Social Cohesion and Communications

Social Cohesion and CommunicationsIvan Emke, David Bruce and Derek Wilkinson

Section One: Introduction"The goal of participation [in communications] is after all development" (Kumar, 1994: 76).

This chapter explores the relationship between communication and social cohesion. We start with the assumption that communication is an important variable to consider in understanding a community(s development trajectory. Communication is not "just" talk; rather, it can mobilize people to action (which can be either positive or negative in its effects). For example, many rural communities experience difficulty in getting people involved in local politics, in serving on councils, in taking an active role in the public operation of their region. However, through communication, residents develop into citizens as they become aware of local issues and learn of opportunities for participation (McLeod et al., 1999). Strong communication links will assist a community in mobilization for action in the face of a crisis.

We argue that the goal of community economic development includes the strengthening of a community's ability to regenerate and sustain itself over time. Thus, it includes both economic and social factors (and social objectives sometimes provide the strongest community cohesion). For example, in many rural communities the outmigration of the young and middle-aged (and of families) stimulates a great deal of concern. In the absence of communication regarding challenges and opportunities in the face of this social disruption, it may be difficult for a community to cope with outmigration. With effective and appropriate communication, people can determine their overriding local social priorities, such as keeping schools open, clinics available, fire services operating, and so on. The community may be able to define what they need, and innovate ways of accomplishing their objectives. However, without strong internal communications, a community may rely on outside experts, thus losing some of their independence. The nature of communication patterns in a community can also act as an indicator of the health of the community. As Brodhead (1994) argues, in a discussion of a progressive approach to community economic development, (authentic( CED links economics with social, cultural and other sectors of the community, so the goals are not solely economic, but also socio-cultural. Thus, indicators of success are not limited to local GNP or some such measure of income, investment or wealth, but they also extend to social indicators of such factors as local pride, healthy communication networks or cultural survival.

Those who are involved in local development efforts should also be keenly interested in communication. According to the findings from a survey conducted by the Task Force on Community Economic Development in Newfoundland and Labrador (1995), the most commonly-cited strength of CED groups was listed as provides community with information and support( (noted by 24.2% of respondents). It is expected that development officers will communicate not only with government and industry, but also with the people in their region. In the past, development efforts have often focussed on infrastructure, capital formation and the acquisition of technology. However, an important shift in thinking about development has been the recognition that human factors are the key to most development success( (Uphoff, 1998: 439). In this chapter, through the use of data from within our 21 New Rural Economy sites and beyond, we illustrate that one of these important human factors in development is communication.

What is Communication?

Despite its frequent presence in everyday discussions, it is necessary for us to begin with some definitions of what we mean by communication. There are several dimensions to the definition, each of which is on a continuum. We will refer to these dimensions as the (axes of meaning.( 1) Product and Process. The first axis depends on whether we are using the singular or the plural version of the word. (Communication( is an act, or a process, whereas (communications( is the set of products which come from those processes. Naturally, there is a link between these two ends of the continuum. Sometimes we may analyze communications (the things) to try and understand the health of a local communication process. For example, one can do a content analysis of a local newspaper to determine the nature of intra-community communication links. When we have access only to the product, we infer levels of social linkages and even social cohesion from the products. Often the products of communications are much easier to study than the process of communication. 2) Transmission and Ritual. The second axis of meaning relates to whether we use a transmission model versus a ritual model of communication (from Carey, 1985). The transmission model refers to the transfer of objects (messages, programs) through space. The concerns are then related to the nature of the medium of communication, who is sending the message, to whom, with what subsidies, and so on. The ritual model suggests that communication is about the maintenance of a community over time (which indicates the close fit with social cohesion). In this model, communication is the "creation, representation and celebration of shared values" and it is through communication that communities are "created, maintained, and transformed" (Carey, 1985: 33). Communication is thus a way of reminding people of who they are, of where is here, of working out their problems, of celebrating their identity. Indeed, certain types of communication may make particular forms of community possible (or impossible). The rise of the telegraph resulted in the ability commodify time (and thus made possible such niceties as the Futures market).

3) Internal and external. The third axis of meaning relates to whether the communication is designed for internal versus external purposes. This dimension relates to the intended receivers, who might be within the community or external to the community. Different technologies may be used for each of these, and there may be different intentions to the communication. The internet may facilitate external communication, but may not be as effective for internal communication. 4) Inclusive and exclusive. The fourth axis of meaning distinguishes between inclusive versus exclusive patterns of interaction. This refers to the level of participation in the communication. Many forms of mass communication tend to be exclusive, as there are significant barriers to entering into the dialogue. Face-to-face interpersonal communication at the doughnut shop, on the other hand, can be much more inclusive as there are few barriers to entry. A common oversight in the communication plans of organizations is the tendency toward being exclusive in their choice of receivers. Despite their position in working for the people of a region, a development officer may have very few opportunities to actually address a cross-section of the population (certainly compared to a local politician). 5) One-way and interactive. The fifth axis of meaning is one-way communication versus interactive communication. Classic examples of one-way communication would include most mainstream media materials. There is some opportunity for feedback loops (in letters to the editor, or complaints to the CRTC), but these loops are cumbersome and not always clearly identified. Interactive communication builds into the process a requirement for many parties to offer their interpretations and arguments. Related to this is the frequent conflation of the term consultation with one-way, non-interactive communication. An organization may make a presentation, offer a few minutes for comments, and then report that they have developed their policy through consultation with the people. We argue that one-way communication is of decidedly less value than interactive communication. 6) Number of participants. The final axis of meaning relates to the number of participants involved. Communication can be one-to-one, one-to-many, many-to-one or many-to-many. This dimension, relating to the number of senders and receivers, builds on the previous category. It almost needs a grid all of its own. These categories sometimes fade into each other. Examples of the first category would be the chat at the water cooler. The second might be the municipal politician speaking to a Rotary luncheon. The third is how we might characterize mainstream television programming, whereby many people are involved in the production, but viewers may receive the messages alone in their dens. The final category would be a healthy town meeting, whether it is in person or through a webcast, where all participants shift between sender and receiver roles.

A further way of defining communication is to think about what primary metaphor one could use for communication, as it operates within a community. Is communication best seen as glue, oil or web? (Communication might be like the rock-paper-scissors game, whereby any one of these metaphors has the potential to be predominant, depending on the other factors.)

The metaphor of communication as glue implies that communication holds a community together. Just as communication holds interpersonal relationships together, and contributes to a perception of a quality relationship, communication within a community can bind the people to each other. A successful community can talk to itself, although this does not mean that it will find consensus on all issues. However, in order to facilitate this important process, a community needs to have access to technologies of communication which allow for interaction and which provide images of itself. Before the existence of an increasingly-global mainstream media culture, this sort of communication was more easily achieved, especially in isolated communities which relied largely on interpersonal and face-to-face communication. But in an age of satellites, cable television and the internet, people are spending less time in interpersonal interaction and more time attending to mainstream media products. As a result, small communities are not seeing themselves reflected in what they listen to and watch. As Nozick wrote: "The task of building and preserving a community-based culture is a daunting one given the powerful forces of mass culture and globalization which are working to erase local culture from our memories and imaginations" (1994:87).

The metaphor of communication as oil implies that a vibrant communications process will act as a lubricant for developing social cohesion. Just as patterns of trust and cooperation may assist economic trade, patterns of communication can lubricate social relations. Communication is not only a facilitator of social cohesion, but communication patterns themselves can also be read as indicators of cohesion (or its absence).

The metaphor of the web implies that communications can be seen as lines of influence and interaction. The purpose of communication is to build and maintain the connections of trust necessary to link members of the community. To follow the metaphor further, the web is the relationships (built by participation and communications), whereas the flies on the web are the content of the communications. If, however, there is no web, the flies will not be secured long enough to be consumed. Of course, the type of web can influence the type of prey that can be captured. Technologies are not benign, as they influence the type of community which is created. The telephone and the telegraph altered rural communities a century ago, bringing rural people into the urban mainstream, reducing social isolation and building vertical ties even as they fragmented horizontal ties (Yarbrough, 1997). A community television program will create a different kind of web from a school newsletter or a community site on the internet or a bulletin board at the local post office. But they are all webs. However it is defined, there is a Canadian tradition in considering communication as an important social variable. This concern may relate to our geography, and the nature of settlement, where strong communication networks were seen as essential to nation-building (whether they be telegraph, the railroad, radio, television or, more recently, high-speed internet). In our discussion of the national importance of current communications technologies such as the internet, we forget that earlier technologies may have spurred similar debates and effects. For example, the telegraph was crucial to the Canadian state in the late 1800s. (The railroad connected us physically... but the telegraph connected our minds ( that(s what helped us define the Canadian community, the national ethos( (Goyder, 1997: 155). The telegraph moved us from a local and regional scale to a national scale. Today, this same zeal for nation-building supports the initiatives for rural access to high-speed internet connections.

One of the purported effects of all of these technologies is to limit the effects of distance and to thus bring the country together. In a country as geographically dispersed as Canada, it is not surprising that the question of how we will talk to each other has been an important research question. From Innis onward, there has been an interest in how communication is related to social and economic development. In his classic work, The Bias of Communication, Innis asserted that communication forms are important factors in relationship to strategies and patterns of development; he brought communication to the agenda for those interested in a Political Economy approach to Canadian development. Innis stated what is now almost a litany: (a medium of communication has an important influence on the dissemination of knowledge over space and time( (Innis, cited in Goyder, 1997: 146). Here he was arguing that different forms of communication have different biases. Some are biases toward permanence, and some toward widespread dissemination. Writing on rock is permanent, but not easily transmitted, writing on papyrus is very transportable, but not permanent. McLuhan, Ong and others were also interested in these shifts from oral to written to visual communication, with the understanding that different technologies rearrange communities in different ways. As one of the McLuhanisms goes: We fashion our tools, and after that our tools fashion us. Putting McLuhan and Innis together with Carey (mentioned above), we can state that interpersonal communication in the general store is rich and varied, but it has no permanence ( it may be able to build a certain type of community which is rich in social cohesion, but it will be limited geographically. A local cable TV show has more permanence, but it does not have the same level of interactivity, so a different kind of community is developed.

One of the underlying questions in the Canadian debate over access to communication tries to determine whether information is a commodity or a public good? If it is the latter, then access to communication becomes a basic right of citizens, whether they live in urban or rural regions. Indeed, one of the principles of the development of communications technologies, and federal policies regarding those technologies, relates to a doctrine of universalism (which implies that communication is a public good (Birdsall, 2000). (Universalism is a policy plank of other federal programs as well, such as health care.) However, the data on the spread of internet technology goes against this principle of universalism. If the market is left to distribute the technology, then digital divides may continue. (Newtel Aliant recently announced which areas of Newfoundland would get high-speed internet upgrades; all of them were urban areas, such as St. John(s, Corner Brook, Gander. None of the rural areas, or towns such as Deer Lake and Pasadena which had been lobbying for access, was able to secure it. The reason was given as a market-based decision on how long it would take to recover the investment.) But, succumbing to pressure, the Canadian government has generally allowed the market to determine high-speed internet connections thus far, and has only made public announcements about future plans to ensure a (wired countryside.( Finally, we ask the question, (what is the significance of communication for social cohesion?( (i) We begin by asking whether social cohesion is possible without communication. This question sets the context for our consideration of the relationship between the two phenomena. Communication may be a necessary condition for social cohesion; however, in itself it may not be a sufficient condition for social cohesion. Naturally, this relates to the metaphor which we choose for communication; if social cohesion is not possible without communication, then the latter is certainly a glue. (ii) The relationship between communication and social cohesion varies, depending on the technology being utilized. Specific media that are likely associated with heightened cohesion are local newspapers, local radio stations, local cable television programming, local websites, and particularly those in each category that do their own programming or their own articles. Interactions that should be associated with heightened cohesion include the availability of formal and informal meeting places (hockey arenas, coffee shops, schools), the extent to which people use these spaces, and the distribution of the types of people who use them. With respect to new media, particularly the Internet, we have incomplete knowledge at this point about its relationship to cohesion. We may find wide variations in this, and it will be important to judge its local context.

(iii) At the level of theory, we assert that there is a link between communication and social cohesion because a community is a social product, a web of relationships woven together through communication. The concept of social capital is relevant here, although it is referred to more extensively elsewhere in this volume. Hoff (1998) identifies strong social networks and relationships as one of the key factors that help communities make progress. (Other factors include a democratization of decision making, participatory decision making, a use of research as a basis and stimulus for sustainable development, investments in people, and a focus on restoring and enhancing local culture.) These characteristics all sound like attributes of social capital.

Polse (1994) discussed the economic value of community, arguing that it was important and yet quite difficult to quantify. Indeed, the economic value of community was almost (self-evident. Cooperation is better than conflict... The chances of success of all ventures, including those not officially tagged as community-based initiatives, are much better in a cooperative socially cohesive environment( (1994: 110). Beneath these assumptions about the value of trusting relationships is the understanding that a community is a social product. As Dewey wrote, people (live in a community in virtue of the things which they have in common; and communication is the way in which they come to possess things in common( (Dewey, 1916: 5). What makes a locality and a group of people a community is their interactions, whether they be social or economic or cultural. One of the "products" of a medium of communication, however humble, is the maintenance of a community. For example, a community newspaper can model this kind of civic attachment and commitment by attempting to educate and provide a forum for the discussion of local issues (Hindman, 1998).

(iv) Another of communication(s contributions to social cohesion is that the former assists a community in achieving consensus. Community consensus is very difficult to achieve, but something approaching it is impossible without healthy communications processes. In some communities, decisions get made, certainly, but they are made by local elites who maintain their power through their social status and kin relationships (like tiny monarchies). However, in such situations, it may be hard to get any kind of widespread "buy in" for development initiatives.

In developing communities, people may be acutely aware of the inequalities of advantage which some members may experience due to a development initiative. This can lead to suspicion and gossiping and other kinds of social-cohesion-destroying sentiments. But sometimes these nay-sayers are right; there are real inequalities in the development of some communities, which can lead to cynicism and an erosion of the value of the development initiative to the community. On the other hand, with a strong communications tradition and some kind of democratic and participatory process in the communication, then there may be more willingness to accept the uneven advantages which sometimes come from development.

(v) Frank and Smith (1999), in a handbook on community development, acknowledge the essential importance of communication to community survival. This is not just the presence of technology to make the transfer of messages possible, but also the necessity of understanding, clarity, opportunities for input, openness and a mix of communication vehicles. The technology is the vehicle, but we need to have somewhere to go. Good communication is especially important in the early stages of a project, but it is a mistake to let it lapse as the project continues. (Failure to sustain good communication throughout the course of the community development initiative is a common mistake. A mistake that if not corrected can undermine your community development efforts( (Frank and Smith, 1999: 55).

As a result of the process of coming to a consensus, a community may be able to think about its situation in more creative ways. O'Neill refers to a new form of entrepreneurship called "community" or "collective entrepreneurship" (1994: 60). We often think of entrepreneurship in individualistic terms (with an emphasis on profit), but that is not the only meaning of the term. Risk-taking, innovation and creativity are also community characteristics. Yet we might ask, (what are the institutions which support and enhance such collective entrepreneurship?( Or (how does a community develop the confidence to take collective risks?( Communication may be a part of the puzzle.

(vi) In terms of data from our NRE studies, we see a relationship between the strength of a community and its communication system (internal and external). Social cohesion may also be involved, as those communities which use local newspapers, cable TV, or even the internet in the discussion of local issues may show a higher level of confidence and optimism about their communities. They see (and read) local people discussing local issues in a communication format that is similar to what (outsiders( and (experts( use. An inventory of the communication tools present in 20 different rural communities and small towns shows that there woris a relationship between the capacity of a community and the types of communications tools available to them. (High and low capacity summarizes a community's potential based on several factors such as education levels, selfemployment levels, and availability of professional services such as education, medical care and government offices.) During site visits in 2000, an index was created for 20 rural sites, by adding together all of the communication tools available within a community to create one number which was called the Communication Infrastructure; the higher the number, the more tools which are present in the site. (Communication tools included any form of local television, high speed Internet connection, newspapers (local, regional and national), radio stations, community newsletters and community billboards. Although not statistically correlated, there is a connection between capacity of a community and the number of communication tools in a community. In terms of specific tools for internal communication, we found a significant relationship between the presence of a weekly community newspaper and whether the community was coded as leading or lagging (based on a set of five indicators relating to population demographics, employment, market conditions, and so on). Given this background, the chapter now moves to a consideration of specific communication tools.

Communication Tools In this section we outline the main categories of communication tools available in rural communities, and their potentials (and pitfalls). While the consideration of tools might seem to indicate a focus on technology, it is in the use of these tools (the communication processes) that they become either beneficial or detrimental. The tools, in and of themselves, are of no particular a priori value. Thus, access to high-speed internet technology has the potential to either help or hinder a community(s social cohesion. There may be a tension around a move away from traditional forms of communication (social gatherings, community newspapers) to new forms (broadcast media and the internet). The tension is related to changing perceptions of place and relationships, and related to potential generational conflicts or gaps. The discussion is divided into three general categories. Data includes material from the 2000 and 2001 surveys, as well as some national data, especially related to electronic communication.1) Interpersonal, intra-community communication tools. The research of these tools is in the province of the Anthropologist, or the socio-linguist, who might map out the grid of communication links in a community. Who talks to whom, for what purpose, with what effect? Here we would include bulletin boards, meeting places, clubs, voluntary organizations, festivals, any indications of contexts which may be communication-rich, and which will assist this creation of a web of interactions. The use of these tools is challenged by changes in the economy (more people commuting to work outside of their home community, fewer people in workplaces, more outmigration, a decline in service clubs, an increased privatization of leisure, and so on).

2) Traditional mainstream communication. In the study of these tools we shift from the qualitative data to more quantitative indicators. These tools include newspapers/magazines, radio, television, books, and film/video. While these tools have some potential for interaction, when they originate from outside the community, and are controlled by individuals from outside the community, it is unlikely that they will operate in the interests of the community. Local media, such as community newspapers, on the other hand, can promote community dialogue.

America(s hometown papers are a precious national resource. They render up on a daily basis the events that matter most to their readers: births, retirements and deaths, school plays and football plays, sewer excavations and pothole repairs, drunk driving arrests, and, these days, even the addresses of the sex offenders among us they cover the staples: school boards, zoning boards, town councils (Walton, 2001: 19).

While local weekly newspapers may seem to be an old technology in our wired world, they may serve an important cohesive function in rural communities. Local newspapers can provide (a sense of stability in an unstable world( (Walton, 2001: 20).

Indeed, in our Summer 2000 communication inventory of NRE sites (mentioned above), the most powerful correlation was between the presence of a local newspaper and leading and lagging status (a Pearson(s R of about .50). All of the lagging communities had access to a regional paper, but that did not affect their status. In Canada, total weekly circulation of all editions of community newspapers (weekly, bi-weekly and tri-weekly) is 11,230,417 (Canadian Community Newspaper Association, 2001: 3). These newspapers are more important in smaller communities than in larger communities. Within communities of 30,000 - 100,000, 74.8% of French respondents, and 72.6% of English, report having read a community newspaper within the last month (Canadian Community Newspaper Association, 2001: 1). (Readership figures are consistently higher among French readers, compared to English readers.)

The editors of these community newspapers appear to take their local role quite seriously. In a survey of 205 editors of weekly newspapers in Canada, we found that just over 85% either agreed or strongly agreed with the statement the community newspaper plays an important role in a regions economic development. Almost three-quarters of the sample believed that their community would not be as successful as it was if there was no community newspaper, and over 94% felt that the role of a community newspaper was different than the role of a national or provincial newspaper. However, the editors were also aware of their need to maintain some journalistic objectivity. Over 92% agreed or strongly agreed with the statement the most important goal of a community newspaper is to maintain journalistic integrity, even if it means having to criticize local leaders (Emke, 2001). One of our findings from a content analysis of selected community newspapers, undertaken in fall of 2000, is that there is a big difference between a local newspaper and a regional newspaper (usually a weekly, published in a larger regional centre, which attempts to provide some coverage of the larger centre as well as a number of smaller outlying communities). Many communities have access to a regional paper, but it provides only passing coverage of local issues, and such coverage is shaped by the perspective of the larger regional centre. Thus, a reliance on regional newspapers for information dissemination could well prove to be frustrating for communities outside of the regional centre. This is illustrated in advertising practices as well, as regional newspapers tended to be filled with advertising from the centre, not from the outlying communities. This means that the businesses in the smaller communities may not perceive any value in advertising in the regional papers, but also that the regional paper serves to divert people(s focus (and maybe money) to the centre rather than to the peripheral communities. As a result, the presence of a regional paper did not appear to play a significant supporting role in a community's development (Emke and Sheppard, 2001). In our content analysis, we found that three categories of coverage were most common in the sample newspapers: economics, education issues and community events. Some of the categories which are often associated with community newspapers, such as advice sections or human interest stories, were actually less likely to be represented than expected. We were looking for realistic assessments of communities, and it appeared that community newspapers were often discussing serious local issues. In some cases, stories in local papers would even lecture readers for not being fully involved in local issues, thus illustrating a social control function for these publications.

There was no consistent, strong relationship between those communities with vibrant, active community newspapers and those which are defined as leading. Some indication of a possible relationship exists, but the sample size is far too small to give us any confidence in the results. For example, the four most extensive community newspapers (Springhill, Tumbler Ridge, Tweed and Mackenzie) included two leading communities and two lagging communities.

There appears to be a relationship between the amount of local advertising in community newspapers and whether a community is defined as having high or low capacity. In four newspapers, at least 35% of the advertising was of a local community origin. All four of these newspapers were from high capacity communities (Twillingate, Tweed, Springhill, Mackenzie). In most of these cases, there was a full range of advertisers. For example, the Tweed paper contained advertisements from local insurance companies, churches, stores, service providers and professionals. Having a full range of advertisers may suggest some indication of the level of a community(s commitment to the newspaper and the perceived value of the readers to local businesses/services.

As discussed above, regional papers did not tend to provide significant coverage of local information from the field sites. Indeed, it appeared that the more distant the regional paper was, the more the focus of field site stories was on human interest issues, rather than more substantive themes. For example, stories from field sites would focus on big hailstones, rather than on the social and economic challenges in the field site. The only possible exception to this was the case of Seguin, which did receive some representation in the regional Parry Sound newspaper.

3) Internet technologies. It is clear, even to a casual observer, that internet technologies are being touted as having great potential for good. However, some of the same promise for community development accompanied the advent of other technologies, such as radio, the telephone, and cable television. Indeed, our inferences regarding the value of certain technologies may not be the same as the resulting usage of those technologies. For example, Valentine and Holloway (2001) compared the adult rhetoric about the value of Information and Communication Technologies in education with the actual everyday use of the internet by students (aged 11-16). The most popular uses for the internet were in browsing for information about celebrities or recent fashions or details related to hobbies and leisure activities. These subjects were using the internet to increase their cultural capital (or their subcultural capital), in an effort to enhance their off-line status (in their face-to-face interactions with peer group members). Thus, the ICTs were used for current social needs, rather than as a way to organize their future. As Valentine and Holloway note: Thus rather than thinking in terms of the future as their parents and teachers do, the children(s horizons are firmly set in terms of their present position within their contemporary peer group social relations( (2001: 386).

Within a rural context, individuals and groups may use a variety of tools, including the internet. However, the rate of adoption of internet technology is lower in rural areas than in urban regions. Likewise, rural organizations may be slower to use internet technologies in their communication strategies. (Or, if we were to phrase it in a more positive way, maybe rural organizations do not need to use the internet, as other communication channels are still open?)

In a study of the volunteer sector in rural communities, we found that most voluntary sector organizations in rural Canada rely heavily on personal (verbal) communication and word of mouth for keeping their member informed about what is happening. In terms of more formal tools, the telephone, notices, and newsletters are the most common tools employed. Groups in low capacity community are more likely to use notices, paid advertising and formal reports as means to communicate with their members. In leading communities, groups were more likely to make use of paid advertising, and stories in the local media, to reach their members. The relative use of the Internet (either a website or e-mail) was exceptionally low. The data were collected in the summer of 2000, and since that time, it is likely that Internet use has increased among these groups as the technology becomes more pervasive, and as some groups take advantage of the federal government(s Voluntary Sector Initiative, VolNet, to help more volunteer groups (get on-line(. However, the data clearly show the importance of personal contact and traditional communication tools in a rural setting.

Table I: How Volunteer Groups Communicate with Their Members

Type of Communication MediumTotal (n=162)Capacity of CommunityStatus of Community

High (n=101)Low (n=51)Leading (n=74)Lagging (n=88)

personal83%83%80%91%*77%

word of mouth81%78%84%76%85%

telephone60%58%66%63%58%

notices52%46%67%*51%52%

newsletter43%45%39%41%44%

advertise39%28%51%**52%**28%

stories38%34%35%49%*28%

brochure28%26%35%31%24%

reports12%5%24%**14%10%

email9%9%10%12%7%

website7%5%10%9%5%

other16%18%12%13%19%

Source: New Rural Economy Voluntary Sector Survey, Summer 2000.

* Significant at 0.05 level (Chi-square test)

** Significant at 0.01 level (Chi-square test)

Volunteer groups also communicate with their clients, which are defined as both the individual users/consumers of their services, as well as the general public. Word of mouth and personal contact is clearly somewhat less important as a means for reaching this group. Instead, there is a slightly greater use of notices, paid advertising, and stories in the local media. Brochures are more likely to be used by groups in lagging communities, while personal contact, notices, advertising, stories, and the telephone are more likely to be used by groups in leading communities.

Table II: How Volunteer Groups Communicate with Their Clients

Type of Communication MediumTotal (n=162)Capacity of CommunityStatus of Community

High (n=101)Low (n=51)Leading (n=74)Lagging (n=88)

word of mouth57%54%62%61%54%

personal57%54%62%67%50%

notices52%52%54%61%45%

advertise44%41%51%54%37%

stories41%42%38%60%**28%

newsletter30%32%28%25%34%

brochure26%22%38%*32%22%

telephone13%14%12%20%8%

reports10%7%15%12%8%

website5%4%8%11%*1%

email5%4%5%7%3%

other11%11%13%11%12%

Source: New Rural Economy Voluntary Sector Survey, Summer 2000.

* Significant at 0.05 level (Chi-square test)

** Significant at 0.01 level (Chi-square test)

Communication in the Rural Context In this section, we argue for the importance of rural as a variable to be considered, as communication issues in rural communities may differ from communication issues in urban communities. This is clearly the case in terms of the level of access to communications services, both the newer electronic internet services as well as the more traditional media outlets. Even when rural areas are served by local radio, for example, the content tends to be syndicated material. In this section, we will discuss the rural/urban divide, especially in relation to its significance for digital communication issues. In doing this, we are asserting that rurality is a variable; that the communication challenges (and needs) of rural Canada are not the same as those of urban Canada.

We can begin by asking what kind of internal communication links are used in rural communities? Where do people find out about what is happening? The general store? The livestock auction? The fish plant? We are inclined to believe that the internal communication links of a rural community are stronger and more dense than in urban communities. James argued that "rural communities have always had their own mass communication networks which they have used to mobilize their people to work on community projects, to raise national consciousness, for enlightenment, entertainment and festivals, and for giving expression to cultural and social activities" (1994: 333). In our summer 2000 data collection, we gathered information about community festivals, including the immense amount of volunteer mobilization needed for these festivals. It can be argued that an effective communication mechanism is needed to develop the volunteer base necessary to launch a festival in a small rural community. (Not to mention the communication feat of being able to draw large numbers of visitors from far afield to come to these festivals.) It is invaluable for development workers to be aware of the informal networks of communication within a community. They could be operated through opinion leaders, town criers, peer groups, institutions such as the school or the church or a local service group. They may be restrictive or open. In summer 2001, we asked our respondents in the NRE household survey to evaluate the openness of local leadership, in terms of whether youth and/or women were given opportunities to lead. Just over 12% strongly agreed that women had leadership opportunities locally, and another 63.8% agreed. Only 13.2% disagreed or strongly disagreed. In terms of young adults, the data showed there was not as much openness, with 28.7% either disagreeing or strongly disagreeing with the statement that young adults had leadership opportunities locally. Nevertheless, 59% felt that young adults did have such opportunities. Also in relation to local leadership, it is interesting to note that the respondents rated their local leaders more positively than their provincial or national representatives. Possibly, the higher quality of the communication between citizens and local leaders may account for some of this finding.

One characteristic which can mark rural communities as different from urban ones is the sense of exclusion which rural communities feel as a result of their isolation (geographic and otherwise) from the urban mainstream. This brings us to the concept of social exclusion, which usually refers to "states of multiple deprivation" including unemployment, low skills, high crime, poor housing, poor health, family crises (Porter, 2000: 77). It is a form of multi-dimensional disadvantage, whereby people are (locked out of the social, economic and political mainstream( (Parkinson, cited in Phipps, 2000: 42). Social exclusion is not strictly related to problems of distribution (as is the case with poverty), but with the (relational( issues such as non-participation, powerlessness, and a lack of social integration. Social exclusion focusses on the loss of citizenship among the socially excluded, and the evaporation of their ability to participate fully in their own civil society. Communications strategies can be useful in overcoming social exclusion, but they can also contribute to its continuation. Furthermore, this sense of exclusion from the urban mainstream may indeed enhance the social cohesion within rural communities. (As with other dimensions of identity, it is the marked/ marginalized group that experiences the distinction more intimately and for whom it becomes a more significant element of identity( (Creed and Ching, 1997: 4). This may be why academics (most of whom are urbanites) may not fully understand the strength of identity of rural dwellers. Indeed, rural communities may delight in their representations as rural folk, different from (even more (backward( than) their urban neighbours. Social exclusion may spawn what may be taken as a form of anti-intellectualism, which results in a cultural alienation as well. (Some recent representations of the response of certain rural communities to the new gun registration system borders on a dismissing of rural people as being out of touch, with backward values.) But, as Creed and Ching remind us, (the cultural devaluation of rural people often reflects their economic marginality( (1997: 26).

In terms of access to communication technologies, there is good data on the lower rate of adoption of internet technologies in rural areas (possibly due to a different level of service available in rural areas); this relates to a particular challenge of communication in rural areas. In Canada, this data has resulted in discussion of how uneven access to computer and internet technology has resulted in the rise of the (digital divide( and the (dual digital divide( (Reddick et al., 2000). (The term digital divide can be used to refer to differences in use based on gender, class, region, and other variables.) A lack of access to means of communication which are prevalent in mainstream society will put communities at further disadvantage. The divide discussed by Reddick is one between high-income and low-income groups. Thus, cost was found to be the most important barrier to connectivity (2000: 4). However, their study did find that there was a gap between rural and urban levels of use. In the three months prior to the study (conducted in June 1999), 54% of urbanites had used the internet compared to 41% of rural dwellers. This was a larger gap than was the case with gender (56% of males, 45% of females), but not as large as the gaps related to age, education or income (Reddick et al., 2000: 37). In a report for Statistics Canada, McLaren (2002) noted that rurality was a significant variable in relation to communication services. One of the central questions of the report was why is the use of communication technologies lower in rural areas? The greatest barrier, at least in relation to the internet, was stated by respondents to be access. (This was seen as even more important than cost.)

It is possible for ICTs to assist in bridging the divides within society, but they can also serve to widen the gaps. As Phipps notes:

The increasing trend toward use of electronic communications may exacerbate social exclusion, but in many ways offers opportunities for social inclusion, especially for less mobile groups and for social discussion, exchanging information, for education and training. But this is not an inevitable outcome. Choices around how and where access to ICT is provided, why and for whom, and designed by whom, will govern the extent to which, and the speed with which, ICTs can enable inclusion and social participation. Our society can consciously choose to give this conduit an inclusive role (Phipps, 2000: 40). With planning, and spaces for interaction open to all, ICT can be put to good use. The vision which originally initiated the Community Access Program in Canada reflects this optimistic position. The program was an attempt to address rural disadvantages in access to computer and internet technology, by setting up free access sites across Canada. The success of these sites has been highly variable, depending on local conditions and the willingness of other groups (such as libraries or schools) to partner for some of the operating expenses of the CAP sites. In comparing some of the pioneer projects using ICTs for social inclusion, Shearman identified some common success factors: (a deep involvement with the community, application of ICTs as a means to achieve wider social and economic objectives, developing community confidence, and linking social inclusion to economic regeneration( (cited in Phipps, 2000: 62). This (deep involvement with the community( presupposes a strong communication network.

(That communication processes have been key to development and social change has never been in doubt( (Einsiedel and Innes, 2000: 255). The pertinent question is how will new ICTs be used, either for a democratization of development or for a new information elitism. Spending on ICTs has increased, and donors appear to be interested in investing in ICTs. However, balanced against basic needs, one has to question this donor priority. One has to ask about the mix of public and private sector involvement and interests here, the high costs of connectivity means that access is limited to a privileged sector in developing countries, and there is a lack of training, so the technologies may be rejected even if available (Einsiedel and Innes, 2000: 261-262).

From the 1940s onward, mass media was seen as an important tool for development. This spawned a number of debates about appropriate use and access, including international initiatives such as NWICO (the New World Information and Communication Order), which tried to overcome the disadvantage that isolated and developing regions experienced in relation to mass media. These debates are being replayed in relation to the internet. As Einsiedel and Innes remind us, (we need to remind ourselves that in the end, communications are not just technologies; they are reflections of the values and cultures within which they occur( (2000: 266).

Communication and Social Cohesion in the New Rural Economy In this section we situate the discussion of communication and social cohesion within the context of the new rural economy. We list a number of challenges of this economy, and indicate how communication is related to either the continuation or amelioration of these challenges. We draw on data from our field sites to help illustrate this discussion. The challenges we mention are referred to elsewhere in this book, but we are specifically considering issues which have ramifications for communication. 1) A shift from a labour-intensive resource extraction focus to a more diverse economic base (or at least a more capital-intensive and machinery-intensive focus). In a farming economy, this means fewer people on the land; in logging, fewer people in the woods; in fishing, fewer people on the water. The round of daily labour in a traditional resource-dependent community used to allow for a great deal of interpersonal interaction. There was a sense of a common round of seasons, as most people engaged in the same pursuits at the same time, all pursuing a similar shared resource. The new economy, with fewer resource extraction jobs and more service delivery, also involves a different form and pace to the work day, making rich interpersonal communication less possible. These shifts mean that the interpersonal and face-to-face interaction which was possible in the old economy is no longer present to the same extent. These changes (and the general struggle for the few jobs available) can tax the social cohesion of a community.

Indeed, the external links which have been created as a result of the breakup of small resource-based communities means that more of their communication is focussed on outside sources or targets. And if people do not find a commonality within their own geographic community, there may be more of a tendency to seek (communities of interest( outside their region (such as on the internet).

Also, communities are under pressure to market themselves widely, in order to attract potential investors. There is a need to communicate with potential employers, as well as with government policy makers and regulators (as communities seek out potential partnerships, funding opportunities and government initiatives). One of the results of this is a rise in the number of community websites. Websites for NRE field sites such as Tweed or Cap-a-l'Aigle are tourist-oriented. The site for the latter mentions the communitys need to offer a high quality tourism product to entice potential visitors." Some websites, such as the one for Twillingate, offer an educational purpose for inhabitants as well, with town information, listings of local businesses, genealogy assistance. Others have a clear purpose in attracting investors, such as the websites for Winterton and Tumbler Ridge, which both include business and real estate information. Sometimes new inhabitants are being courted, as in the case of Spalding which refers to the community as "an excellent place to live and raise a family or to retire in. The website for Mackenzie includes a guestbook which contains a feedback section for comments, suggestions, praise and complaints. This could be used by community members to communicate with their municipal officials. Some sites are designed for multiple audiences, such as the Benito site which includes easily-navigable information for tourists, researchers, potential inhabitants and others.

2) The outmigration of the young. This is identified in all of our field sites as a concern, as it removes part of a cohort generation from the community. It is also taken as an indicator of the declining status of a community, as the loss of a youth cohort is a reminder of a tenuous future. This outmigration then leads to a further outward-focus on the part of those who remain, as they are interested in their children and grandchildren elsewhere, and might spend their free time and holidays visiting them. This need for continued interaction does increase the demand for communication technologies which would facilitate keeping in touch with people who are gone. Thus, outmigration may have a benefit in that it increases external links. In a couple of Newfoundland communities, there have been attempts to use internet bulletin boards as a way of keeping the outmigrants in touch with their home community. Messages are sent to a bulletin board, and it keeps both residents and non-residents informed of events in the community. This allows those who have left a community to maintain some emotional investment in their home community (and possibly provide some benefits in addition). According to Putnam (1995), one of the features of the New Economy is a social fragmentation, which is referred to as (social decapitalization.( 3) Globalization. This is an oft-used word with a variety of meanings, some of them relating to economic effects and some to social/cultural effects. One of the fears regarding globalization (especially with respect to culture and communication) is that it has homogenizing effects on identity at the local level. However, it is also possible that globalization will stimulate expressions of cultural identity, if only in reaction to the forces of homogenization. In economic development literature, it is sometimes posited that globalization (accompanied by technology transfer) will mean that (end of place( is upon us, and that location and geography are increasingly irrelevant. It is believed that a company can set up almost anywhere, as long as the infrastructure for ICTs is available. In this model, the differences between rural and urban are seen to be either eroding or insignificant. If this were true, then the special pride-in-place that is seen in rural community communications would be obsolete and incomprehensible. However, this argument about the (end of place( is unconvincing. For one thing, few corporations are moving to isolated rural regions, if they do not already have interests in that location. Companies may leave dense urban regions, but they still seek to be relatively close to suppliers and markets. Furthermore, despite years of a trend toward globalization, it is important to understand the essentially cultural difference between rural experience and urban experience. As Creed and Ching wrote: (Given the pervasiveness of the rural/urban opposition and its related significance in the construction of identity, it is remarkable that the explosion of scholarly interest in identity politics has generally failed to address the rural/urban axis( (1997: 3). In a globalized world, there is a danger that rural values and rural places become devalued and marginalized. The rural may be seen as the site of raw materials and resources, but not as an engine of growth or a site of new economic ideas. When urban dwellers attempt to speak for rural areas, there are some obvious liberties being taken. As a result of these biases, part of the important development work of rural communities is to re-value their own location and way of life, essentially to foster a pride in their own culture. This work is made easier when a community has access to (and some control over) communication technologies which reach throughout their community. 4) A trend toward the privatization of leisure. This has been identified as a central cultural theme within modern America (Putnam, 1995). There are numerous contributing factors related to this trend, including the focus in the New Economy on individual self-interest rather than communal or public good interests. Emerging forms of communication have also clearly exacerbated this trend away from communal leisure activities. Radio and then television (and now home computers and the internet) were all forms of media which drew people into their homes and out of the social clubs and church halls. In a groundbreaking study on the effects of the introduction of television to isolated rural communities which had previously been without television, MacBeth found that participation in community activities declined after television came to town. This effect was particularly strong for people 56 and over (2001: 202).

In terms of our own study sites, we have evidence that some community activities still draw many participants. Leisure activities may be more limited in rural regions, making communal events such as fundraisers, local sporting tournaments and school concerts more appealing to rural audiences. But as satellite and cable penetration continues to grow in rural areas, it is not clear how long traditional communal leisure activities will continue. The decline of public leisure (and the opportunities such events provide for communication and cohesion) may have a rather long trajectory in rural regions, but it nevertheless is continuing. For example, in several sites the weekly bingo has (some time ago) moved from a community hall to the local cable television channel. While the bingo is still being played, it is done in the context of the private dwelling, not a public space.

5) Loss of Rural Identity. We have already alluded to the issue of rural identity in a number of places above, assuming that it is important for people to know who they are. Communication is related to identity, as people can get a sense of who they are from the media content. We would also assert that a community with a high level of social cohesion is one which also has a strong sense of shared identity. Of course, within the New Economy (which prizes innovation and flexibility), a strong sense of identity can work against economic development. For example, in a community with a strong identity as a fishing community, it is difficult for the residents to think of other economic options for their idle fish plant. While such a facility could be used for light manufacturing, there may be resistance to altering the plant for a non-fishing use. Such a change would symbolize a change in the core identity of the community. Changes in ways of living (and ways of making a living) prompt changes in identity. We have been interested in the self-perceptions of communities. When we speak of the individual development of identity, we are assuming that it is an interactive process of differentiating oneself from one's parents, family, kin and peers, and beginning to take a unique role in one's society. For a community, this same process of differentiation may be operating. Thus, by asking people about the identity of their own community, we also get answers related to how they are different from other communities.

Of course, if we wish to exploit the individual analogy further, we might argue that some communities are undergoing identity crises, maybe similar to those which adolescents in our culture experience. Or that some communities are so battered by social and economic crises that they are taking an "identity moratorium" (an anthropological term referring to a kind of "time out" from the pressures of developing and maintaining one's identity).

One way for a community to reaffirm its identity is to hold a festival. These events are often related to a product or activity which is traditionally a part of the communitys identity. For example, Twillingate (Newfoundland) has an annual Fish, Food and Fun Festival, which celebrates the communitys fishing heritage (whether or not the fish plant is actually operating). Likewise, Springhill (Nova Scotia) holds an Irish Festival and Cap-a-lAigle (Quebec) honours a local flora during a Lilac Festival. The launching of these festivals requires a great deal of effort, but they can also serve to increase the social cohesion in a community. An awareness of a communitys cultural identity includes a celebration of traditional skills, crafts, tools and ways of life; a celebration which is sometimes exhibited at community festivals. These reaffirm a shared connection to a shared cultural past, but also a shared economic past as well. In the case of a lumbering community, for example, an annual Lumberjack Days is not only a time to eat heartily and watch local folks try their hand at a bucksaw, but also a time to celebrate the economic roots of the community.

There is a relationship between communication and the construction and maintenance of a community(s identity. (Communities are able to sustain themselves over generations on the basis of a common identity, purpose, and culture that binds people together. A community identity is shaped by its local traditions, the way people express themselves in art, a geographical landscape, shared experiences of the past, and people's dreams and hopes for a future.... Culture is the spirit and binding force that keeps communities alive even in the face of economic hardship and disaster( (Nozick, 1994: 87). While it may be clear that culture allows some communities a measure of pride in spite of economic hardship, it may not be as evident that culture and identity can spur a community toward further economic development.

According to Hoff, one of the keys to sustainable development is (restoring and enhancing local culture( (1998: 233). In terms of a community working on being environmentally sustainable, this might include attempts to (recover and preserve the traditional subsistence skills of their environmental heritage but also to retain community understanding of how the cultural practices related to use of environmental resources (e.g., for gift-giving and celebrations) are significant in sustaining human relationships and community solidarity( (Hoff, 1998: 233). In other words, the community needs to recover the ecological understandings of past cultural practices. The NRE team assumed that one of the rural practices (which related to subsistence needs, culture and identity) was the sharing of food and firewood. Thus, in summer 2001, we asked people in the NRE field sites whether they gathered (or grew) some of their own food, whether they shared this with family and friends and whether they received such items from others. The data showed that these patterns of reciprocal arrangements were alive and well in many of the rural sites. In looking at rural communities across Canada, we could ask how do communities find noneconomic grounds for commitment? There needs to be some reason, some source of value, in order to struggle to maintain one(s community in the face of global economic forces, which is why cultural factors have not been discounted in our case studies (Ramsay, 1996: 24). One of the authors has been involved in a number of community communications events in Newfoundland, some of which were organized by a grassroots educational organization called Sharing Our Future. In organizing the Sharing Our Future events, one element which we insist on is some form of cultural celebration. This can include music, stories, pictures of the community, drama, anything which reflects on the values and way of life of the local people. The argument is that people will only protect that which they consider to be of value to their lives. As viewers are reminded of their own unique culture, they may be more likely to feel a pride in place and a pride in their neighbours, and will work with more diligence on development projects. This is not a naive attempt to return to some past way of life which has been romanticized out of recognition. Rather, pride-in-place may lead to confidence which in turn supports the ability to take risks together, as a community, or what O(Neill refers to as (collective entrepreneurship( (1994: 60).

Thus, communications contributes to the local economy, broadly speaking, through its accumulation of cultural capital. People need to have an identity, to know where they came from, to understand how their current lives fit with some larger pattern or history or tradition. The anthropological literature is full of depressing examples of people who lost their culture, or had it torn from them. Many social problems, including economic disruption, linger in the wake of such an event.

6) A restructuring of local governance. In the New Economy, there has been a drive toward amalgamation of communities (prompted by a belief that such activity would result in cost efficiencies), as well as a shift in the responsibilities of different levels of governance. There has been a downloading of costs and responsibilities to communities, sometimes without equipping them with the power to make the decisions necessary. True power remains centralized, but responsibility is shared around. Communities are invited to participate in their governance, to become empowered, and yet these responsibilities may add a further strain on the community. For example, one Newfoundland community organized itself and bought the local fish plant from an operator who was pulling out. This was seen as a positive move by many government and industry players. However, the community was unable to secure any quota to actually process fish at the plant. While the government supported the empowerment of the community to a certain extent, it was not willing to alter any policies to allow that empowerment to take root. In discussing the realities of these shifts in responsibility, Herbert-Cheshire noted "while the empowering effects of self-help are frequently cited as its greatest virtue, it is not so much control as the added burden of responsibility that is being devolved to local people" (2000: 203). Good communication processes are required to meet these governance challenges. Local leaders may not be aware of the feeling of citizens on key matters. When we presented some of the data from the summer 2001 survey in the field sites, local councillors were pleasantly surprised by the high evaluations which municipal services received on the survey. When local councils have increased responsibility, their need to communicate with the citizens is also increased. This communication needs to be as inclusive and participatory as possible. Flora and Luther, in a discussion of community capacity, argue that the core issue in capacity is the ability of people to take collective action. In order to increase capacity, they suggest eight activities which might assist. These include (expanding diverse inclusive citizen participation( (2000: 2). But this needs to be a diverse base of citizens. (Flora and Luther also note the importance of a newspaper as a community institution to catalyze collective action.) Fairchild (1998) argues, in relation to community radio and aboriginal cultural identity, that it is crucial that the communication medium elicits the input of a wide variety of positions, rather than being associated with one specific interest group within the community. Community television should not put the same talking heads on people(s screens that they would see at a town council meeting. Community broadcasting is not just (televising( events; it should use the medium to develop new events and interactions which would not otherwise occur.

Communications: Implications for Rural Policy In this section, we put forward four general recommendations related to communication, which may be applied in local communities. We could ask questions such as, (what are the implications of these communication challenges for rural capacity?,( and how will communication initiatives increase a communitys ability to use resources to produce valued outcomes?( If, by definition, communication patterns and technologies are a constituent element of capacity, then there is a direct relationship between increased or decreased communication and capacity. But things are probably more nuanced than this. Increased external communication links (e.g., high speed internet) may increase capacity. However, the actual usages of the internet capacity may not be what were originally expected. The summer 2001 survey indicates that those who use the internet seek a variety of gratifications from the technology. If they primarily use high-speed internet connections to keep in touch with relatives who have moved away, can we still argue that this communication technology has increased the capacity of that region? Those reservations aside, here are four policy recommendations. 1) If there are plans to govern through the internet, then first there needs to be consistent and democratic access to the internet and resources put toward training. We are not talking of a computer in every home (reminiscent of the old political promise of a chicken in every pot). Rather, there should be reasonable access within communities and schools, which means that computers should be available throughout the day and evening. Furthermore (and this is a gap in many rural communities), resources must be provided to offer computer training, especially to adults. The ideological labour of the computer revolution has already been done; people widely accept the argument that they need to have computer skills. Now is the time to facilitate that learning. One rural school in Newfoundland is trying an innovative project to work at this issue. Selected high school students will identify adults within the community who want to learn about computers, and the students will develop a project to work with the adults. The student-teachers will explain the process from turning on a computer to on-line application for a moose license. In the process, the capacity of the community is increased and the students gain valuable experience in how to teach. There is no doubt that the Community Access Program has gone some way in accomplishing this policy recommendation. But it is time to move it forward to the next step, beyond bare-bones capital expenditure. Gurstein identified a number of potential activities for community access programs, including the (delivery of government information and services( and (training and educational opportunities( (1999: 72). This would include a network of Distance Education possibilities and (just-in-time( training as new opportunities arise (without falling back on the practice of bringing in specialized technology workers from outside the region for short-term training). This human capital infrastructure would be a way to provide skills training to rural folks. Furthermore, employment programs from HRDC should focus more on setting up skills training positions for their short-term employment options. Currently, in some rural communities, the only temporary HRDC employment available to young people involve jobs such as cutting brush at the roadside or building walking trails. While these jobs have their value as well, it is no wonder why young graduates would leave rural communities, given those options. Beyond access and training, there needs to be a consistent and effective program, on the part of the governments who wish to expand their use of the internet, to communication effectively about the services they offer on the internet. To put up a web page and invite people to surf will only attract those who surf. For a government department or regional economic development body to put some information on a web site does not constitute (participatory communication( or (consultation.( Web sites are not communication in and of themselves. They are like pamphlets sitting on a shelf in a grocery store. You have to know that they are there, and where you can find them, before you can make use of them. Thus, the expanded use of the web in government-citizen interaction is a long-term process, and one which is started within some departments. The world wide web is a library, not a communication device.

2) There is a need to overcome the problem of (social exclusion( and marginalization. Exclusion can be either internal (in terms of power blocs within a community, and individuals who are reticent to relinquish power) or external (in terms of marginalization from mainstream urban society). If there are internal power struggles, then there need to be ways of at least keeping the river of communications flowing around those logjams. This could take the form of support for on-line and desktop publishing ventures, possibly run out of local CAP centres or schools, using students and volunteers as workers. Or, for a more complex development, the institution of a community radio station (which can begin broadcasting for up to three hours a day with a test license while it applies for the formal community radio license). Even an e-mail list or a web board for discussion of local issues can spur communication that cannot be totally controlled by local or regional elites. Some of these same communication strategies can work against external sources of exclusion as well. Information and Communication Technologies are not the cause of this exclusion, although (lack of access to the means of communication, increasingly used by the rest of society, has the potential to worsen the relative position of excluded individuals and groups( (Phipps, 2000: 40). The hope is that ICTs are used to create open networks which allow local individuals and groups to interact with those outside the community.

These policy directions are attempts to level the playing field for rural areas, to assist these marginal areas to compete more effectively in the marketplace. For example, the government initiatives for rural broadband access are designed to overcome inequities in access to the internet. However, such a pro-active stance is also needed from the CRTC (to assist community radio licenses in rural areas) and Heritage Canada (regarding support for community newspapers). A pro-active stance could include tax incentives for rural communication vehicles. It is accepted that certain services, such as transportation, may need a differential subsidy in rural areas. The same may be true for communication services. Indeed, these initiatives follow the precedent of policies such as Bill C-58, which uses tax law regarding advertising as a way to promote Canadian magazines. In this case, the goal was to make it possible for Canadian magazines to compete with American imports. A similar policy direction could be used to make it possible for rural media to compete with urban imports. 3) Work on ways to build and strengthen networks. These networks might be among communities, between communities and government or industry or educational providers, or between expatriates and residents. This latter type of network has been used in a couple of Newfoundland communities. For example, a group may set up a mailing list for expatriates of a community, or it may webcast local events and then archive the webcasts, making them available at any time, at any place, to anyone with an internet connection. In a small way, this is an attempt to not only provide local information to expatriates, but also to keep them involved in Newfoundland issues and even learn from their experiences. By keeping expatriates involved and concerned about life at home, it may not stem the outmigration that has already occurred, but at least it will moderate the effects.

There is a need to build networks locally as well. There is the question of (who do we build the network with?( In some communities, the church is still an active player and groups within a church will be active in a communications event. Indeed, sometimes religious institutions (play a crucial role in retarding or promoting social change( (Hoff, 1998: 237). Jean (1997) recognizes the traditional role of the church in Quebec rural society. It was focussed not only on matters of theology, but also on ensuring the material survival of those within its parishes. It helped to support (and sometimes to quell) social innovations. Secularization has meant a withdrawal of the church from rural areas, including a loss of their advocacy role.

A second institution, and maybe a more natural fit in these days, is the local school. A school can be the central community resource in a rural area and, in our experience, it provides a willing group of student volunteers who are interested in participating in communications events. "In many rural communities, schools have become vehicles for educating people to leave, fulfilling the prophecy that these places are doomed to poverty, decline, and despair" (Haas and Nachtigal, 1998: 5). In the Newfoundland context, Brown states that education has not stemmed the tide of outmigration: (Rather, the evidence is quite the opposite, with education providing the need or the means to leave rather than the encouragement to stay( (Brown, 2000: 80). Nevertheless, rural schools are vital to rural communities; their futures are bound up together (Haas and Nachtigal, 1998). Another partner for communications ventures is the local library, which can act as a community-based centre for participation and discussion, and a catalyst for the community in the development of new networks (Abbott and Pellerin, 2000). Libraries are not only a resource to community development workers, but also to businesses (Amirault, 1999; Bleiweis, 1997). If information is power, then librarians should be seen as a community(s CEOs. In terms of specific policy directions, funding programs could be designed which promote inter-institutional networking. For example, a school might be able to partner with a municipal recreation committee to purchase recreational equipment which would then be available to anyone in the community (an example from rural Newfoundland). Or funding could go to municipalities which were willing to set up regional communications networks in order to enhance cooperation. These projects would be enticements to bring community groups together, to set into place a network of interdependence which would outlast any specific project. 4) Transfer communication skills and technologies from one community to another (with peer learning as well as outside assistance). This policy direction would assume that the resultant communication would be more participatory than what had been occurring within the community. As Servaes points out, one meaning of participatory communication comes from the work of Paulo Freire and the concept of (dialogical communication.( The second, and the one which relates to media, is from the UNESCO work from the 1970s onward (the NWICO stuff), which has three main principles: access, participation and self-management (Servaes, 1996: 18). Many rural communities in Canada do have access to media, fewer enjoy any significant form of public involvement in their communication systems, and only a handful are able to manage the mass communication mediums which they receive. The work of outside organizations is to help move communities along from access to self-management.

One general observation that arises out of our content analysis of community newspapers is the lack of serious consideration of the role of community media in some of the mainstream community economic development literature. While we often hear the litany that information is power, and that we live in an information economy, one of the potential sites for the exchange of information is sometimes simply an afterthought in studies. Setting up a local newspaper would be a valid development project in itself for a community. It can create jobs, and is more likely to be self-sustaining than internet access sites. But more importantly, community newspapers create a space for local discussion.

Conclusion Throughout this chapter, we have argued that communication is a multi-faceted aspect of community life. It can act as a glue to bind people together, as oil to lubricate social and economic relations, and as a web to mark lines of influence and interaction. Effective communication can be seen as a cause of social cohesion, inasmuch as it can build a stock of common experience and common purpose. However, the kind of communication tools which are used may affect the kind of community which can be built, and the potential for social cohesion. Communities should look at their own needs, as different types of rural communities may experience different communication challenges. Some tools will assist in developing bridging links with other communities and regions. A community which is already internally cohesive may require communications to reach out to other areas. Other communities will need to work on internal communications, to build community consensus.

In any case, communication is one way for rural communities to begin to meet the challenges of our age. It is a social resource to be put to use for the good of the community.

This is assuming that the community does have resources to use, and that there is some kind of consensus on who gets to define what the (valued outcomes( are. In a mixed rural economy, an eco-tourism business may want to have no cutting of timber whereas a sawmill might want the cutting of some lumber and a pulp mill might call for clear-cutting of selected areas. All three entities have a (valued outcome( in mind. If the pulp mill wins out in the end, is that really an example of (capacity?( Whose capacity? In the least, we can see how capacity is not necessarily directly linked to social cohesion.

(3(