Brennan Center for Justice: Filibuster Abuse

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    F A

    By Mimi MarzianiForeword by Susan Liss

    B C Jat New York University School of Law

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    ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER FOR JUSTICE

    T B C J N Y U S L -

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    ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTERS DEMOCRACY PROGRAM

    T B C D P A . W

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    ABOUT THE FIlIBUSTER REFORM PROJECT

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    U.S. S. O S

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    010. T C C A-N D-NC ( ://-.). I B C J NYU S L , C , . T , , C . P C .

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    ABOUT THE AUTHORS

    Mimi Murray Digby Marziani B C D P

    . I , M. Mz ,

    B C , C - . A x , M. Mz

    U.S. News and World Report, Te National Law Journal, Politico, Te New York Law Journal, ,

    , . M. Mz NYU

    j , C NYU W S

    P S. S V U NYU S L,

    B N Y.

    Susan Liss D D P, C V R E,

    R V, M P, F I C, C R, N Y S

    G A. I 30- , M. L , z. D C-G , D J

    D A A G P D C S C C R

    D. S C S M. G S C V P. P j

    B C, D F R C M. S

    U M G U L C, B D-

    C.

    ACKNOWlEDGEMENTS

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    , J P-C, D F, Hq B M R.

    T B C T W C. B F, D A P

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    FOREWORD

    By Susan Liss

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    TABlE OF CONTENTS

    I. Introduction 1

    II. How Filibuster Abuse Harms Our Governmental Structure 5

    A. Filibuster Abuse Devalues the Senate 5

    B. Filibuster Abuse Disrupts Congress 7

    C. Filibuster Abuse Threatens to Derail Our System of Government 8

    D. Filibuster Abuse Blunts Legislative Accountability 10

    III. Why Indefnite and Anonymous Holds Are Wholly Indeensible 11

    A. IndeniteandAnonymousHoldsareaRampantFormofObstruction

    in Todays Senate 11

    B. IndeniteandAnonymousHoldsHarmOurDemocraticProcess 12

    IV. Changing the Senates Rules at the Start o the Next Congress 14

    A. TheSenatehasInherentRulemakingPowerUndertheConstitution 15

    B. TheConstitutionContainsaPrincipleAgainstLegislativeEntrenchment 17

    C. EntrenchmentoftheSenateRulesFurtherBluntsLegislative 18

    Accountability

    D. The Senates Overlapping Term Structure Cannot Justify 19

    UnconstitutionalEntrenchment

    V. Conclusion

    Endnotes 23

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    1|Filibuster Abuse

    INTRODUCTION

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    B C J at New York University School of Law| 2

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    First, Some Terminology

    Filibusters & Cloture

    Theterm libusterrefers toany dilatory tactic thatis

    strategically deployed to obstruct legislative action. AsoneofthemostdistinctiveproceduralfeaturesoftheU.S.

    Senate,libustersarecommonlyassociatedwithsena-

    torswho engagein prolonged,andperhaps irrelevant,

    oor debate toprevent the adoption ofameasure or

    nomination that is favored by the majority. In fact, todays

    libusters almost neverinvolve actualcontinuousoor

    speechestodayslibustersarelargelysilentandoften

    occurbeforeaproposalevenreachestheSenateoor.

    ThepossibilityoflibusteringexistsbecausetheSenate,

    unliketheHouseofRepresentatives,lacksanyprocedure

    throughwhichasimplemajoritycouldforceadebatable

    measuretoavote.SenateRuleXXIItheClotureRule

    providestheonlywaytoovercomealibusterbyendingdebateandforcingavote;however,itrequiresasuperma -

    jorityvotetodoso.Underthisrule,three-fthsoftheentire

    Senate(currently,60senators)mustvotetoinvokecloture.

    When a cloture motion is successfully adopted, further

    consideration of the matter at issue is l imited to 30 hours.

    Thereisoneimportantexceptiontothis60-voterequire -

    ment:Inordertoinvokeclotureonanymeasuretoamend

    theSenateRules,two-thirdsofthosesenatorspresent

    andvotingmustvoteafrmatively.Assumingnovacan -

    ciesandfullattendance,67votesarethusrequiredtoenda

    libusteronanyproposaltoreformtheClotureRuleitself.

    Althoughobviouslyrelated,alibusterandacloturemo -tion are two distinct procedural features. Accordingly,

    therecanbealibusterwithoutacloturevoteandvice

    versa. Typically, eventhe viablethreatofa libuster is

    enough to place a hold on legislation; this may effec-

    tivelykillthemeasureorresultinanumberofrespons-

    esother thana cloturevote.Likewise,cloturemotions

    may be led to preempt anticipated libusters rather

    thantoovercomelibustersthatarealreadyinprogress.

    Holds

    The practice of placingholds isan informal custom

    bywhich a singlesenator can indenitely andanony-

    mously stop legislation or nominations from reaching

    theSenateoor.Toplaceahold,asenatorsendsalet-

    ter to her partys leadership indicating her desire to halt

    progressonaspeciedbillornominee.Theserequests

    areseldommadepublic,sothereisnowayforthepub -

    lictomonitorhowmanyrequestsaremade,whoisre -sponsible for the delay, or the reasons behind the hold.

    A request for an indenite hold contains two implicit

    threats:rst, itsignals asenators intentto objectto a

    unanimous consent agreement; and then, to libuster

    the targeted legislation or nomination. Given the scarcity

    ofoortime in thecontemporarySenate, suchthreats

    are commanding Senate leaders, fearing retaliatory

    obstructionandthepossibilityofgridlock,aregenerally

    unwillingtodisregardthem.Asanysenatorcanplacea

    hold, this practice gives individual senators considerable

    power.Often,senatorsusethistactictogainbargaining

    leverageoverothersenatorsorovermembersoftheEx-

    ecutive branch.

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    B C J at New York University School of Law| 4

    Cloture Motions

    0

    20

    40

    60

    80

    100

    120

    140

    160

    Congressional Session

    66 68 7270 74 76 78 80 82 8 4 86 88 90 92 9 4 96 98 100 102 104 106 108 110

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    5|Filibuster Abuse

    HOW FIlIBUSTER ABUSE HARMS OURGOVERNMENTAl STRUCTURE

    Filibuster Abuse Devalues the Senate

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    The Stealth Filibuster

    Todays stealth libusterwas createdby a signicant

    change in Senate procedure that occurred in the 1960s.

    Asaresponseto repeatedcivil rightslibusters,then-

    Senate Majority Leader Mike Manseld (D-MT) de-

    velopeda two-tracksystemfor handlingoordebate.

    Unlikelibustersofthepast,whichdelayedallSenate

    business during the course of any prolonged debate,

    thenewsystemlimitedthetimetodebatelibustered

    legislationandallowednewbusinesstocontinueona

    separatetrack.Thiseliminatedthetypeofall-nightde -

    bate sessions famously depicted in Mr. Smith Goes to

    Washington.Overtime,thelibusterevolvedfromthis

    two-tracksystemintothephantomaffairitistoday.

    A 1963 Time magazine article paints a colorful picture of

    thenewsystem:

    ThetraditionalSenatelibusterwastedious,tobe

    surerelaysofSenators,hourafterhour,croaking

    hoarse-voiced recitations of the glories of South-

    ernrecipesorreadingsfromreferencebooks.But

    thelibustercouldalsobedramatic,fulloftension

    andconictandsuspense.BykeepingtheSenate

    insessionaroundtheclock, themajority tried to

    wearthelibusteringminoritydowninanordealof

    exhaustion.CotsweresetupintheSenatecloak -

    room, and bleary, rumpled Senators stumbled from

    themtoanswermiddle-of-the-nightquorumcalls.

    But all that has changed. Gone is the ordeal, the

    struggle,thedrama.Allthatisleftistalk.Lastweek

    alibusterwasgoingonintheSenate,anditwas

    the dullest show in town. Majority Leader Mike

    Manseldtookthelifeoutofthelibusterbylimiting

    it to gentlemanly hours: from noon to around 6 p.m.

    EvenifManseldcarriesouthisthreattolengthen

    theworkingdaytotwelvehours,theSoutherners

    wouldstillreturnfreshtoeachdaysroundoftalk.

    The Congress: The New-Style Filibuster, Time(Feb.1, 1963),http://www.

    time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,829749,00.html#ixzz0dTrT2aD0.

    II.

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    The 60-Vote Senate

    Now,libustersaresomuchthenormthatasuperma-

    jority vote of 60 is assumed necessary for all legisla-

    tiveaction.Historically,policy-makersassumedthat51

    voteswouldbeenoughtopasseventhemostconten-tiouslegislation.Forinstance,inaDecember8,1964

    memo concerning the Medicare bill, Mike Manatos

    wrotetoLyndonJohnsonscampaigndirector,ifall

    oursupportersarepresentandvoting,wewouldwinby

    avoteof55to45.FranklinRooseveltsnotoriousat -

    tempttopacktheSupremeCourtprovidesanotherex -

    ample.Then-U.S.AttorneyGeneralHomerCummings

    voicedpublicallythattheadministrationspositionwas

    promisingwhenhelearnedof 53supportivevotes.

    By contrast, a recent New York Times article reported,

    To get the 60 votes needed to pass their bill, Demo-

    crats scrapped the idea of a government-run public

    insuranceplan.

    Memorandum byMikeManatosto Larry OBrien(Dec.8, 1964),avail-

    able at http://voices.washingtonpost.com/ezra-klein/obriencropped.jpg;

    Jeff SheSol, Supreme power: franklin rooSevelTvS, The Supreme CourT 300

    (2010);Robert Pear,Negotiating to 60 Votes, Compromise by Compro-

    mise, n.Y. TimeS, Dec. 19, 2009, http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/20/

    health/policy/20care.html.

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    7|Filibuster Abuse

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    Filibuster Abuse Disrupts Congress

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    Thepowerofthisminorityvetoisacutelyfeltbymem-

    bers of the House. Wisconsin Congressman David

    Obey,announcinghisretirementafterover40yearsof

    publicservice,lamented:Thewearandtearisbegin -

    ningtotakeitstoll....Therehastobemoretolifethan

    explaining the ridiculous, accountability-destroying

    rules of the Senate to confused, angry, and frustrated

    constituents.

    Statement by David R. Obey, Representative, Wisconsins 7th Con-

    gressional District (May 5, 2010), http://www.obey.house.gov/index.

    php?option=com_content&task=view&id=924.

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    As James Madison famously argued in Number 51 of

    theFederalistPapers:

    Inframingagovernmentwhichistobeadministeredby

    menovermen,thegreatdifcultyliesinthis:youmust

    rst enable thegovernment to control thegoverned;

    andinthenextplaceobligeittocontrolitself.Adepen-

    dence on the people is, no doubt, the primary control on

    thegovernment;butexperiencehastaughtmankindthe

    necessityofauxiliaryprecautions.

    Filibuster Abuse Treatens to Derail Our System o Government

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    9|Filibuster Abuse

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    Empowering the Minority Party

    Manyscholarshavesuggestedmoreproductiveways

    toempowertheminorityparty.Forinstance,NYUPro-

    fessorofLawRichardPildeshasexplained:

    [I]fwewanttoempowercongressionalchecksonex-

    ecutivepowerthataremorelikelytobeeffectivedur-

    ing unied government, we can consider measures

    thatwouldgive theminority party,whichhasthe ap-

    propriate incentives, greater tools to oversee theex-

    ecutive branch. Some other democracies do so. As

    Iandothershavedescribed,wemightconsidergiving

    the minority control of a certain oversight committee,

    such as an auditing committee; enabling the minority to

    callhearingsundercertaincircumstances;orotherwise

    increasing the opposition partys ability to get informa-

    tionfromtheexecutivebranch.Thesemeasuresarenot

    minority-vetorights,butwaysofenablingmoreeffective

    oversight.

    RichardPildes,Ungovernable America?: The Causes and Consequences

    of Polarized Democracy(presentedatThomasM.Jordelecture,April14,

    2010), available at http://www.law.nyu.edu/ecm_dlv3/groups/public/@

    nyu_law_website__news/documents/documents/ecm_pro_065536.pdf.

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    Filibuster Abuse Blunts Legislative Accountability

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    11|Filibuster Abuse

    WHY INDEFINITE AND ANONYMOUSHOlDS ARE WHOllY INDEFENSIBlE

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    Indefnite and Anonymous Holds are a Rampant Form o Obstruction in odays Senate

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    Indefnite and Anonymous Holds Harm Our Democratic Process

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    13|Filibuster Abuse

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    Held Hostage by Holds

    In March 2009, Senator Robert Menendez (D-NJ)

    placedaholdontwocrucialenvironmentalnominees

    toprotestawhollyunrelatedissueawidely-support -ed provision of the omnibus spending bill to ease rules

    on travel and imports to Cuba.

    WhenSenatorShelbyplacedaholdonover70nomi-

    neesearlierthisyear,hedidsotoobtainearmarked

    funding for his home state. According to Senator Shel-

    by, he staged the delays due to unaddressed national

    securityconcernsinAlabama.

    SenatorJimBunningputamonths-longholdonthe

    appointment of Miriam Sapiro, nominated to be the

    deputy United States trade representative, over a

    Canadian law banning candy-avored cigarettes.

    Senator Bunning lifted the hold only after Democrats

    agreedtoconrmamemberoftheRepublicanpartyfor a position on the Federal Maritime Commission.

    MarthaJohnsonspentnearlyayearwaitingtobecon-

    rmedasAdministratoroftheGeneralServicesAd-

    ministrationduetoSenatorChristopherKitBonds

    (R-MO)hold,atactictoreceiveapprovalforafederal

    ofcebuildinginKansasCity.

    SenatorJimWebb(D-VA)placedholdsonallpending

    military nominations until his demand for information

    onaclosedmilitarycommandinhishomestatewas

    met.

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    Rules Reorm in the Senate

    Since itwasrst enacted,the ClotureRule hasbeen

    amended several times each time,withthegoalto

    make it easier fora majorityto overcome obstruction

    and force a substantive vote on the underlying matter.Duringeachsignicantreformpush,senatorshavear -

    guedthattheConstitutionallowsamajoritytooverride

    alibusterandvoteonproposedreforms,notwithstand -

    ingany contraryprovisionswithin theRules.In 1953,

    1957,1959,1961,1963,and1967,therewereorganized

    movements at the beginning of the congressional ses-

    siontoassertthispower.VicePresidentsRichardNixon

    (in1957and1959)andHubertHumphrey(in1967)each

    issuedadvisoryopinionsexplicitlyendorsing theSen-

    atesconstitutionalpowertoeffectruleschangeinthis

    manner.

    VicePresidentNixonconsideredthisissueatlengthin

    1957.Heconcludedthat:

    ItistheopinionoftheChairthatwhiletherules

    of the Senate have been continued from one Con-

    gress to another, the right of a current majority of

    theSenateatthebeginningofanewCongressto

    adoptitsownrules,stemmingasitdoesfromthe

    Constitution itself, cannot be restricted or limited

    by rules adopted by a majority of the Senate in a

    previousCongress.AnyprovisionofSenateRules

    adoptedinapreviousCongresswhichhastheex-pressed or practical effect of denying the majority

    oftheSenateinanewCongresstherighttoadopt

    therulesunderwhichitdesirestoproceedis,inthe

    opinion of the Chair, unconstitutional. It is also the

    opinionoftheChairthat[RuleXXII]inpracticehas

    suchaneffect.

    Thus,Nixon continued, theSenate hasthreeoptions

    atthestartofeachnewCongress:(1)proceedtocon -

    duct business under the standing rules, thereby adopt-

    ingthemforthenewsession;(2)votedownanymotion

    to change the rules, also thereby adopting them for the

    newsession;or(3)voteafrmativelytoproceedwiththe

    adoptionofnewrulesbyamajorityvote.WhiletheSen-ate decided to operate under the standing rules for the

    remainderofthe1957congressionalsession,Nixonsin -

    terpretationoftheSenatesrulemakingpowerhasbeen

    repeatedly embraced by members of the Senate.

    103 Cong. reC. 178-89 (1957).

    CHANGING THE SENATES RUlESAT THE START OF THE NEXT CONGRESS

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    IV.

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    15|Filibuster Abuse

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    Te Senate has Inherent Rulemaking Power Under the Constitution

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    As Justice Joseph Story put it in his seminal treatise on

    constitutionallaw:

    No person can doubt the propriety of the provision au-

    thorizing each house to determine the rules of its pro-

    ceedings.Ifthepowerdidnotexist,itwouldbeutterly

    impracticable to transact the business of the nation,

    eitheratall,oratleastwithdecency,deliberation,and

    order. The humblest assembly of men is understood to

    possessthispower;anditwouldbeabsurdtodeprive

    thecouncilsofthenationofalikeauthority.

    JoSeph STorY, CommenTarieSonThe ConSTiTuTionofThe uniTed STaTeS

    835 (1833).

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    B C J at New York University School of Law| 16

    x , , ,

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    lesstheyarechangedasprovidedintheseruleswas

    addedin1959aspartofacompromisedealbetween

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    wantedtoretainthelibuster.Ultimately,RuleXXIIwas

    tightenedtomakeiteasierfortheSenatetocutoffde-

    bate,butRuleVwasaddedtodiscouragefuturerules

    reform.

    ThedebateoveraddingRuleVwasspirited,withmany

    senatorsclaimingthatitwasunconstitutional.SenatorJacobJavits(R-NY),forone,vehementlycriticizedthe

    proposedrule:ArewegoingtofollowtheConstitution

    oftheUnitedStatesorarewegoingtofollowa rule

    made by one Senate for all succeeding time, to bind

    allSenates?Inotherwords,arewegoingtotrytogive

    ourselvesanextra-constitutionalpowerorarewegoing

    toobeytheConstitution?

    OthersarguedthattheRulewasharmlessbecauseit

    couldhavenolegalsignicance.SenatorThomasHen -

    nings(D-MO),forexample,repeatedlyassuredhiscol-

    leaguesthatRuleVwaswithoutnalforceoreffect.

    Or,asSenatorJohnCooper(R-KY)putit,Idonotthink

    [RuleV]would haveanylegal orconstitutionaleffect,butcertainlymighthavesomepsychologicaleffect.

    86 Cong. reC.124,447-50(1959).

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    17|Filibuster Abuse

    Te Constitution Contains a Principle Against Legislative Entrenchment

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    Speaking to the House of Representatives in 1790,

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    Butwhatmorecanwedothanpassalawforthepur -

    pose[ofmakingWashingtonthefuturecapital]?Itisnot

    inourpowertoguardagainstarepeal.Ouractsarenot

    likethoseoftheMedesandPersians,unalterable.Are-

    pealisathingagainstwhichnoprovisioncanbemade.

    Ifthatisanobjection,itholdsgoodagainstanylawthatcan be passed.

    2AnnalsofCong.1666(1790).

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    B C J at New York University School of Law| 18

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    presented.Inthisway,procedureisvirtuallyinseparable

    from legislative outcome.

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    19|Filibuster Abuse

    O , S S , S R

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    Indeed, imagine if thatrstSenate hadadoptedper-

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    4,1789 at atimewhen the Senaterepresented11

    states.The result todaywouldbe ludicrous. Therst

    statesoutdatedproceduralpreferenceswouldcontrol

    theother39stateswhichhadeithernotyetratiedthe

    Constitutionorwerenotyetinexistence.Itishardto

    believe that the continuing body theory could justify that

    outcome.

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    B C J at New York University School of Law| 20

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    21|Filibuster Abuse

    CONClUSION

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    23|Filibuster Abuse

    ENDNOTES

    1 he Federalist No. , 10 (Ax H) (B N ., 00).

    A Barbara Sinclair, Te New World of U.S. Senators, in Congress Recon-

    sidered 7 (9 . 009).

    3A U S S, S A CM, ://.///_/C. ( N. 3,010).

    4 S Sinclair, supra , 0; homas Mann & Norman Ornstein, he Broken Branch 1-1(00); P K,A Dangerous Dysfunction, N.Y. imes, D. 1, 009, A31.

    5 I F P, x, J M q x ; , q[] x . he Federalist No. 62, 34 (J M) (B N E., 00).

    G. J. Grahm & S. G. Grahm, Founding Principles of American Government 11 (1984).

    7 SeeJ Cz M G, D: I F C, 158 U. PA. L. REV. PEN-NUMBRA 45, 50-51 (010) (Cz O S); Sarah Binder & Steven Smith,Politics or Principle? Filibustering in the United States Senate 30-33 (1997).

    8 SeeBinder & Smith, supra 7, 90-9; G M, Reforming the Filibuster, 105 NW. U. L. REV.1, 5 ( 011), available at://./=154747; Gregory Wawro & Eric Schick-ler, Filibuster: Obstruction and Lawmaking in the U.S. Senate (00).

    9 SeeJ B E P, GOP Run Over in Game of Chicken, Roll Call, N. 5, 009, ://..//55_53//4079-1. ([A] 9- []

    R R . N R . . . .); M L, Expansion of Unemployment Insurance Stalledby ACORN,Immigration Amendments, Wash. Independent, O. 0, 009, ://./4513/x-------- (T x .).

    10 U.S. S, R C V 111 C - 1 S, ://..//LIS/__/___.=111=1=00334 ( M 14, 010) (V B, H.R. 3548 A).

    11A S S, . SW S M, Sen. Richard Shelby of Alabama Holding Up Obama Nominees for Home-statePork, Wash. Post, F. , 010, ://../-///010/0/05/

    AR0100050098..

    1 S J DM, , 93% ; S J B 91.3%. F, T W L, ://./- ( D. 3, 010). Ex , []

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    B C J at New York University School of Law| 24

    [ j ] . E,After Health Reform, Is AnyoneWilling to Compromise?, Wash. Post, M. 4, 010.

    13SeeC F E C, Te Filibuster, 49 Stan. L. Rev. 181, 00-09 (1997).

    14

    SeeWawro & Schickler, supra 8, 59-0; F C, supra 13, 03; M,supra 8, 4.

    15 SeeM, supra 8, 4.

    1 T M, N O, R W F-L, O-E, Reconciling With the Past,N.Y. imes, M. 7, 010, WK1; see also Binder & Smith, supra 7, 19-194.

    17 See Examining the History of the Senate Filibuster: 1789-2008, Hearing before the Senate Comm. on Rules &Admin. 111 C. 3 (010) ( S P R); Cong. Research Service, Senate Amend-ment Process: General Conditions And Principles (001).

    18 U.S. Const. . I, 7. A S C x, [] C -

    x . INS . C, 4 U.S. 919, 951 (198).

    19 R P, Ungovernable America?: Te Causes and Consequences of Polarized Democracy( T M. J , A 14, 010), available ://.../_3///@____///__0553..

    0 Sinclair, supra , 18.

    1 SeeJ Sz, H S S R, Cong. Q., A 19, 010, 90; see also Bruce Oppen-heimer, Te Process Hurdles: Energy Legislation from the OPEC Embargo to 2008, in Congress Reconsidered300-03 (9 . 009) ( H S ).

    SeeBinder & Smith, supra 7, 14 ( 1-3).

    3 homas Mann & Norman Ornstein, Is Congress Still the Broken Branch?, in Congress Reconsidered 3-3 (9 . 009).

    4Y S C. . S, 343 U.S. 579, 35 (195).

    5 D L R P, Separation of Parties, Not Powers, 119 H. L. R. 311, 343 (00) (- T S, Te Limits of the Parliamentary Critique of the Separation of Powers, 34 Wm. & MaryL. Rev. 79, 718 (1993) W.B. Gwyn, he Meaning of the Separation of Powers 1 (195)).

    Id. 344.

    7 he Federalist No. 51, 88 (J M) (B N ., 00).

    8 SeeL P, supra 5, 3.

    9 E K, Presidential Administration, 114 Harv. L. Rev. 45, 311-15 (001).

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    25|Filibuster Abuse

    30 Id. 313-314.

    31 P, supra 19, 4.

    3 U.S. Const. . II, 3; see also U.S. Const. . II, . A j , j

    . T -j .

    33 E . U S, 50 U.S. 51, 59 (1997). I, Ax H P C .

    [I] x , , x , , - , . T , , . I , .

    he Federalist No. 7, 419 (Ax H) (B N ., 00).

    34 U.S. Const. . II, .

    35A W, oward the Framers Understanding of Advice and Consent: A Historical and extual Inquiry, 9Harv. J. L. & Pub. Poly 103, 11-17, 13-4 (005).

    3 P R, T W H, P O A R A K AP (M 7, 010), ://../--/-------.

    37 U.S. S, N C (C), ://..///___/_. ( N 19, 010).

    38 MC . M, 17 U.S. 31, 404-05 (1819) (T U . . . , . I , , . I , x , .).

    39J S, Ely and the Idea of Democracy, 57 Stan. L. Rev. 737, 757 (004) (O .) 90 ( ).

    40 SeeGregory Koger, Filibustering, A Political History of Obstruction in the House and Senate,174 (010).

    41 See id. 174-7; see also Cong. Research Service, Proposals to Reform Holds in the Senate (007); C. L E D L, Holds, Legislation and the Senate Parties1 (005) (

    C S P, U Ox) ( ).

    4 SeeS S. S M F,Managing the Senate Floor: Complex Unanimous Consent Agreementssince the 1950s, 14 Legis. Stud. Q. 349, 350 (1989). A S,

    .See also Koger, supra 40, 175 ( -

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    B C J at New York University School of Law| 26

    ).

    43 N , q. SeeKoger, supra 40, 180-8.

    44 SeeS F, supra 4, 353.

    45 SeeE L, supra 41, 4.

    4J. R,At Least Tree Senators Who Oppose Secret Holds Have Secret Holds of Teir Own, he Hill,M 17, 010, ://.///9891------; see also D

    W, Reid Blasts Republicans Over Surgeon General Vote Delay, Other Holds, and Filibusters, Wash. Inde-pendent, O. 9, 009, ://./599/-----------.

    47 SeeE MM-S, Report: Shelby Blocks All Obama Nominations In Te Senate Over AL Earmarks,alking Points Memo, F. 4, 010, ://../010/0/-----------.; S W S M, Sen. RichardShelby of Alabama Holding Up Obama Nominees for Homestate Pork, Wash. Post, F. , 010, ://.

    ./-///010/0/05/AR0100050098..

    48 SeeJ K, Sen. Bunning Agrees to Allow Vote on Unemployment Extension Bill, A.B.C. News, M., 010, ://..//010/03/----z--..

    49 SeeR, supra 4.

    50 U.S. S, N C (C), supra 37.

    51 U.S. S, Ex C 3-14, ://..//LIS/x_/x.( N 9, 010).

    5 U S C, J E, ://../JAJ/JV/JE.x ( N 9, 010).

    53 U.S. Const. . II, .

    54 SeeJ E. G, Te Intended Role of the Senate in Supreme Court Appointments, 5 U. Chi. L. Rev. 337,341 (1989) ( A C, F , S . . .); see also L Rz,Advice, Consent, andSenate Inaction Is Judicial Resolution Possible?, 73 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 1739, 175-5 (1998) (R F, , j S P. Id. 1753).

    55

    Seehe Federalist No. 7, 40 (Ax H) (B N ., 00) ( q - S I , , , , . I x P, S j, , , . I , .); he Federalist No. 77, 4 (Ax

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    27|Filibuster Abuse

    H) (B N ., 00) (I x - S, , . T .).

    5 E . U S, 50 U.S. 51, 59-0 (1997).

    57J I A M, Held Up for 15 Months, Withdrawn FEC Nominee Laments Broken Process, heHill, O. 7, 010, ://.///13031--------.

    58 See, e.g.,J E, N H F S P, WASH. POS., M. 3, 009, ://../-///009/03/0/AR009030045.; S M- K DY,Momentum Grows for Relaxing Cuba Policy,Wash. Post., M. 30, 009, ://

    ../-///009/03/9/AR009039040.; H C,Legislative Limbo Strands Many of Obamas Nominees, N.Y. imes, D. 7, 009, ://../009/1/8///8.; Rx , Webb Lifts Holds Over Nominees, he Hill,N. 18, 010, ://.///130019------. Seealso supra 47.

    59 Koger, supra 40, 174.

    0 SeeWawro & Schickler, supra 8, -87; Binder & Smith, supra 7, 11-197; M B. G D G, Te Constitutional Option to Change Senate Rules and Procedures: A Majoritarian Means toOvercome the Filibuster, 8 Harv. J.L. & Pub. Poly 05, 17-0 (004); F C, supra 13, 09-13; see also J C. R,Majority Voting in Congress: Further Notes on the Constitutionality of theSenate Cloture Rule, 0 J.L. & Pol. 505, 513-518 (004).

    1 U.S. Const. . 1, 5, . .

    SeeR, supra 0, 53; AA P. B, Burying the Continuing Body Teory of the Sen-ate, 95 Iowa L. R. 1401, 144 (010).

    3 U.S. Const. . I, 1.

    4 U.S. Const. . I, 7.

    5 U S . B, 144 U.S. 1, 5 (189); accordU S . S, 8 U.S. , 33 (193).

    B, 144 U.S. 5; S, 8 U.S. 48 (T C S ; C .).

    7 B, 144 U.S. 5.

    8

    I.

    9 Mz . F. E R C, 75 F. 18, 18-88 (D.C. C. 198). S, , . T C x C. T, C -

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    B C J at New York University School of Law| 28

    . See also R, supra 0, 535.

    70 R, supra 0, 53.

    71 See, .., R, supra 0, 53-37 ( ); A-A P. B, Using

    Statutes to Set Legislative Rules: Entrenchment, Separation of Powers, and the Rules of Proceedings Clause, 19 J.L. POL. 345 (003) ( - ).

    7 SeeB, supra 71, 3-71. A P B x:I , . T x C . F , C , .

    Id. 3.

    73W , . SeeM . M, 5 U.S. 137, 177 (1803) (

    ); see also J O. MG- M B. R, Symmetric Entrenchment: A Constitutional and Normative Teory, 89 Va. L. Rev.385, 417-439 (003) ( C x ).

    74 1 William Blackstone, Commentaries *90.

    75 F . P, 10 U.S. 87, 135 (1810).

    7 L . U S, 54 U.S. 14, 147 (005) (S, J., ).

    77 U S . W, 518 U.S. 839, 87 (199).

    78 See, .., id.; R . Q, 87 U.S. 315, 319 (193) ([] C .); C M. L I. C. . S, 17 U.S. 0,1 (1899) ([E] q q j.); D .K, 18 U.S. 488, 497-98 (1897); B U C. . C C, 111 U.S. 74, 751 (1884);S . M, 101 U.S. 814 (1880); N . C, 100 U.S. 548, 554-55 (1880); B .

    A, 94 U.S. 45, 50 (1877); O L I. C. . D, 57 U.S. 41, 431 (1854).

    79 O L I., 57 U.S. 431.

    80 F C, supra 13, 49 (q J N. E, emporal Limits on the Legislative Man-date: Entrenchment and Retroactivity, 1 Am. B. Found. Res. J. 379, 384-45 (1987)).

    80 See, e.g., C . G, 531 U.S. 510 (001); Pz . U S, 51 U.S. 898, 90 (1997) (T

    C S z.); N Y . U S, 505 U.S. 144, 18 (199) ( F G S , ); M . J, 495 U.S. 33, 9 (1990) (I - . . . L .).

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    29|Filibuster Abuse

    8 C, 531 U.S. 58.

    83 Id.

    84 B, supra . T .

    85 Seehe Federalist No. (J M) (B N E., 00); V D. A, Te Senate and theConstitution, 97 Yale L.J. 1111, 1118 (1988). A J M , [] , , ; , . he Federalist No. 62, 347.

    8 T x q , j q. SeeB, supra , 1443 .145.

    87 SeeB, supra , 1444-145 x .

    88 Id. 1445 ( Martin B. Gold, Senate Procedure and Practice 15455 (004)).

    89 Id. 1448-54.

    90 Id. 1430 ( ).

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