate, also plays

    a part in the misperception of the situation. Essential factors that contribute to sustainabledemocratic reforms, such as strong opposition groups, an expanding middle class or thedevelopment of free media, are still missing. It looks more like a rearrangement or aredistribution of power among top elites, including Daw Suu Kyi, without any real participationof the middle class. Human rights considerations need to shape the process of economic growth,legislative reform and institutional change, while also guiding responses to ongoing serioushuman rights situations, including in Rakhine and Kachin States. 4 On the other hand the Junta

    4Quintana report to the UNGA. 25-11-2012

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    have carefully studied China, North Korea, and Indonesia, where the military possesses a greatdeal of political power and is trying to imitate them in their endeavour hoping that that an openmarkets, interregional trade and economic growth would papered over historical grievances,irredentist claims, and quarrels over geopolitical resources.

    Long-term agreements with Myanmar -majority parties (including the NLD) and the non

    Myanmar ethnic nationalities is a necessity if peace and prosperity were to be restored, forBurmas political transition and economic reconstruction are deeply entwined, and so the rulingclique, the countrys elites and the international community must embrace both for the dramatic

    reforms underway to succeed.5In an effort to create a rapidly growing economy and catch up to its neighbours, the

    government wants to do away with the restrictions and privileges of the old economic order,which benefited the military, party elite and crony businessmen, said a summary of the reports

    findings by ICG.If the reforms are done well, many across the country stand to benefit, butthose who profited most from the old regimes restrictions and privileges will lose access towindfall profits and guaranteed monopolies, said Jim Della-Giacoma, the groups South EastAsia project director. The crony businessmen, military and party machine will still do well but

    will need to play by new rules, meet domestic and foreign competition and even pay taxes.

    Very lately Burmas Parliament has approved a new foreign direct investment (FDI) billthat removes limits on how much a foreigner can invest in joint ventures with local partners. Thenew legislation incorporates most of the recommendations made by President Thein Sein allowsforeign companies to become majority shareholders in joint-venture projects.We need foreigninvestment as our country is in need of more employment for our people, said Lower House MP

    Thein Nyunt from the opposition New National Democracy Party, expressing support for thepresidents policies.

    6This clearly depicts that the regime is catching two birds with a stone. It

    remove the old regime cronies and encompass the economic development to overcome the ethnicresistance. The governments limited experience and technical capacity hinder the speed andeffectiveness with which sweeping new policies can be implemented. This deficit may beparticularly telling when policies require swift adjustment. It must be understood that economicreform cannot be achieved without the promise of political stability.

    This clearly points out that the ethnic leaders cannot be marginalized or buy of the moreeconomically inclined ones as in the Karen Hence all the ethnic leaders must be very careful withthe economic approaches. Kachin is but one of the most advanced ethnic groups that sees thewritings on the wall and continue to fight until the political conditions are met. In case of theShan, there is no war or peace as the economic incentive is low. The Mons are lying low as mostof the mines are already in the governments hands and the only bait is Dawe project. TheKarens are hopelessly divided. 7The Karenni and the Chins are very much marginalized.

    If the absence of clarity among Burmas domestic ethno-nationalists is an issue, pro-market external players are crystal clear about their Burma priorities. In the eyes of venture

    5Mizzima News The Politics of Economic Reformes Report 30-7-2012

    6Nyein Nyein Burma Parliament Pass Long Awaited FDI Bill 2-11-2012

    7First, the Karen Buddhist split from more enlighten Christians and now the economic minded leaders are making

    their presence felt exploiting the fact that e most of the Karen peoples wants peace

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    capitalists and corporate investors in London, Paris, Zurich, New York, Tokyo, Seoul and so on,or development agencies such as the World Bank, Asian Development Bank (ADB), EU andEU-based development agencies, Burmas war zones have come to be seen as strategic yet virginlands waiting to be penetrated by international business interests. Meanwhile, ASEAN isdetermined to transform itself from the regions Cold War-era, anti- Communist China bloc to a

    pro-market competitor of the emerging state-run capitalist system of China. As the largestmainland Southeast Asian land bridge between South and Southeast Asia, Burma is indispensiblefor ASEAN as it pursues its grand commercial design.8 These are beyond our control but theethnic leaders must see this writings on the wall in order to lead its own people to the rightdirections.

    Every educated Burmese have to understand that the commercial stakes are too high forthese external players to allow Burmas conflict-ridden communities such political luxuries aspeace, ethnic reconciliation, basic human rights and some semblance of popular sovereignty toovershadow their decisions. For instance, over a quarter-century a projected $550 billion(according to the Asian Development Bank) would change hands in the ongoing scheme of theASEAN alone, backed by an assemblage of Western institutions to create a single energy market

    across much of Southeast Asia. In the new single energy market electricity would be generated ina least-industrialised economy such as Burmas and exported to the fast industrialisingeconomies of China and Thailand. Imagine the windfall from the two dozen similar schemescurrently under discussion.9But ironically Burmas town and cities are dark at night with notenough electricity.

    Burma is seen as a strategic venue by outside powers, from Europe to Japan to the US.For outside powers, the country has always been a commercial backdoor to China, and India, formainland Southeast Asian economies. The logic of and zeal for economic growthand theresultant twofold needs for reliable flows of natural resources and energy and new consumermarketshas subsequently come to dictate the behaviour and priorities for virtually all nationalgovernments. So it is a common sense that the move to open up the country to internationalbusinesses has turned out to be the Burmese generals single most important decision, havingsince precipitated a major windfall in terms of commercial gains, strategic advantages, newinternational alliances and class-based politics at homeall to the near exclusive benefit of themilitary.

    It must be remembered that the Tatmadaw remained cohesive and is successful inpreventing inter-ethnic alliance between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led NLD and ethnicmovements. The 17 ethnic resistance groups agreed to ceasefire deals with the junta instead ofbringing peace has led to lucrative personal business for the ethnic leaders. The generals havesuccessfully primed Western interests in Burmas economic and strategic potentials, includingthose of the countrys frontier areas. The global oil corporations have succeeded in filling itsonce-empty coffers with billions of dollars. Apparently,Naypyidaw has decided that it is in itsbest interest to invert its strategic logic in dealing with dissent and rebellion at home. From 1989to 2012 it concentrated on crushing the pro democracy forces while neutralising the non-Myanmar ethnic armed movements with temporary ceasefire deals including the Kachin. Now,the generals have decided to zero in on any ethnic resistance groups, ceasefire or active, thatrefuse to accept peace onNaypyidaws terms. The ethnic leaders must be able to see this ploy.

    8Zarni, Maung;An offer the minorities cannot refuseHimal Magazine 2011 Dec. issue

    9Ibid

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    The regimes strategic measures both before and after the election were designed to furtherweaken the non-Myanmar ethnic voices and fracture whatever inter- and intra-ethnic alliancesthat were emerging in the ethnic political scenes.

    The military today is also replicating the old colonial pattern ofdivide and rule bypreventing any attempts by the Myanmar politicians and dissidents to reach out to the non-

    Myanmar . Soon after her release from house arrest a year ago, Daw Aung San Suu Kyiattempted to reignite popular interest in the multiethnic countrys need to build a federal systemof government on the principal of ethnic equality. But as of now she is mute especially in Arakanand Kachin affairs as her latest interview with BBC revealed.10 This clearly indicates that she nolonger cares for human rights and gross human rights violations and try to equate the ethnicslegitimate rights with that of the Tatmadaw.

    A cursory glance at the parliamentary statistics suffices that the Nargis Constitutionallocated 25 percent of the seats in all legislatures at all levels, the regimes proxy party, theUnion Solidarity and Development party (USDP), holds 883 of 1154 parliamentary seats (76.5percent); and have absolutely no chance of their concerns and aspirations being taken seriously,let alone honoured, by the military. Suu Kyi and the NLDthey have now gotten her, along with

    Burmese commercial and technocratic elites, on boardNaypyidaws carefully choreographedmarket reforms.11

    Meanwhile, anti-Chinese Western and ASEAN commercial and strategic interests are

    converging nicely in the generals favour. Both ASEAN and Washington deem it to be within

    their converging interests to ensure that the Burmese generals do not tilt any further towardsBeijings strategic orbit. Washington's invitation for Burma to join the annual Cobra Gold US-Thai military exercise is a reward for Burma's rapid process of reform demonstrates just howdesperate the US is to make trade inroads into a country that has been isolated from theinternational community for the past five decades. 12For the first time since the ethnic rebellionsbroke out 60 years ago, the Burmese military today finds itself in the best position to make peacedeals with the non-Myanmar resistance organisations. These will be offers the ethniccommunities cannot refuse.

    Hence it is very important the ethnic leaders should really around Ethnic NationalCouncil, be broad minded and calls upon the WA to join them. Then the existing UnitedNationalities Federal Council (UNFC) should be expanded to include the ethnic intelligentsiaboth inside the country and those of the Diaspora,13 and most importantly they need to invitethose ethnic political parties inside the country and put up the United Front. Then they all mustwork as a cohesive TEAM.

    14(Every ethnic leader is requested to read this foot note) Then and

    10BBC Burmese Broadcast 3-10-2012

    11Zarni, Maung;An offer the minorities cannot refuseHimal Magazine 2011 Dec. issue

    12The Nation 23-10-2012

    13 Currently it is only composed of armed organizations fighting the central government14

    TEAM. Target must have visionary, common goal, same concept and same page, wave length. Engagement

    must adhere to the rules, take responsibility and accountability. Adaptabilitywillingness, openness and adjustable

    to changes. Mutuality There must be trust and respect to each other and recognize and harbour positive culture. Itis very hard for one ethnic to understand the other as they have an entirely different background and options. Butuntil and unless united it will be lost.

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    only then the Non-Myanmar ethnic nationalities would be in a position to talk with the Myanmargroup led by the Generals and NLD, or otherwise will have to be contended with a second classcitizen of Burma. One silver lining is that the advent of the NLD in parliament and support fromdemocracy activists among the Burmese public is furthering hopes of a countrywide movementfor peace and the ethnic leaders must drive for a new 2ndPanglong Conference to a new era of

    unity and progress.Last but not the least is that we agree to the notion that there must be only one army todefend the country and that must be a Union army what in Burmese call Pyidoungsu Tat

    ( ) and not theMyanmar Tatmadaw as it is only for the Myanmar that mistreat

    the Non Myanmar, ethnic nationalities. There must be a State Police something like a former

    UMP which is Burmese callPyinae Tat ( ) to counter balance the marauding

    Tatmadaw a sort of a check and balance and the Union army must be composed of equallyproportionate of ethnic contingents for no ethnic nationalities can trust the Myanmar after 60years of gross human rights violations. Only then it will formed the essence of a genuine Unionof Burma and not the Union of Myanmar as our founder of modern BurmaBogyoke Aung Sanhas shown.