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Brill’s Encyclopedia of Hinduism Volume V: Religious Symbols Hinduism and Migration: Contemporary Communities outside South Asia Some Modern Religious Groups and Teachers Edited by Knut A. Jacobsen (Editor-in-Chief ) Associate Editors Helene Basu Angelika Malinar Vasudha Narayanan LEIDEN BOSTON 2013

Brill’s Encyclopedia of Hinduism - University of s Encyclopedia of Hinduism Volume V: Religious Symbols Hinduism and Migration: Contemporary Communities outside South Asia Some Modern

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Brill’s Encyclopedia of Hinduism

Volume V: Religious Symbols

Hinduism and Migration: Contemporary Communities outside South Asia

Some Modern Religious Groups and Teachers

Edited byKnut A. Jacobsen(Editor-in-Chief )

Associate EditorsHelene Basu

Angelika MalinarVasudha Narayanan

LEIDEN • BOSTON2013

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Brill’s encyclopedia of Hinduism / edited by Knut A. Jacobsen (editor-in-chief); associate editors, Helene Basu, Angelika Malinar, Vasudha Narayanan. p. cm. — (Handbook of oriental studies. Section three, India, ISSN 0169-9377; v. 22/5) ISBN 978-90-04-17896-0 (hardback : alk. paper)1. Hinduism—Encyclopedias. I. Jacobsen, Knut A., 1956- II. Basu, Helene. III. Malinar, Angelika. IV. Narayanan, Vasudha. BL1105.B75 2009 294.503—dc22

2009023320

ISSN 0169-9377ISBN 978 90 04 17896 0

Copyright 2013 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers and Martinus Nijhoff Publishers.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.

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Printed in the Netherlands

normally occur in the presence of the objects for which they are signs . . . I prefer to call this the pre-sentative function of signs” (1942, 368). Under-standing both the “presentative function” and the representative function of “Rām” as a vocal sign or symbol is central to comprehending the role that the name plays in the Hindu tradition.

In Hinduism, there is a vast multiplicity of both visual and aural religious symbols as well as a myriad of ways in which they have meaning and are employed. There is also a common belief in the omnipresence and omnipotence of the divine. Because it is everywhere, sacred symbols naturally possess an element of that which they symbolize. A stone, a sound, or a → sādhu (renunciant) can all reflect the divine and, depending on the broader context, can also be presentative in manifesting that divinity. In a sense, they all have the potential to be manifestations of the divine, and it is in the context of this belief in a presentational inherency that the Hindu concept of sacred symbol will be used herein.

Like visual forms, language and sound symbols can be similarly understood. Mantras, or sacred sounds, have long been an integral part of Indian religious thinking, and they have been among the earliest uses of symbols to represent divine enti-ties and powers. The → Vedas, → Upanisads, epics, → Purānas, and many other compilations of sacred words and stories all emphasize the power and importance of sound. All of reality is both mani-fest and identified through sound. The divine is called upon through sound, and it makes its pres-ence known through sound. One class of mantras, known as bījamantras, are seen to be especially powerful. Unlike words and sounds used to name things, actions, concepts, and so on, monosyl-labic bījamantras have no specific meaning. They are presentatively symbolic and also evoca-tive. According to P. Muller-Ortega, they cause “consciousness to vibrate” (1989, 173). They are recited or written for the purpose of calling upon and arousing the divine power to which they are connected. The earliest of bījamantras used in this way is aum (or → om). Since the time of the Vedas, it has been the most used bījamantra. As a presentative symbol, it is said to sanctify what-ever it is written on, the writer, those who intone it, and those who hear it. The Māndūkyopanisad,

The name → Rām (राम) is arguably the most com-mon name of the divine in Hinduism today. It is regularly used as a form of greeting, in the nam-ing of children, in recitation and chanting, and for adorning the walls of homes and temples. From birth until and including the time of death, the name has significance and is a part of nearly every ritual and rite of passage undertaken or experi-enced. When dead bodies are carried to the funeral pyre for cremation, rāmnām satya hai (the name of Rām is truth) is chanted by the mourners. Far more than just a name, Rām has become a sacred symbol that points to and expresses a multivalent conceptualization of the divine. In presenting the many facets of the name, this article will begin with a brief look at religious symbolism and lan-guage, focusing on some of the ways in which symbols are understood and expressed in the Hindu tradition. It will then turn to the role of sacred names and sounds in early India. Finally, it will discuss how the name Rām and its recita-tion, known as rāmnām, came to attain such a central position in the beliefs and practices of Hindus. Rāmnām generally refers to the practice of repetition of the name Rām, but it is also used in reference to the chanting of → mantras that contain Rām such as śrīrām jay rām jay jay rām, śrīsītārām, and so on.

Sacred symbols play an integral part of most religions. They are not only used to represent something but also to point beyond themselves to the realm of the transcendent. For Jews, the Star of David, for Christians, the cross, and for Buddhists, the eight-spoked wheel, all symbolize that which is sacred, which is beyond the temporal. While some followers of these traditions see their symbols as representative – that is, they are meant to direct one’s focus or attention to what is symbolized – for others, sacred symbols are presentative. In case of the latter, they possess the quality of mani-festing or making present the sacred. The former evokes a mental response, the latter an emotional and religious one. “Rām,” whether in written or in vocal form, can serve all of these functions. It is believed to be able to not only describe the divine but also conjure up, evoke, present, and reveal it. In discussing the various uses of words as vocal symbols, W. Moore suggests that they can “stimu-late in the reader or auditor reactions that would

Rām

Rām 113

the shortest text in the collection of Upanisads, is devoted entirely to expounding on aum.

Initially, mantras were recited in conjunction with the performance of rituals in hopes of gain-ing assistance from the various divinities. Over a period of time, however, there was a shift in the recognition of power “away from the gods and into the elements of ritual technique” (Alper, 1989, 23). The rituals and the mantras recited in them came to be seen as the primary sources of spiritual power attainable by humans, and both were elevated in status and sanctity. Ascrip-tion of such potency led to the belief that who-ever had proper knowledge of these could wield divine power on his or her own. Increasingly, the mantras were viewed as the most important part of rituals, some even being recited in place of certain rituals or religious duties. Vāc (voice, sound, or speech) was raised to the level of a goddess, usually → Sarasvatī, and was also asso-ciated with knowledge, intelligence, music, and the arts. In some vedic compilations, she is said to be intimately connected with creation and is a link between the realm of the divine and that of humans.

Rgveda has the first mention of the name of a deity as a mantra: “of which god do we now invoke the beloved name?” (RV. 1.24.1). According to J. Gonda (1963, 250), in vedic usage, the verb man- (the root for mantra) carries the sense of evoking or calling up, and it is often associated with the noun nāma (name). The uses of nāma in specific reference to the name of a deity can be found in several places in the Vedas. J. Gonda sees a belief in the efficacy of nāma as widespread throughout vedic literature (1970, 48, 76). For example, Rgveda 7.100.3 says that → Visnu’s name inspires respect due to its inherent power, and Rgveda 10.63.2 maintains that all the names of the gods deserve veneration, praise, and wor-ship. Other vedic Samhitā verses contain multiple names of a particular deity. J. Gonda suggests that this may be the result of the belief that each epi-thet helps to evoke a different power of the deity (Gonda, 1970, 8, 15). Thus, rather than the reci-tation of one name, repeating a variety of names and epithets will inspire more power.

While there is little or no evidence to confirm whether the practice was a part of the popular reli-gion of the time, the appearance of name recita-tion in early Mahāyāna Buddhism suggests that it began evolving as a practice outside the Brahmani-cal religion relatively early. The earliest Mahāyāna

Buddhist texts in which the name of a deity is given importance are the Sukhāvatīvyūhasūtra and the Saddharmapundarīka. In addition to importance placed on repetition of the name of a buddha or bodhisattva was recitation of a dhāranī. The latter is a group of syllables, each one of which symbol-izes a concept, teaching, or section of a text. Their repetition is believed by many to bring blessings or protection.

Literary Sources for Rām and Rāmnām

Vālmīki’s RāmāyanaHindus traditionally consider Vālmīki’s → Rāmā yana to be the earliest version of the Rām story, although it is relatively certain that other tellings of the story were prevalent before the time of Vālmīki. Nevertheless, he is credited with bring-ing it into written form. Most scholars of the Rām story agree that the extant Vālmīki Rāmāyana is far larger and quite different than the original work. It has likely gone through a number of revi-sions, additions, and interpolations over a period of many centuries. In his original work, recitation of the name, popularly referred to as rāmnām, has no place of importance (the → Mahābhārata, in contrast, contains the Visnusahasranāmastotra, a eulogistic hymn praising the importance and power of the name of Visnu; however, it appears to have been added centuries after the formation of the root text). Since Vālmīki’s time, however, there has been an enormous development in the theological conceptualization of Rām as well as the social, philosophical, and liturgical uses of the name and also of the myriad tellings of the story. Evidence suggests that the Rām story was espe-cially popular with the commoners, and devotion to Rām was a part of religious life on the periph-ery of orthodox society. However, since there are no early writings that detail this aspect of popular Hinduism, it is only after Rām → bhakti became sufficiently appropriated by the Brahmanical hierarchy that it appears in textual form. After the epic literary period, the earliest group of Hindu texts believed to provide insight into the popular tradition are the Purānas and the tantric texts. It is these sets of texts to which we must turn in tracing the development of importance and use of both the name and the story of Rām.

114 Rām

The Purānas

The corpus of puranic texts is diverse and encom-passes nearly a millennium of literary works. The practice of repetition of a deity’s name or names can be found in a variety of Purānas, often in mantras of supplication or in the form of a → Stotra similar to the Visnusahasranāmastotra found in the Mahābhārata. Although of a later portion of the text, this Stotra nevertheless shows the growing recognition of the practice of nāma recitation. Unlike the case with most of the major deities, there is no puranic text devoted to Rām, although he is mentioned in several, and the Padmapurāna is the most important in tracing the development of Rām bhakti and rāmnām. In it, Rām is praised as the highest → brahman, and the mantra: om rāmāya namah is called the tārakamantra (Arya, 1988, xix, xxxii–xxxiii; by the time of the Vaisnava Upanisads, the reference to rāmnām as the tārakamantra is standard), which → Śiva repeats into the ear of those beings who die in Varanasi, thereby guaranteeing them liberation or, at minimum, their next birth as a human. As this belief spreads, so does the status of rāmnām. The Padmapurāna also contains a groups of verses collectively known as the Rāmaraksāstotra (Arya, 1988, xi). Like many Stotras, it has a distinctly tantric character, its recitation often coupled with breathing practices, visualizations, and the wear-ing of talismans. It is chanted by Rām devotees as a form of protection from physical and psychic attacks. One of the most popular verses found in the Stotra is frequently recited by North Indian Rām bhaktas today, revealing the great power attributed to the name. In it, Śiva expresses to → Pārvatī the supremacy of rāmnām over all other names:

Rāma rāmeti rāmeti rame rāme manorame Sahasranāma tattulyam rāmanāma varānane

Beautiful-faced one, I delight in the handsome Rāma by uttering “Rāma, Rāma, Rāma.”

Rāma’s name is equal to one thousand names (of Visnu). (Bühnemann, 1983, v. 38)

Tantric Tradition and Literature

The type of devotional worship expressed in the puranic literature is nearly always saguna (worship of the divine in a particular form; see → nirguna and → saguna). With this and the rise

of temple construction and worship, the priestly caste gained a great deal of influence over image and temple worship in devotional Hinduism. This was especially the case with respect to deities to whom primary devotion was image and temple based, such as → Krsna, Visnu, and many forms of the Great Goddess (→ Mahādevī). Tantric litera-ture, however, contains some of the earliest texts to suggest the presence of nirguna bhakti (wor-ship of a formless divinity), although the practice does not gain textual legitimacy until centuries later. Here, focus is on the name and its power rather than on forms. The tantric tradition also provided new and enhanced avenues of expres-sion and interpretation that benefitted common-ers and the Rām tradition in particular. These include japa (continual repetition of a mantra, generally with a divinity’s name) and the elabo-ration of the use of bījamantras. Both become important and integral elements in elevating the status and practice of rāmnām. Because the com-mon vernacular pronunciation of the name can be and is often monosyllabic, that is, “Rām” instead of the Sanskrit “Rāma,” the word came to be seen as both a name of the divine as well as a powerful bījamantra. With this double understanding and use of the name of the divine as well as a powerful bījamantra, Rām bhaktas existing on the periph-ery of the orthodox religious society possessed a powerful alternative to the Brahmanized bhakti that had already penetrated and even inundated many sectarian schools. In a land increasingly influenced by the value system of the religious elite, Rām devotees in the periphery had in Rām’s name both a powerful and effective devotional mantra and a tantric vehicle with which to ani-mate their own religious lives.

Medieval Vaisnava Upanisads

There are three Vaisnava Upanisads that con-centrate on Rām and rāmnām, the Rāma- pūrva tāpanīyopanisad, the Rāmauttaratāpinīyopanisad, and the Rāmarahasyopanisad. The Rāma - pūrva tāpanīyopanisad begins with various folk etymologies of the name Rāma, such as he “who rules (rā-jate) over the kingdom of the earth (ma-hi),” and “because the Yogins delight (ra-mante) in him . . . he was called Rā-ma by the wise ones in the world” (RāmPTU. 1.1–6; Deussen, 1980, 865–866). One section of the text focuses on the Rām mantra, rām rāmāya namah, and

Rām 115

continues its etymological analysis of the name and the mantra. Because this mantra has both uses of “Rām,” as mentioned above, it is said to contain the whole animate world. Together Rām and Sītā (see → Draupadī and Sītā) are the source of all existence. Additionally, Rām is brahman as well as → ātman, and since the mantra encom-passes both, it should be constantly repeated:

The formula is the glorifier,And Rāma the glorified;The two thus united surely bringReward to all who use it.

Just as a person bearing a name, turnsTowards the one who calls by that name,So also the formula, budding from the germ,Turns towards him who employs it. (RāmPTU.

1.20–21; Deussen, 1980, 865–866)

The Rāmapūrvatāpanīyopanisad affirms rāmnām as the tārakamantra and details the fruits derived from the practice. It tells of Śiva’s constant repeti-tion of rāmnām for thousands of ages, as a result of which Rām grants him the boon that,

If you will whisper my formulaIn the right ear of even a dying man,Whoever he may be,He shall be liberated, O Śiva! (RāmPTU. 3.16;

Deussen, 1980, 885; see also Sharma, 1972, 27)

The last section of this text contains 47 mantras glorifying Rām and identifying him with the supreme brahman, the Vedas, aum, all the avatāras and main deities, death, the elements, and indeed almost everything. The text concludes with a verse promising immortality to those who repeat these mantras at all times (RāmUTU. 5.1–47; Deussen, 1980, 886–888).

The Rāmarahasyopanisad has a more unique approach to Rām bhakti and rāmnām. Most of the text is uttered by → Hanumān, who is Śiva in the form of the monkey-god devotee of Rām. He begins by affirming Rām as the supreme brahman and the vehicle for → liberation (RāmRU. 1.6; Sharma, 1972, 29). In addition to encourag-ing japa of the six-syllable mantra (rāmrāmāya namah), the text also details the combining of various bījamantras with names associated with Rām to form mantras of varying lengths, each having a different function. Of all such mantras, the two- and six-syllable mantras are said to be the most powerful. Ultimately, the monosyllabic “Rām” is said to be the real signifier of brahman,

while the two-syllable “Rāma” is the bestower of liberation.

Svāmī Rāmānanda and His Sampradāya

Probably the greatest impetus in the development of a nām-centered devotion to Rām in North India came in the form of Svāmī → Rāmānanda, his followers, and the subsequent members of his monastic order, the → Rāmānandīs. The most influential of these include the poets → Kabīr (1440–1518) and → Tulsīdās (1543–1623). The writings of both set the tenor for Rām bhakti among Hindi-speaking commoners with a strong emphasis on the practice of rāmnām. Kabīr’s devotional presentation of Rām combines both Advaita Vedānta philosophy and mādhurya bhakti, devotion to god as lover to beloved (see → rasa). However, he stresses that his devotion is to Rām, the supreme brahman, and not to any form-based concept of the divine. A commonly repeated verse attributed to Kabīr presents the dif-ferent ways in which Rām can be and is viewed, with the final line expressing his own view and preference:

Ek rām dasarath ke betāEk rām ghat ghatmeñ baithā.Ek rām jagat ke pasārāEk rām jagat se nyārā.

One Rām is Dasarath’s son.One Rām is in the heart of everyone.One Rām is omnipresent.One Rām is completely transcendent.

Throughout his poetry, Kabīr stresses the impor-tance and power of rāmnām. He emphasizes that only knowledge of and devotion to the one will lead to salvation, and the greatest vehicle for gain-ing such wisdom is rāmnām:

Kabīr, this body is a fragile vessel made of fragile stuff;To make it durable, invoke Rām, otherwise, you are lost. (this verse is found

only in the Ādigranth and in none of the texts actually ascribed to Kabīr; Vaudeville, 1974, 329)

Among the most important and widely revered of vernacular scriptures in North India is the Rāmcaritmānas, a Hindi rendering of the Rām

116 Rām

story by Tulsīdās, whom G.A. Grierson calls “the greatest of Indian authors of modern times” (he also gives 1532 as the year of Tulsīdās’ birth, but most scholars prefer 1543 as the date; Grier-son, 1893, 89). Over the past four hundred years, no Hindu text has generated as large and as active a following as Tulsīdās’s Rāmcaritmānas. In Hindi-speaking North India, the Rāmcaritmānas is referred to in several ways, including Tulsī Rāmāyan, Hindi Rāmāyan, Rāmāyan, and Mānas. Vālmīki’s text is most often called Vālmīki Rāmāyan and occasionally Sanskrit Rāmāyan.

By the time Tulsīdās wrote this famous epic, a Rām bhakti movement had already become estab-lished throughout much of North India, and there were numerous versions of the Rām story from which to draw inspiration and ideas. Of these, the Adhyātmarāmāyana seems to have had the greatest influence on him.

Tulsīdās presents one of the most innova-tive aspects of his philosophy with reference to rāmnām. He no doubt received great inspiration from the earlier writings and writers in developing his views of the name, but he goes beyond those views presented by them. Tulsīdās sees no need for the elaborate rāmnām mantras as given in the Vaisnava Upanisads, and he rejects Kabīr’s view that rāmnām only has effect if done with devotion. Instead, Tulsīdās sees immense power in the name irrespective of how or why it is repeated. Unlike the author of the Adhyātmarāmāyana, Tulsīdās directly addresses the problem of the impersonal versus personal aspects of Rām’s nature by bring-ing them together under the rubric of the nirgun and sagun aspects of brahman. At various times, he displays a preference for one aspect over the other, but ultimately sees Rām and his name as encompassing and transcending both. While admitting his partiality, he declares,

Nirgun and sagun are two forms of Brahman, unspoken, unknown, without end or com-

parison.I believe the Name is greater than the two,By its strength both have been subdued. (RCM.

1.22.1)

In his later writings, Tulsīdās continues to express his devotion to rāmnām, and it becomes the focus of much of his subsequent poetry. His praise and use of the name have helped to elevate it to one of the primary forms of religious practice for the masses throughout North India as well as the Hindu diaspora. Mahatma → Gandhi used to

prescribe the chanting of rāmnām as a part of the remedies that he would give to those who were ill and said that if everyone would chant rāmnām, the riots of his time would end. He called it the essence of all prayers, superior even to Sanskrit ślokas (Gandhi, 1949, 13, 32, 35–36). The name of Rām was such an integral part of his thoughts that, according to some accounts, his last words after being shot were, “hé rām, hé rām” (Lindley, n.d., 1).

The Written “Rām”

Ramnami SamajThe tantric tradition inspired the use of yantras (see → mandalas and yantras) not only for con-centration but also to be worn for protection in the form of a talisman. The latter typically include bījamantras and other mantras written on spe-cific media, such as birch bark or copper plate. Other than this as a source, it is impossible to say with any certainty when the written form of Rām began to be used as a sacred symbol on a more

Fig. 1: Rām tattoos covering Ramnami male’s back and head (photo by Ramdas Lamb).

Rām 117

popular level. Clearly, by the 19th century, there were temples in North India with it embossed on their walls, suggesting a popular usage. At the end of the century, the Ramnami Samaj, a low-caste religious movement in central India that began in the 1890s, introduced a new approach to the use of the written name. According to tradition, the founder of the movement, Parasuram, a poor vil-lager, was miraculously healed from leprosy by a Rāmānandī sādhu. At the same time, “Rām Rām” (in Devanagari script) appeared on his chest in the form of a tattoo. Eventually, a group of fol-lowers grew around him, and several had a similar tattoo put on their foreheads. They also began to write the name on their clothing and shawls and then on the walls of their homes and on just about everything else they owned.

As the number of tattooed members of the Ramnami Samaj increased, so did the number of Rām tattoos that each person had. Then, in 1939, an incident – some say miracle – occurred to one of the female followers. She claimed to have

awoken one morning and found her entire body covered in tattoos of Rām. In honor of her and the event, many others started to have their bod-ies covered as well. By the 1970s, the number of members whose bodies were primarily covered in tattoos was more than ten thousand, while those with at least one “Rām Rām” tattoo exceeded two hundred thousand. In addition, the cloth-ing that Ramnamis wore when chanting was also covered with the name. Although the tradition of tattooing has diminished greatly since that time, the Ramnami Samaj still stands as an example of belief in and commitment to the name. Members continue to write it on their clothing, on the walls of their homes, and in copy books purchased spe-cifically for this purpose.

Rāmnām Banks

Sometime during the early part of the 20th cen-tury, temples and āśrams devoted to Rām bhakti began to collect deposits of copy books in which devotees had filled the pages with their writing rāmnām. The rooms in which such books were kept came to be called rāmnām banks. The prac-tice gradually spread to the point that there are now hundreds, if not thousands, of such banks all over India, mostly connected with temples and āśrams. One in the city of Ayodhya was started in 1971 and by 2003 had received “deposits” of rāmnām totaling three and a half trillion from Hindus living in India and abroad (The Times of India, Apr 23, 2003).

India has increasingly become a secular land, and there are fewer and fewer outward signs of religiosity in many of the urban areas of the coun-try. Nevertheless, the reciting and the writing of rāmnām do not seem to be diminishing. They remain a powerful form of religious practice for countless Hindus, especially those who find less opportunity in their daily lives to sit quietly in prayer or performing more elaborate rituals. Rāmnām can be done wherever one is, at almost any time. No image, no priest, and no sacred text is required. All that is needed is remembrance of the name and the faith, or at least the hope, that it will bring with it protection, happiness, peace, and possibly even enlightenment.

Fig. 2: Ramnami writing “Rām” on flag to use in procession (photo by Ramdas Lamb).

118 Rām

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